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1
Lezaun, Javier. "The Pragmatic Sanction of Materials: Notes for an Ethnography of Legal Substances." Journal of Law and Society 39, no. 1 (February 21, 2012): 20–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-6478.2012.00568.x.
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Togoeva, Olga. "“The Pragmatic Sanction of Saint Louis”: a Forged Document at the Service of the French Monarchy." ISTORIYA 11, no. 10 (96) (2020): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840011666-1.
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Balogh, Andrea, and Ágnes Veszelszki. "Politeness and Insult in Computer Games – From a Pragmatic Point of View." Acta Universitatis Sapientiae, Communicatio 7, no. 1 (December 1, 2020): 68–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/auscom-2020-0006.
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Abstract In line with the principle of technological determinism, the linguistic context of computer games influences the (linguistic) behaviour of millions of active gamers. This makes it important to explore gamer communication thoroughly with respect to politeness, too. Indeed, the communication of gamers during games may also affect the users’ off-game communicative situations. The international literature suggests that the quasi-anonymity of online communication and the lack or weakness of sanction make it ruder than offline communication: it involves a higher number of insults or offensive personal remarks. The paper looks at this issue, in particular by a pragmatic – politeness-centred – investigation of a particular kind of online insults. The corpus of analysis is provided by “taunts”, i.e. inbuilt instructions triggering “mocking” remarks of League of Legends (LoL), a multiple-participant online arena game. The authors interpret in-game insults in the framework of speech act theory, the Cooperative Principle (conversational and politeness maxims), face threatening, and a matrix of aims and functions. The paper wishes to be a contribution to cyberpragmatics, a pragmatically-oriented branch of Internet linguistics.
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White, Joshua M. "Fetva Diplomacy: The Ottoman Şeyhülislam as Trans-Imperial Intermediary." Journal of Early Modern History 19, no. 2-3 (April 21, 2015): 199–221. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700658-12342457.
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This article explores the role of the şeyhülislam, the mufti of Istanbul and the head of the Ottoman religious-legal hierarchy, as a diplomatic intermediary and introduces the concept of “fetva diplomacy.” Anyone of any confession could request a fetva (Arabic: fatwa), a non-binding legal opinion, from the şeyhülislam. From the late sixteenth century, this openness to all comers led foreign powers’ representatives to cultivate close ties with the şeyhülislam, often seeking his intercession and his fetvas to support their interests. Examining the diplomatic aftermath of a 1624 corsair raid on Venetian territories, this essay shows how fetva diplomacy worked in practice and how the legitimacy and religious bona fides of the şeyhülislam were harnessed to give Islamic legal sanction to pragmatic political and diplomatic decisions.
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SJ, Johannes Ehrat. "Entangled in the Net? Would Scandals function under the Conditions of the Internet alone?" Žurnalistikos Tyrimai 4 (January 1, 2011): 5–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/zt/jr.2011.4.1792.
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Using semiotic method of consideration the article investigates judgement power of public sphere in traditional media and internet. The analysis reminds that news stories obey the narrative rules. They become an object for judgement only in a mediation that allows present public opinion. At the same time because of mediation and in accordance with functioning of meta-texts these stories become subject of moralising sanction to their heroes. For mass media, the mediation function creates the parallel universe of the public sphere. The aim of the article is to find an answer whether there exists something in the internet which produces a similar public universe.Theoretical argument lets to conclude that the tribunal of public opinion is not just a meaning apparatus; it also has to be narrated. That means, that the question of justice, of right or wrong, has to be turned into a pragmatic question of performance (how well?) and competence (by whom?). As publicity is only an idea, a meaning apparatus, for normative purposes need to hide behind narrative plausibility. As soon as actors are seen as pragmatic subjects, they are subject to sanctioning. Actually, a source is the direct will of the judging instance, which in the public sphere is the hypostasis of ‘all’.When internet lacks direct mediation instance, it is unable to turn information into narratives. Without public sphere produced by traditional media the internet lacks the meaning. Such stating together with the example of Wikileaks let to conclude that when there is no legitimisation of power, then, no realisation of the pragmatic subject, and in consequence – there is no scandal. Keywords: common sense, industrial meaning, internet communication, judgement, meta-text, meaning, meaning constraint, moralising, narrative, power (meta-text 1), pragmatic subject (meta-text 2), publicity, public opinion, public sanctioning, scandal, theatre meaning.
