Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Pragmatic particles'
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Huang, Mei-Chu S. "Utterance particles in Taiwanese conversation and their pragmatic functions." Virtual Press, 2002. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1242144.
Full textDepartment of English
Chor, Oi-wan Winnie, and 左靄雲. "A semantic and pragmatic analysis of verbal particles in Cantonese." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2004. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B2914744X.
Full textFung, Roxana Suk-Yee. "Final particles in standard Cantonese : semantic extension and pragmatic inference /." The Ohio State University, 2000. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1488195154360318.
Full textYilmaz, Erkan. "A Pragmatic Analysis Of Turkish Discourse Particles: Yani, Iste And Sey." Phd thesis, METU, 2004. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12604853/index.pdf.
Full textself-editing&rsquo
whereby the speaker marks the clarification of a point in his/her prior talk. iSte mainly acts as a frame particle demarcating utterances as containing detailed, highlighted, and reported information as well as connecting distant pieces of utterances. The third particle Sey basically marks the speaker&rsquo
s temporary mental effort of extracting the linguistic information from the memory. In addition to its major role in repair organisation whereby marking its producer&rsquo
s verbal planning and word search, Sey displays caution and discretion and marks politeness when assessing/asserting something about the self or the other.
Taira, Masako. "A pragmatic analysis of Japanese sentence-final particles : a translational approach." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.265958.
Full textConnors, Marianne Dorothy. "The pragmatic particles 'enfin' and 'écoute' in French film and TV dialogue." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/27764.
Full textHan, Yang. "A pragmatic study of some sentence-final and post-verbal particles in Mandarin Chinese." Thesis, University of York, 1988. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/4278/.
Full textSaigo, Hideki. "The pragmatic properties and sequential functions of the Japanese sentence-final particles ne, yo and yone." Thesis, Durham University, 2006. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/2899/.
Full textEstling, Hellberg Sanna. "Translating pragmatic markers : or whatever you want to call them." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för språk (SPR), 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-26149.
Full textBeeching, Kate. "The speech of men and women in contemporary French : the function of parenthetical remarks and the pragmatic particles c'est-à-dire, enfin, hein and quoi." Paris 10, 2001. http://www.theses.fr/2001PA100024.
Full textThis thesis sets out to test Lakoff's (1975) hypothesis that women's speech is more polite or tentative than men's through a detailed analysis of the usage, in a sample of contemporary spoken French, of parenthetical remarks (PRs) and the pragmatic particles (PPs) c'est-à-dire, enfin, hein and quoi. PRs and PPs serve both the repair requirements and the social interactional 'face-work' which are characteristic of spontaneous speech. Qualitative and quantitative investigations were conducted on the seventeen-hour corpus of orthographically-transcribed spontaneous speech. The aim of the qualitative analysis was to evaluate the contextual factors which may motivate the use of PRs and PPs. The quantitative analysis, by contrast, set out to measure the distributional frequencies of their usage according to the sex, age and educational background of the speakers. Whilst the detailed exploration of contingent factors such as the social roles adopted by the speakers demonstrates the value of a qualitative account, the fact that it is possible to make generalisable or falsifiable pronouncements on the basis of results found to be statistically significant in the data legitimises the adoption of a quantitative account. Both qualitative and quantitative analyses presume a prior sub-categorisation of the pragmatic usages of the linguistic item under investigation. The thesis arrives at the conclusion that, if men's and women's usage of PRs and PPs differs in the corpus, the asymmetry lies not in the degree of tentativeness displayed but rather in the use made of such expressions to introduce explanatory ramification and to mediate repair, both of which are favoured to a greater extent by the male speakers in our corpus. If the female speakers display greater politeness, it lies in their more adroit usage of the PPs to structure discourse and to maintain contact with their interlocutor
Beeching, Kate. "The speech of men and women in contemporary French : the function of parenthetical remarks and the pragmatic particles c'est-a-dire, enfin, hein and quoi." Thesis, University of Surrey, 2001. http://epubs.surrey.ac.uk/842827/.
Full textKarlsson, Johanna. "An attempt to get access to a speaker’s mind : The expectation marker actually in spoken conversation." Thesis, Högskolan i Halmstad, Akademin för lärande, humaniora och samhälle, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hh:diva-27633.