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Chen, Henry. "Japan–Taiwan Relations in the Twenty-First Century from the Perspective of Tuna Disputes in the Atlantic Ocean." European Journal of East Asian Studies 10, no. 2 (2011): 255–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156805811x616147.
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AbstractOver the last decade bilateral relations between Japan and Taiwan have been strained over the issue of tuna fishery management. In 2005, when Taiwan was still under the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) administration, Japan proposed punitive measures against Taiwan's tuna industries in an international fisheries management body for the Atlantic Ocean. The DPP government took a pragmatic approach, solving the tuna crisis without harming Japan–Taiwan relations, as evidenced by the fact that during the tuna disputes visa-free privilege was granted to Taiwan nationals and the Japanese government openly stated that Taiwan has been a main security objective for Japan and the US. In this paper the Japan-led tuna sanction in 2005 is used as a case study to gauge overall bilateral relations thus far in the twenty-first century.
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Meeuwis, Michael, and Koen Stroeken. "Non-situational functions of demonstrative noun phrases in Lingala (Bantu)." Pragmatics. Quarterly Publication of the International Pragmatics Association (IPrA) 22, no. 1 (March 1, 2012): 147–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/prag.22.1.06mee.
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This paper examines the non-situational (i.e., non-exophoric) pragmatic functions of the three adnominal demonstratives, óyo, wâná, and yangó in the Bantu language Lingala. An examination of natural language corpora reveals that, although native-speaker intuitions sanction the use of óyo as an anaphor in demonstrative NPs, this demonstrative is hardly ever used in that role. It also reveals that wâná, which has both situational and discourse-referential capacities, is used more frequently than the exclusively anaphoric demonstrative yangó. It is explained that wâná appears in a wide range of non-coreferential expression types, in coreferential expression types involving low-salience referents, and in coreferential expression types that both involve highly salient referents and include the speaker’s desire to signal a shift in the mental representation of the referent towards a pejorative reading. The use of yangó, on the other hand, is only licensed in cases of coreferentiality involving highly salient referents and implying continuation of the same mental representation of the referent. A specific section is devoted to charting the possible grammaticalization paths followed by the demonstratives. Conclusions are drawn for pragmatic theory formation in terms of the relation between form (yangó vs. wâná) and function (coreferentiality vs. non-coreferentiality).
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Loomis, Steven, and Jake Rodriguez. "Sympathy for Warranted Certainty: Universals and the Institution of Education." Journal of Education and Christian Belief 9, no. 1 (March 2005): 47–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/205699710500900106.
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THERE IS MUCH that human beings are, and should be, uncertain about, but this should not include the most basic truths of reality. The effects of postmodern epistemology have widened the sphere of uncertainty in many domains of knowledge, and intellectual uncertainty and excessive skepticism are pervasive in academic circles (both Christian and non-Christian). Such thinking tends to sanction the kind of pragmatic decision making that legitimizes a view of human beings (and moral principles) as mere interchangeable parts with varying utility. This essay offers a critique of obscurant uncertainty and draws attention to the incremental marginalization of God-based knowledge. It calls for the grounding of educational philosophy in a realist conception of truth given that God, our knowledge of Him, and his knowledge of us are an excellent basis by which to ground human institutions (including the institution of education).
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Guerrero Medina, Pilar. "Lexical-constructional integration in non-prototypical English middles: the role of high-level metonymy as a motivating factor." Journal of English Studies 11 (May 29, 2013): 133. http://dx.doi.org/10.18172/jes.2621.
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The main aim of this paper is to consider the issue of lexicalconstructional integration in circumstantial English middles with instrumental and locative subjects, exemplified respectively by Narrow tyres manoeuvre more easily and The tennis court plays a bit slower (cf. Davidse and Heyvaert 2003, 2007). I will first explore the lexico-semantic mechanisms that may sanction the ascription of a verbal predicate to these extended uses of the middle construction where there is no causative element and the “affectedness” constraint needs to be ruled out. Drawing upon Ruiz de Mendoza and Mairal Usón (2007, 2011), I will also try to determine to what extent high-level metonymy may actually apply as an external motivating factor in the explanation of these non-prototypical uses of the middle, also showing how contextual and discourse-pragmatic factors cooperate with each other to enhance the metonymic interpretation of the “circumstantial” middle type.
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Dosse, François. "L’histoire entre la guerre des mémoires et la Justice." Études Ricoeuriennes / Ricoeur Studies 8, no. 1 (July 31, 2017): 67–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/errs.2017.403.
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The question arises as to whether justice is capable of repairing the tragedy of history. François Dosse situates his analysis on the pragmatic axis of the citizen's concern expressed by Ricœur from the first lines of Memory, History, Forgetting when he says he is troubled by too much memory here and too much forgetting elsewhere. We are witnessing a progressive judicialisation of the historical discipline. It has resulted in a disturbing, memory inflation since the Gayssot law of 1990. The functions of the judge and the historian certainly have common features, as Marc Bloch has shown in Apologie pour l’histoire and Carlo Ginzburg in Le juge et l’historien. The examining magistrate can be compared to the historian, but not to the judge who must render the judgment. This progressive hold of justice over the past perversely results in an attempt to sanction historical questions. Ricœur helps us to rethink the relations between justice, history and memory by distinguishing and articulating these various dimensions through the work of a clarification of concepts. He makes it possible to better articulate the judicial function, the work of memory and the historiographic operation while respecting the validity of each of these dimensions.
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Biró, Zsófia. "Foundations of the Uncodified Historical Constitution of Hungary." Studia Iuridica 80 (September 17, 2019): 39–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.4782.
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The article examines the evolution of the Hungarian Public and Constitutional Law from 1301 until the Austro-Hungarian compromise in 1867. The topic is highly relevant, because the year 2017 marked the 330th anniversary of the 1st and 2nd Act of 1687, which state that the Habsburgs are the only and true heirs of the Hungarian throne; it also marked the 150th anniversary of the Austro-Hungarian Compromise. Furthermore the current Fundamental Law says that “We honour the achievements of our historical constitution and we honour the Holy Crown, which embodies the constitutional continuity of Hungary’s statehood and the unity of the nation”. The main chain of thoughts of the article presents the crown-ideology and the Doctrine of the Holy Crown, the Rákos field resolution of 1505, the Acts 2 and 3 of 1687, the Pragmatic Sanction, Acts 10 and 12 of 1790, the public law aspects of the April Laws of 1848, and the laws on the Austro-Hungarian Compromise. The article presents the fundamental documents of the Hungarian uncodified historical Constitution issued within the given period. Through their formation and historical background we can truly understand the Hungarian customary law and the legal traditions, which are still honoured by our present Fundamental Law.
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Dabic, Dragana. "The crisis of democracy in Eastern Europe: (un)successful political integration of new members?" Medjunarodni problemi 71, no. 2 (2019): 188–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1902188d.
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The main hypothesis of this paper is that when it comes to its member states, the European Union does not possess effective legal and political mechanisms to sanction and/or reverse their democratic backsliding. Emphasis is put on the examples of violations of liberal-democratic norms undertaken by governments in Hungary, Poland and Romania, in order to analyse political will, ability, and legitimacy of the European Union to defend basic values stated in the Founding Act. The aim of the author is to examine the impact of questionable political integration of Eastern European countries in regards to the continuation of the enlargement of the Union in the region of the Western Balkans. It is concluded that due to the pragmatic policy of support to the stabilitocracy regimes and, in general, due to the ambivalent attitude towards the future of enlargement, the European Union could face negative consequences in the coming years. Conceding to candidate countries in fulfilling the Copenhagen criteria in exchange for meeting the current geopolitical interests of the European elites (as was the case in some of the earlier EU enlargements) would have following implications for the Union itself: first, internally, casting further doubts on already shaken credibility of the project to build a European identity based on common values; and secondly, externally, the loss of reputation of a normative power that facilitates global relations by spreading its own principles and values.
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Hodson, Brian A. "The Development of Habsburg Policy in Hungary and theEinrichtungswerkof Cardinal Kollonich, 1683–90." Austrian History Yearbook 38 (January 2007): 92–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237800021433.