Full textLee, Ok Joo. "The pragmatics and intonation of ma-particle questions in Mandarin." The Ohio State University, 2000. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1283176733.
Full textTran, Hau. "Syntax and pragmatics : the Japanese particles ga and wa, and their relationship." Thesis, University of Ulster, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.241683.
Full textLopez, David. "Processing of the English Verb Particle Construction in Persons with Aphasia." FIU Digital Commons, 2017. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/3356.
Full textSeeliger, Heiko. "Swedish and German Rejecting Questions." Doctoral thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.18452/19686.
Full textThis thesis investigates a class of biased questions that exists at least in Swedish and German: rejecting questions (RQs). RQs differ from other questions with declarative syntax i.a. in that the contextual evidence that licenses such questions is of the opposite polarity relative to the polarity of the question itself - positive RQs require evidence for a negated proposition; positive declarative questions require evidence for a positive proposition. The results of three experiments show that i) Swedish negative RQs differ in their licensing conditions from negative declarative questions, ii) Swedish negative RQs differ in their intonation from rejections, iii) Swedish and German RQs tend to be less marked if they contain negation. The third experiment also contributes to the analysis of the meaning of the Swedish modal particle väl. I argue that RQs express speaker-indexed preferences for embedded speech acts. In the unmarked case, this embedded speech act differs between negative RQs, which are usually hypothetical rejections, and positive RQs, which are always hypothetical assertions. By way of this asymmetry, I explain the peculiarities in the licensing conditions of RQs that can be shown to exist both in Swedish and German.
Moreno, Nilo Juan Luis. "Expression de l’affectivité dans l’espagnol du Chili : étude linguistique de quatre phénomènes prégnants." Thesis, Clermont-Ferrand 2, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015CLF20002/document.
Full textThis thesis fits into the general framework of descriptive linguistics. The thesis focuses on the colloquial Spanish used in Chile, through the affects expressed by the Chilean speakers.Our hypothesis is that Chilean Spanish is defined on the basis of affects, and linguistically, the expression of these affects is observed in various phenomena, from a simple morpheme to a complex phrase structure.In order to consider the linguistic expression of affects from a broader perspective, this research aims to study four clearly differentiated phenomena: the –it suffix as it is used within the Chilean linguistic community, the oriented paronomasia, phraseological deautomatization of verbal and adverbial phrases, and the illocutionary particle poh.Our methodology involves the removal of a number of consistent examples to illustrate the phenomena chosen from 103 copies of the Chilean newspaper La Cuarta (examples collected between 2010 and 2011). Similarly, we have extracted a selection of examples of recordings of conversations conducted with 58 Chilean speakers.The four linguistic phenomena focused upon have been studied from the concept of affectivity proposed by Bally (1965 [1913]), who distinguishes the principles of intensity and value (1951 [1909]).The study of the affectivity of the –it suffix in the Chilean context, has revealed that the affectivity is a property that operates in two dimensions. It is, firstly, intrinsic to a linguistic sign - lexical base, –it suffix and other convergent linguistic elements in the speech - and on the other hand, extrinsic, as it refers to cultural or ideological elements. In other words, everything that is extralinguistic. With respect to the "oriented paronomasia" (a term we put forward), we found that affectivity is the main feature of this type of paronomasia and that their use is essentially based on the form of the joke, this is due to the common characteristics that we found: the recreational function, the comic intent and surprise.The oriented paronomasia, which participates in the phonetic, morphological, lexical and semantic levels, constitutes for us a linguistic derivative transaction in which two simple or complex lexemes that are replaced by one another inside a sentence, share phonetic properties, even though the semantic content of these diverges.Concerning the deautomatization of verbal and adverbial phrases, it is revealed that the manipulation phraseology is a natural linguistic activity that appeals to the constant figurative relationship between the words, allowing one to create other ways in which to express and update the use of terms already in existence.The evolution of fixed phrases undergoes a process of transformation desired by speakers to the detriment of given phraseological or syntactic rules. However, the interest of neological creation intervenes when the speaker is able to create and recreate new linguistic structures.Regarding the illocutory particle poh, it is a linguistic particle, primarily oral, that derives from the connector 'pues' (Oroz, 1966), whose original form has been absorbed by phonetic attrition. We have managed to demonstrate that poh helps the progression of communication, favouring the coherence and cohesion between the statement and the text. Also, through the use of poh, a consensual agreement is established between the speakers and, from this agreement, arise pragmatic-affective functions
Souza, Marilyn Landim de. "Funções comunicativas de partículas modais alemãs em fóruns de discussão na internet." Universidade de São Paulo, 2008. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8144/tde-08012009-162654/.