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Historians interested in Habsburg policy in Hungary at the end of the seventeenth century have long focused their attention on theEinrichtungswerk des Königreichs Ungarn, a reform program drawn up under the direction of Cardinal Leopold Kollonich in 1688–89. Like a small number of similar “essential” documents—here the 1627 Verneuerte Landesordnung for Bohemia and the Pragmatic Sanction of 1723 spring to mind—the oft-asserted signifi cance of theEinrichtungswerkhas long overshadowed the document itself: although most historians studying the Habsburg Empire know of Kollonich's plan, few actually know very much about it. Instead of a realistic appraisal of its actual provenance and place in the historical development of Habsburg policy, the document—or rather its impression—has been applied as an open-ended description of the ambitions of the imperial court. In the words of Austrian historian Oswald Redlich, Kollonich's plan for Hungary was fully “characteristic of the outlook and spirit of the Vienna ruling circles” at the end of the seventeenth century, and as such provides a reliable guide to imperial policy. Hungarian historians have turned to theEinrichtungswerkas a source from which to divine the Habsburgs' intentions toward Hungary—debating whether its proposed measures refl ect a genuine “anti-Magyar” spirit or only an antipathy toward the Hungarian nobles. It is carefully regarded as reflecting a genuine and largely missed opportunity for change, full of meaning for the future development of the kingdom.
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Chambers, D. S. "A Defence of Non-Residence in the Later Fifteenth Century: Cardinal Francesco Gonzaga and Mantuan Clergy." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 36, no. 4 (October 1985): 605–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002204690004402x.
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Was non-residence in benefices necessarily an abuse? It was an old problem, usually linked with pluralities, and even if the Councils of Constance and Basel had done nothing about it, non-residence had been denounced by Gerson, by Panormitanus and by Denys the Carthusian; it remained a live issue in the later fifteenth century. An interesting discussion of the subject emerges from the correspondence of Cardinal Francesco Gonzaga (1444–83) with his father and brother, successive rulers of Mantua. It raises points of wider importance than the particular matters at stake and throws some light upon relations between the Italian powers and the papacy over Church appointments; in Italy there was no Pragmatic Sanction, and appointments would often depend upon official request and more or less informal ways and means of accommodation with the Roman court. It is, however, not only about appointment to, and absenteeism from, major benefices, but also minor ones. In the absence of any general treatment in depth of the subject, these documents contribute some specific and important evidence about practical problems and attitudes in Italian ecclesiastical life. Resentment in the small Lombard principality of Mantua towards non-resident ‘foreigners’ and papal reservations, professions of concern about pastoral standards and the social standing of the local clergy are among other themes which emerge; not least remarkable is that the cardinal's viewpoint as revealed in the correspondence was sometimes distinctly different from that of the lay rulers, in spite of his being their close relative and top-level agent in the papal court.
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Leichtova, Magda B. "Sanctions in Russian Political Narrative." Politics in Central Europe 12, no. 1 (April 1, 2016): 111–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/pce-2016-0007.
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Abstract In this paper, we borrow the dramaturgical analysis from sociologists and use it to analyze how contemporary Russian elites communicate with the public. It is my goal to analyze the performance of the Russian political elite when presenting the changes caused by the worsening Russo-Western relations over the Ukrainian crisis to the domestic audiences, with focus on the impact of sanctions introduced by the Western countries last year. Which strategies, narratives and symbols remain the same and which are adjusted, erased or newly introduced by the political elite when communicating with the public in order to justify the contemporary situation? We will focus especially on two basic components of the narrative: the symbolic level, particularly the use of history, geopolitics and other symbolic topics to frame the current situation; the pragmatic level, especially adjustment of current strategies and introduction of new plans and partners who will help to manage the new situation. As we will clarify later, our analysis will focus on symbolic arguments used by Vladimir Putin as “the national leader” and pragmatic politics introduced by him as “the president”.
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Sari, Meli Indah, and Hafrida Hafrida. "Penerapan Pidana Penjara Sebagai Pengganti Pidana Denda dalam Putusan Perkara Tindak Pidana Narkotika." PAMPAS: Journal of Criminal Law 1, no. 1 (April 23, 2021): 38–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.22437/pampas.v1i1.8260.
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ABSTRAK
Tujuan Penelitian ini adalah untuk mengetahui dasar pertimbangan hakim dalam penerapan pidana penjara sebagai pengganti pidana denda dalam putusan kasus narkotika. Penelitian ini merupakan penelitian yuridis normatif yaitu dengan mempelajari peraturan perundang-undangan yang berlaku yang berhubungan dengan putusan pengadilan tentang tindak pidana narkotika. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa akumulasi antara pidana penjara dan pidana denda dalam undang-undang narkotika ini belum efektif karena dalam penerapannya pidana denda tidak pernah dibayarkan oleh pelaku. Pelaku lebih memilih untuk menjalankan pidana pengganti berupa pidana penjara. Hal ini menguatkan pendapat bahwa persoalan ini terjadi karena pidana penjara pengganti denda rendah sehingga cenderung lebih menguntungkan terpidana secara pragmatis. Disarankan pembuat kebijakan hendaknya memperhatikan efektivitas penetapan sanksi pidana denda dengan merumuskan peraturan perundang-undangan yang seimbang antara beratnya pidana penjara yang dijatuhkan dan pidana penjara pengganti denda.