Full textDiscussion forums in the Internet present characteristics from spoken language, among those marks is a high frequency of modal particles (Modalpartikeln). Modal particles have several complex functions that only can be analyzed from a pragmatic or conversational point of view. In this dissertation, communicative and conversational functions of modal particles are analyzed in eight interactions in discussion forums about politics, economics and environment. The 26 modal particles present in the corpus and their communicative functions were identified, described and analyzed according to HELBIGs classification (1990), the most frequent being ja1 (18%), also (11%) e eben (6%), which together account for 35% from all events in the corpus. The modal particles were also classified according to their conversational functions. It is proposed that modal particles act in 13 specific procedures, named here conversational actions, intermediate levels between the characteristic communicative functions of each modal particles and the conversational functions proposed by Helbig (1990). Five conversational functions were identified in the corpus: attitude indicator; illocution indicator or modifier; discourse articulator, interactional strategist, discourse connector. Only the situational qualifier function was not present in the corpus, probably because the communicative situation is already clearly defined. The most frequent conversational function was the discourse articulator (35,05%), followed by the attitude indicator (22,68%), the discourse connector (22,16%), the interactional strategy marker (12,89%) and the illocution indicator or modifier (7,22%). The results show that modal particles play a important role organizing and maintaining the discourse, not only to express the speaker attitude (as commonly found in the literature), but also to reach argumentative aims and to maintain and to manage the interaction.
Pozzebon, Edna Alves dos Santos. "Partículas modais da língua alemã em materiais didáticos para aprendizes iniciantes." Universidade de São Paulo, 2017. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8144/tde-26062017-084505/.
Full textIn order to investigate the modal particles of the German language presented in teaching materials of German as a foreign language for beginners, we conducted an empirical research on the series Deutsch als Fremdsprache IA, Stufen international and Studio D, in order to verify which particles are presented and which communicative functions (based on Helbig 1990) they exert on the interactions represented in the materials in question. The occurrences were also analyzed in relation to the types of focus proposed by Long (1989; 1991), as well as the types of proposed activities and / or exercises in which such particles are inserted. In the corpus, 17 modal particles or sets of particles were identified, with a total of 617 occurrences. The five particles with highest occurrence are: denn (32%), doch (19%), mal (15%), ja (10%) and eigentlich (7%). From the analysis of the communicative situations presented in the corpus materials, we developed a set of 31 functions, in which those expressed by denn, doch, mal and ja stand out, evidencing their importance from the first steps in the language. In the analyzed materials, the modal particles are mainly used to express courtesy and attenuation, to assert the will of the speaker in relation to his interlocutor, or even to direct the interlocutor to the consensus desired by the speaker. Regarding the type of exercises in which the particles are inserted, its totality is of the mechanical / reproductive type in the volumes referring to level A of the CEFR (Common European Framework of Reference for Languages). Thus, it is clear the importance of exposure to the modal particles from the beginning of the learning of German as a foreign language, even though in a non-productive way. The results of the analysis show that both communicative and non-communicative materials approach the theme from the focus on meaning, in which the attention of the learner is shifted to meaning without dwelling on form, excluding formal grammar teaching, which is learned implicitly and incidentally. From this observation, on can infer that the three materials, in principle, recognize that the modal particles are important for authentic communication, but do not necessarily need to be actively approached by the teacher.
Hsieh, Hsin-yun, and 謝昕芸. "The Discourse-Pragmatic Functions of Final Particles in Taiwanese." Thesis, 2001. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/47150477591003107229.
Full text國立臺灣大學
語言學研究所
89
The use of final particles is a pervasive feature in spoken Taiwanese. Particles may have two kinds of functions. They perform grammatical functions, and they are involved with the speakers' affective stance interaction, which is especially important in conversations. These particles allow speakers to express much more than their propositions, and this in turn helps them add extra dimensions to conversation. This thesis investigates the discourse functions of six epistemic-attitudinal particles in Taiwanese conversations - a, la, o, le, ne and ma. The discourse functions of the tonal variants of a, o and le are examined as well. The discourse functions are analyzed from the perspectives of epistemic stance, affect and sequentiality. Some discourse markers with the final particles in question as a constitutive part are also discussed. From the perspective of epistemic belief, a7 can mark an utterance as evidently true, since that is what the speaker believes about the utterance, and by implication the speaker believes or knows that the hearer should know it, too. A1 is just a tonal variant of a7. They both reflect the epistemic belief of the speaker, but with higher tone value, a1 signals iconically stronger attitude. A3 marks that the speaker believes the utterance to be true. Based on the data, we claim that while a7 and a1 are analyzable as tonal variants of each other, a3 is an altogether different particle. It may be plausible to group a3 with another final particle la. La marks that the speaker believes the utterance to be true, but it does not necessarily suggest that the truthfulness of the utterance in any way evident. In terms of epistemic belief, o marks an utterance as true and significant, since that is what the speaker believes, and the speaker believes or knows that the hearer needs to know it. Corpus data show that o7, o5 and o1 are tonal variants of o3. Le marks an utterance as true, and that its truth contradicts a previous assumption or expectation of the hearer or the speaker himself. We take le3 as the basic form and le7 and le1 as tonal variants of le3. Similar to le, the utterance marked with ne may contradict some previous assumption or expectation of the hearer or the speaker himself. However, ne further conveys the speaker's friendly suggestion and thus carries the illocutionary force of reminding and informing. Finally, ma marks the speaker's epistemic belief that the utterance it attaches to is obviously true and that its truth should be known by the hearer, since the speaker assumes that it is clearly part of the common ground. In the sense of semantics, the meaning of the utterance comes from the proposition itself. However, especially in conversations, we usually find that the speaker seems to convey more than that, which indicates the importance of cognitive and interactional perspectives on studies of conversation. While the descriptive meaning is conveyed by the proposition, the social meaning can be conveyed via various linguistic or non-linguistic devises, including particles, discourse markers, intonation, facial expressions, gestures and so forth. An utterance may perform different interpersonal functions under different circumstances. This is also why we consider conversational discourse as dynamic. Speakers interact with each other and develop the conversation dynamically. This thesis demonstrates the realization of propositional, textual and inter-personal/interactional function in conversations via investigating the discourse functions of epistemic-attitudinal final particles in Taiwanese. In Taiwanese conversation, epistemic-attitudinal final particles can explicitly mark the speaker's epistemic belief, attitude and affect. They help the hearer to understand what exactly the speaker means, both semantically and pragmatically. By means of these devises, speakers can effectively convey their epistemic belief within just one word and facilitate the development of conversation.
"A PRAGMATIC ANALYSIS OF TURKISH DISCOURSE PARTICLES: YANÝ, ÝÞTE AND ÞEY." Phd thesis, METU, 2004. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12604853/index.pdf.
Full text楊哲熙. "Sentence-final Particles in Taiwanese Southern Min: Their semantic properties, pragmatic functions and syntactic analysis." Thesis, 2014. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/06532310345091384275.
Full text國立清華大學
語言學研究所
102
The article discusses the three sentence-final particles (SFPs) in Taiwanese Southern Min (TSM): hoonn3/honnh4, lah4, and leh4. The three SFPs have been recognized as discourse particles lacking lexical meaning. In this thesis, the core meaning of SFPs as a source of pragmatic functions and extended discursive uses has been proposed to account for multifunctionality and polysemy in SFPs. The semantic cores of SFP as exemplified by hoonn3/honnh4, lah4, and leh4 have been specified respectively as CONFIRMATION, ASSERTION and ASSUMPTION. Syntacticaly, SFPs have been previously perceived as complementizers occupying the C position. However, with the phenomenon of clustering and co-occurrence, it is argued the split-complimentizer phrase in the left pheriphery can be further fine-grained into illocutionary force phrase (ILLP) and clause-type phrase(CTP) (Coniglio &; Zegrean 2010). Accordingly, we propose a double layered projection in TSM to account for the lower SFP1 and the higher SFP2, where SFP1 display an interaction between illocutionary force and clause type, while SFP2 implies the proposed simultaneous force, an additional projection that demonstrates the speaker-oriented attitude on the discourse level.