ABSTRACT
This article seeks to analyze basis of judge's consideration in exercising imprisonment as a substitute for criminal fines in narcotics abuse case. As a normative juridical research, this study examines laws and their application to court decisions regarding narcotics crime. The results of this study demonstrates that the accumulation of imprisonment and criminal fines in the narcotics' law has not been effective to urge the perpetrator pay criminal fines. In reality, the perpetrator pragmatically prefers carrying out imprisonment to substitute sanction. The result of this research has supported the idea that the problem behind the application of imprisonment as a subtitute of fines tends to be pragmatically favourable to that of fines sanction. It is recommended that the policy-makers pay attention to the effectiveness of the stipulating criminal sanctions in the form of fines by formulating a balanced legislation between the severity of imprisonment and its substitute in the form of fines sanction.
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Yi, Joseph E., and Joe Phillips. "The BDS Campaign against Israel: Lessons from South Africa." PS: Political Science & Politics 48, no. 02 (April 2015): 306–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096514002091.
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ABSTRACTThe Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) campaign against Israel is animated by a pragmatic strain that views external sanctions as effective pressure against a small democratic state and by a moralistic Manichean strain that portrays Israelis as oppressors. Both strains hearken back to the earlier campaign against apartheid in South Africa. We argue that doing so misreads the lessons of South Africa. Sanctions may have contributed to ending apartheid, but they operated in conjunction with improved security and interpersonal trust among negotiators. Key contenders moved from a discourse of oppression to one that humanized one another as partners with legitimate concerns. These conditions are missing from the Israeli–Palestinian conflict. Both sides consider their security to be precarious and they are locked in competing narratives of victimization, which further erode mutual trust and security. Measures to improve the parties’ security and trust would contribute to mutual concessions and greater justification for sanctions if the Israeli government is intransigent.
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RUSTAMOVA, L. R. "SOCIAL AND HUMANITARIAN COOPERATION BETWEEN RUSSIA AND GERMANY IN THE CONDITIONS OF SANCTIONS." Political Science Issues, no. 3(33) part: 9 (December 18, 2019): 304–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.35775/psi.2019.33.3.009.
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After the 90s, Russia and Germany are constantly building up their interaction through social and humanitarian cooperation. With the advent to power of the CDU head Angela Merkel, cooperation became pragmatic, Germany became more oriented toward the United States, then the events of 2014 followed, and Germany joined the regime of sanctions against Russia. The main question was whether this would lead to the curtailing of the complex of bilateral relations The practice has shown that No, and the main obstacle for Germany was precisely the accumulated complex of social and humanitarian cooperation.
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Ghabra, Haneen S., and Marouf A. Hasian. "Tough Love: A Diasporic Critique of the Palestinian Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions Movement." Journal of Communication Inquiry 42, no. 4 (June 29, 2018): 340–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0196859918783459.
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The authors use a diasporic critique of Palestinian Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) movements to argue that some of these movements undermine chances for two-state solutions. The authors, provide a nuanced way of evaluating both the theoretical and pragmatic dimensions of BDS. The argument is advanced that those in the diaspora have a nomadic positionality that allows them to uniquely critique venues such as (BDS), The Electronic Intifada, and Mondoweiss as they analyze the rhetoric of Palestinian nationalist movements. Diasporic critiques are able to trace the fissures, the ossifications, and the ruptures that take place in the Middle East as various acts of territoriality, deterritoriality, and reterritorialization take place simultaneously.
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Ahn, Mun Suk. "The sources of North Korean conduct: Is Pyongyang really going non-nuclear?" International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 75, no. 2 (June 2020): 237–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020702020930744.
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The Kim Jong Un regime recently shifted from an emphasis on military power to an ‘economy first’ policy. The shift was driven by a pragmatic calculation, on the part of the North Korean leader, recognizing that the stability of the regime depends on economic development. Kim hopes that a shift from nuclear confrontation to diplomacy will result in the lifting of Western sanctions. It is important that the United States interprets Kim’s intentions correctly, and tries to strike a deal with North Korea.
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Hildebrandt, Mireille. "Justice and Police: Regulatory Offenses and the Criminal Law." New Criminal Law Review 12, no. 1 (January 1, 2009): 43–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/nclr.2009.12.1.43.
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This contribution stems from a workshop on foundational issues in the philosophy of criminal law. This may raise expectations for a discussion of the core business of what is called substantive criminal law: the structure of crime, the concept of intention, complicity and participation, attempt and preparation;acts and omissions; or causation. However, most punitive sanctions——especially fines——concern regulatory offenses that are structured to a much lesser extent by such moral notions as culpability and wrongfulness, while the applicable burden of proof does not even come close to the presumption of innocence in the case of criminal offenses. This raises the questions of how the difference between regulatory and criminal offenses is to be understood and of the extent to which regulatory offenses (should) fall within the scope of the criminal law. The answers to these questions will be derived from an exploration of the historicity of crimes and regulatory offenses, and their relationship to the (modern) state. I will start off with tracing the emergence of contraventions and crimina in the course of the early and late Middle Ages and the subsequent advent of a domain of "police" at the threshold of modernity next to the already existing domain of "justice." After this the strict separation of the domains of "police" (covering Polizeidelikten) and "justice" (covering Verbrechen and Vergehen) in nineteenth-century Germany will be discussed as well as the relationship of both domains to different conceptions of the Rechtsstaat and the ÉÉtat de droit. The main argument will be that understanding the difference between criminal and regulatory offenses in essentialist terms, such as the medieval malum in se and malum prohibitum, does not make sense. Building on a nonessentialist difference I will suggest that differential procedural constraints should be based on pragmatic arguments, which, however, do not equate with utilitarian arguments. In line with philosophical pragmatism the separation of means and end that characterizes utilitarianism is rejected and replaced by a pragmatic approach grounded in the normative position of a constitutional democracy in the sense of an ÉÉtat de droit or a substantive conception of the Rechtsstaat. This implies that the aim of punishing regulatory offenses is to sustain an effective domain of "police" under the rule of law, meaning that the punishment of regulatory offenses will have to be regulated by the same principles that inform the "fair trial." This will allow the state to impose punitive sanctions to prevent and retaliate violations of specific legal norms, while enabling citizens to contest the incriminated violation as well as the lawfulness of the violated legal rule.
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Fox, Kathryn J. "Contextualizing the Policy and Pragmatics of Reintegrating Sex Offenders." Sexual Abuse 29, no. 1 (August 2, 2016): 28–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1079063215574711.
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As sanctions for those convicted of sex offenses have increased over recent years, the risk for reoffense presented by social isolation increases. Because most jurisdictions struggle with how best to manage and reintegrate sex offenders, this study analyzes bureaucratic and contextual issues with arranging community-based reintegration programs. Specifically, this qualitative, process-oriented study examines and compares Circles of Support & Accountability (CoSA) programs from the United States (specifically, Vermont) and New Zealand. CoSAs provide support for medium- to high-risk sex offenders as they are released to communities. The programs are compared with regard to their structures, the relationship to Corrections, the role of communities, and core members’ reentry challenges. The implications of each configuration are explored. As most of the existing research on CoSAs is focused on recidivism, and as the U.S. federal government is expanding the use of CoSA, this article fills a void in our understanding of the role that communities can play in reintegrating sexual offenders and how program structures shape reentry.
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Abdulmajeed, Rufaidah Kamal, and Shafaa Ali Finjan. "A Pragmatic Study of Concealment in Tony Blair’s Speeches on Iraq War." International Journal of English Linguistics 8, no. 1 (October 29, 2017): 230. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ijel.v8n1p230.
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Concealment, among other crucial notions appeared during the process of political discourse analysis, means hiding the truth by one of the parties participating in the communication event who intends to deceive the other party. It is either the manipulation of information or changing the truth whether intentionally or unintentionally or a deceptive strategy. It is considered as one of the means used by politicians to achieve certain goals and aims, of them is influencing the behaviors, desires, beliefs and emotions of their audience to their self-interests.The main concern of the current study is to discuss the concept of concealment in Tony Blair’s speeches on Iraq during the time of UN sanctions on Iraq and during the time of the preparation for the war on Iraq.The study is carried out with the aim of specifying the concealment criteria, pinpointing the strategies of concealment used to fulfill each stage of concealment, and finally highlighting the pragmatic strategies of concealment resorted to by Blair in his speeches and finding out which pragmatic strategies score higher frequency in these speeches.The findings show that the main aim of Blair in concealing facts in his speeches is to achieve persuasion. To achieve this aim, pragma-rhetoric devices, as a pragmatic strategy, are highly used and they score the highest frequency.