I-PEI, WU, and 吳佩怡. "The Utterance-Final Particles of Contemporary Taiwanese Mandarin---From the perspective of Core Meaning and Pragmatic Function." Thesis, 2006. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/93301814405426011737.
Full text國立臺灣師範大學
華語文教學研究所
94
This study investigates the linguistic phenomenon of utterance-final particles (UFPs) in Taiwanese Mandarin from a discourse-pragmatic perspective. To What extent are the UFPs in Mandarin a carry-over of those in Taiwanese? What kind of evidence does Taiwanese Mandarin provide in supporting the claim that some Mandarin UFPs are borrowed from Taiwanese UFPs? The author provides a systematic description to support the claim and hopes that such a description can allow Chinese language teachers to better understand contemporary Taiwanese Mandarin UPFs. This study sifts out five popular UFPs from natural, spoken Taiwanese Mandarin: namely, la, lei, hoNh, haNh, and hioh. Adopting Li‘s (1999) interactive framework of core meaning and pragmatic function, the author carefully examines each of these five UFPs in discourse contexts. It is argued by the author that the addressee can utilize the core meaning and tone quality of these UFPs, in conjunctions with the utterance proposition and the Cooperative Principle, to infer various kind of context-dependent conversational implicature. Finally, using a contrastive analysis of the selected UFPs in Mandarin and Taiwanese Mandarin, the author attempts to unravel some of the possible reasons for the functional shift of Taiwanese Mandarin UFPs.
Hsu, Ching-Wei, and 許靖瑋. "Pragmatic Functions of Mandarin Chinese Utterance-initial Particles: A Case Study of Eh2 and Oh in Social Interactions." Thesis, 2016. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/x79s5z.
Full text國立臺灣大學
語言學研究所
104
Studies on particles and their uses in Mandarin Chinese have been quite robust throughout the past and present. Apart from formal focus, many of these Mandarin Chinese particle studies have treated the various pragmatic functions of particles as linguistic manifestations reflecting speakers’ cognitive status. Among these, the sentence-final particles (so-called SFPs) in Mandarin Chinese especially call for linguists’ attention owing both to their positional predictability and pragmatic varieties. However, rather few studies (Wu, 1997; 2014; Tsai, 2008) take interest in particle use in utterance-initial position in Mandarin Chinese on the contrary. Moreover, such particle use is seldom investigated into in various different speech genres (e.g., talk-in-interaction, TV talk shows, and monologue narratives). In light of the aforementioned, the current thesis aims to excavate how Utterance-initial Particles (hereafter UIPs) manifest themselves in real-world language data and how speakers socially and pragmatically interact with the aid of UIPs in context. The two targeted frequently-adopted UIPs – Eh2 and Oh – are inspected through three different discourse channels – (1) talk-in-interaction manifestations through spoken corpora; (2) transcriptions of TV talk shows; (3) monologue narratives of story-retelling. The uses of UIP in these different speech genres are analyzed based on research methods of discourse analysis and conversation analysis. The general analytic framework is inspired by Fischer (2006a) and its spectrum of models dedicated to the polyfunctionality of discourse particles, and it hinges upon rather monosemous approach to polyfunctionality. The dispersed outcomes of UIP adoption on the surface are looking forward to being confined by the current analytic framework. Instead of claiming polysemy for the diverse pragmatic functions UIPs exhibit, by incorporating the speech genre features and the interactions between speakers and co-participants, we will be able to elicit the core features Mandarin Chinese speakers encode in UIPson the cognitive level. The analyses of the present study firstly present the discourse manifestations of Eh2. On the cognitive level where we can suggest speakers’ different epistemic statuses, Eh2-prefacing foretells discovery, unexpectedness, and wonder in regard to the reaction time. Pragmatically on the discursive level, in conversational discourse these epistemic stages render default pragmatic functions like attention marking, surprise marking, and interrogation initiation. On the other hand, in TV talk shows, there are other pragmatic functions such as self-generate adjacency pair, plot twist setting, and speaker’s turn modulation, and these are merely variants of Eh2-encoded modality and knowledge states. Similarly we also see such functions in Eh2-prefacing in monologue narratives data, and Eh2 can also aid in the speakers’ memory retrieval through self-repair. Notably