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Olmos, Paula. "Making it Public: Testimony and Socially Sanctioned Common Grounds." Informal Logic 27, no. 2 (February 28, 2008): 211. http://dx.doi.org/10.22329/il.v27i2.476.
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Contrary to current individualistic epistemology, Classical rhetoric provides us with a pragmatical and particularly dynamic conception of ‘testimony’ as a source made available for the orator by the particular community in which she acts. In order to count as usable testimony, a testimony to which one could appeal in further
communications, any discourse must comply with specific rules of social sanction. A deliberate attention to the social practices in which testimony is given and assessed may offer us a more accurate view of its epistemological role.
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Duncan, Simon. "Personal Life, Pragmatism and Bricolage." Sociological Research Online 16, no. 4 (December 2011): 129–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.5153/sro.2537.
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Individualisation theory misrepresents and romanticises the nature of agency as a primarily discursive and reflexive process where people freely create their personal lives in an open social world divorced from tradition. But empirically we find that people usually make decisions about their personal lives pragmatically, bounded by circumstances and in connection with other people, not only relationally but also institutionally. This pragmatism is often non-reflexive, habitual and routinised, even unconscious. Agents draw on existing traditions - styles of thinking, sanctioned social relationships, institutions, the presumptions of particular social groups and places, lived law and social norms - to ‘patch’ or ‘piece together' responses to changing situations. Often it is institutions that ‘do the thinking’. People try to both conserve social energy and seek social legitimation in this adaption process, a process which can lead to a ‘re-serving' of tradition even as institutional leakage transfers meanings from past to present, and vice versa. But this process of bricolage will always be socially contested and socially uneven. In this way bricolage describes how people actually link structure and agency through their actions, and can provide a framework for empirical research on doing family.
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Burdjak, Vira. "Changes in the Foreign Policy of the Republic of Bulgaria under the Russian Influence." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 40 (December 15, 2019): 34–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2019.40.34-41.
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The article explores changes in the foreign policy of the Republic of Bulgaria, which began with the transformation of the political regime in the state and the establishment of a democratic political system. At the turn of the century, Bulgaria became a member of influential international organizations – NATO and the European Union. Bulgarian officials have stepped up their relations with NATO officials and the military departments of the Allies. The Russian war in Ukraine has transformed RB into a “frontal zone” of the EU and NATO, increased its strategic importance, strengthened the desire of the politicians of the Republic of Bulgaria to seek guarantees of their security in the United States. However in the last six years, under the influence of a Russian factor, Bulgaria often takes other positions, different from the NATO and EU common line, in particular, seeking to re-establish traditional close ties with Moscow, advocates a good and constructive dialogue with the Russian Federation, in the European arena, stands for softening sanctions and giving the European Union a position more pragmatic about Russia.
Keywords: Republic of Bulgaria, NATO, European Union, Ukraine, Russian Federation, Russian factor, sanctions.
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Oyèláràn, Ọlásopé O. "Èṣù and ethics in the Yorùbá world view." Africa 90, no. 2 (February 2020): 377–407. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972019001098.
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AbstractÈṣù of the Yorùbá tradition, the custodian of the primordial àṣẹ, embodies the principle of perspicacity and pragmatism that is crucial for the exercise of responsibility by sentient and thinking beings. As such, Èṣù demands the ultimate in consciousness as a basis for just living and for a just measure of reward or sanction. Èṣù calls for painstaking commitment to rigorously distilled information and keen consciousness as preconditions for action of any sort, especially for the exercise of judgement, a compelling gesture of the human will. Scholarly and/or zealous traditions have, however, persistently alienated Èṣù from his native Yorùbá cosmology. This article argues for a need for rehabilitation.
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Matteucci, Stefano Civitarese, and Giorgio Repetto. "The expressive function of human dignity: A pragmatic approach to social rights claims." European Journal of Social Security 23, no. 2 (March 2, 2021): 120–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1388262721994122.