when there is a negative cue, speaker’s take with respect to the reaction time begets implications of urgency to refute and reproachment respectively. Secondly, the researched counterpart Oh on the cognitive level conveys information recipience and speakers’ reasoning/understanding process in regard to the reaction time. On the discursive level, these epistemic statuses are not just encoded as recipience acknowledgement, but also as emotional states ranging from calmness, indifference, to unfriendliness based on how co-participants interpret it. These core elements of Oh in TV talk shows further provide the speakers with pragmatic tools to coordinate speech sequence and narrative track-keeping. Moreover, in monologue narratives, the feature of reasoning/understanding further suggests narrator’s planned speech signal. Unlike Eh2 in negative contexts, which conveys stronger sense of negation, Oh at this end presents mild or euphemized refutations. The present thesis not only presents an in-depth investigation into UIP use in Mandarin Chinese and the pragmatic functions in social interactions, but also contributes to a systematic presentation of synchronic UIP use on different levels. Delicate and complicated pragmatic functions in various different speech genres can be systematically attributed back to several invariant core cognitive statuses each UIP idiosyncratically conveys. The current thesis also opens new directions for the future particle studies so as to the complexity of linguistic intercourses and human cognition.
Vyatkina, Nina A. "Development of second language pragmatic competence the data-driven teaching of German modal particles based on a learner corpus /." 2007. http://www.etda.libraries.psu.edu/theses/approved/WorldWideIndex/ETD-1928/index.html.
Full textKuthanová, Magdalena. "Funkce "comment clause" "you know" v literatuře a televiziním sitcomu Přátelé, a její překladové ekvivalenty." Master's thesis, 2014. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-340871.
Full textPo-Yee, Lee, and 李柏毅. "Utterance Final Particle A in Mandarin--- A Pragmatic Perspective." Thesis, 2004. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/76783048599392742740.
Full text國立清華大學
語言學研究所
92
Abstract Utterance Final Particles have long been a topic for research. In this thesis, UFP a will be investigated by adopting the concept of speakers’ presuppositions in conversation. In addition, UFP a will be divided into two variants, namely, the high pitch (a1) and the low pitch (a2). There are two major differences between these two variants. For one thing, a1 mostly appears in the second part of one turn and is used by the second speaker in response to the first speaker’s knowledge state. For another thing, a2 is often placed in the first part of one turn and used by the first speaker to express the conflict between the existing events and his/her own knowledge state. During the research on the relation between UFP a and speakers’ knowledge state, it is found that speakers use UFP a not only to challenge the knowledge state behind assertions, but also to point out the gap between speakers’ knowledge states expressed implicitly in non-assertion utterances. By indicating such a gap, speakers can accomplish certain speech acts, such as challenge, warning, and so on. To sum up, the use of UFP a can help participants save time from pointing out explicitly the gap between their own knowledge states and the ones of the other side.
Wang, Chiawei, and 王嘉偉. "A Pragmatic Study of Utterance Final Particle BA in Taiwan Mandarin." Thesis, 2013. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/18391944635798535333.
Full text輔仁大學
跨文化研究所語言學碩士班
101
An utterance final particle (UFP) is formed to correlate information from the speaker’s knowledge state with an utterance to another interlocutor. Since UFP ba is one of the most frequently used UFPs in daily conversation and the issue of the different pitch heights of UFP ba has long been neglected, the central aim of this thesis is to analyse UFP ba and to render a detailed account of its core meaning and discourse functions in a wide variety of contexts with a systematic approach from a pragmatic perspective. We identify the core meaning of UFP ba as probability to facilitate the explanation of its property in various contexts. The occurrence of UFP ba in the study is to be divided into ba1 and ba2 in accordance with its high and low pitch, respectively. Based on the concept of participant orientation from Li (1999), the discourse function for ba1 is addressee-oriented; for ba2 is speaker-oriented. The occurrence of ba1 and ba2 vary in certain contexts, associating the speaker’s knowledge state with its core meaning of probability and pitch height simultaneously.
Davis, Christopher M. "Constraining Interpretation: Sentence Final Particles in Japanese." 2011. https://scholarworks.umass.edu/open_access_dissertations/397.
Full textRybová, Martina. "Verbální epistemické parenteze v němčině a češtině." Master's thesis, 2018. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-390077.
Full textYoko, Yasuda, and 安田陽子. "The Semantic, Pragmatic and Discourse Functions of the "ma-particle question" and "A-not-A question" and Its Counterparts in Japanese." Thesis, 2011. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/05881332334377876990.
Full text國立臺灣師範大學
華語文教學研究所
99
This study focuses on the difference of the two types of yes-no question forms in Chinese, including semantic, pragmatic and discourse functions and its counterparts in Japanese. The approach in this study is twofold; one is Presupposition, the other is Politeness. .According to Brown and Levinson (1987) Politeness is based on the measures of weightiness of a face-threatening act (FTA) which includes three factors: “the social distance of speaker and addressee”, “the relative power of speaker and addressee” and “the absolute ranking of impositions in the particular culture proposed”. The findings of present research show that “ma-particle question” and“A-not-A question” are used in both situations where the speaker does and does not have a presupposition. “A-not-A question”, however, is more used in situations where speaker does not have presupposition. When the speaker has presupposition the “ma-particle question” is used more frequently has than “A-not-A question”. Different ways of politeness, in use with, which question form vary according to three social parameters. Normally “A-not-A question” is a positive attitude question form, therefore it is more polite to use it for asking permission. On the other hand, when asking the intensions of others, it is more polite to use “ma-particle question”. Additionally, this paper aims to explore the question focus of “A-not-A question”. ‘A-not-A’ is not always a focus, including object or all sentence can be focus depending on context. The results of these two types of questions compared to its counterparts in Japanese show that there are no special Japanese question forms for “ma-particle question” and “A-not-A question”. While the function of Japanese question particle“のだ(noda)” shows the difference. At the end of this study, the researcher, based upon results of pragmatic analysis presented in this paper, provides some suggestions for improving Chinese language pedagogy.
CHANG, SUN-YUEH, and 張孫悅. "A Study of the Pragmatic Functions of the Patterns of Mandarin Chinese Final Particle NE in Spoken and Written Chinese and its Pedagogical Implications." Thesis, 2019. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/x826sa.
Full text國立高雄師範大學
華語文教學研究所
107
Abstract This study analyzed pragmatic functions of the patterns of Mandarin Chinese final particles ne (呢) in spoken and written Chinese discourse, exploring its patterns in different text types. The study collected the data of ne from spoken and written corpora. It aimed to: (1) make the Mandarin learners understand the functions, and the patterns of ne in spoken and written Chinese; (2) serve as references for Mandarin teachers to teach learners how to use ne in different styles. The results show that the pragmatic functions of ne are: asking questions, conveying messages, emphasizing facts, conveying emotions and focusing on topics. According to the pragmatic functions of ne, the researcher found it tends to occur in the seven patterns: open-ended wh-questions, close-ended either-or questions, topic-markers, exclamatory sentences, rhetorical questions, sentences that emphasize the state of people/thing/objects, and fillers with the functions of pausing, continuity, or transition. These patterns often co-occur with specific interrogative words, exclamatory words, degree adverbs, conjunctions or transitions in sentences. The occurrences of the seven patterns in which ne appears in the different text styles were calculated and accounted for. By observing different oral discourse modes, the researcher finds that ne manly serves to: (1) point out the topic of dialogue; (2) make a pause in the dialogue. On the other hand, in the written data, the writers often rely on ne to ask questions and to motivate the readers to reflect on an issue. The results can serve as references for teaching Chinese as a second/foreign language.