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In this article, we appraise an idea of human dignity (HD) as pragmatically oriented to support social rights claims. By analysing the role of dignitarian arguments in the constitutional-like case law of four European jurisdictions (France, the UK, Italy and Germany), we demonstrate that caution prevails about the possibility of using HD in each of these countries as an ultimate yardstick for upholding social policies. Such findings challenge the assumption that one can grasp HD as a legal notion through a foundational approach. In our view, neither HD reflects any natural or social essence of men and women, nor can it consequently be conceived as the source of universal fundamental rights. Instead, (1) we recommend a notion of HD as a status primarily conceived as a political-institutional (conventional) artefact. Thus, (2) we consequently sustain that dignity may pertain to states too, and we can see it as a way of reciprocating the duty to fair cooperation in a just society. In the same vein, (3) HD works best in the social realm when an expressive function, rather than a defining one, is recognised as its proper function. This aspect helps explain why HD is often called to support other principles in judicial argumentation. This notion of HD seems to us coherent with social rights as relying on a complex institutional arrangement centred on political responsibility and a commitment to social justice. Concerning the assessment of the conditions attached by the states to the enjoyment of welfare benefits, HD tells us that disproportionate sanctions, whose objective appears to be more a way of blackmailing welfare recipients than pursuing an ideal of fair reciprocity, do violate both the institutional dignity of public authorities and that of the persons affected.
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Novikova, Irina, and Dmitry Popov. "Foreign economic cooperation between St. Petersburg and Denmark in the 21st century: Main trends, problems, prospects." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. International relations 14, no. 1 (2021): 41–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu06.2021.103.
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Russian-Danish economic cooperation has a long and rich history, in which St. Petersburg, due to its geographical location, has always played an important role. The study of the role of large megacities in national foreign economic policy is now of great scientific and practical importance. The authors of this article attempt to examine the economic sphere of paradiplomacy based on the example of St. Petersburg. The article analyzes the legal framework for economic cooperation between St. Petersburg and Denmark, trade and investment cooperation, determines the place of St. Petersburg in the total trade turnover of Russia with Denmark, and the importance of Danish exports and imports for St. Petersburg’s economy. Special attention is paid to the period 2014–2020, namely, the impact of the sanctions regime on Danish and St. Petersburg economic cooperation, as well as the new role of the Danish autonomous regions — the Faroe Islands and Greenland. The authors determine that there were no drastic changes in the economic interaction between St. Petersburg and Denmark after the introduction of sanctions. Although the counter-sanctions reduced the supply of Danish food products, the export of St. Petersburg goods to Denmark increased. The vacuum created by the reduction in the supply of Danish products was filled by enterprising residents of the Faroe Islands, who are not members of the European Union (EU). St. Petersburg has become one of the key centers of consumption of Faroese fish and seafood. The main obstacles to the development of economic cooperation between St. Petersburg and Denmark remain: value differences between the Russian Federation and the EU, the sanctions regime, an outdated regulatory framework, and a high degree of distrust between partners, which is beginning to affect the pragmatic sphere of the economy. The global economic crisis caused by the coronavirus pandemic also has a negative impact on economic cooperation between St. Petersburg and Denmark. However, the epidemic opens up new opportunities for cooperation in areas that were on the periphery of Danish-Russian economic relations: digitalization of the economy and education, urbanism and the implementation of the ideas of a “smart city”, cooperation in the field of pharmaceuticals and medical technologies, and cybersecurity.
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Dobrovolsky, Ivan, and Dmitry Sorokin. "Synthetic and coal-water fuels improving is the instrument of industrial region sustainability increasing." E3S Web of Conferences 258 (2021): 11002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/e3sconf/202125811002.
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New methods of processing bituminous and brown coal in synthetic and coal-water fuel production are now gaining relevance. On the one hand, this is dictated by the pragmatic need to reduce the dependence of industrial energy consumers on the prices and quality of hydrocarbon raw materials, especially in the context of the constant exacerbation of market restrictions associated with the pandemic and sanctions, on the other hand, there is an urgent need for environmentally friendly methods of using synthetic and coal-water fuels. The article discusses the currently used technologies for the production of synthetic and coal-water fuels. The authors identify its main disadvantages and limitations and propose a schematic diagram of a technological line for coal-water fuel production with a linear layout. It allows obtaining fuel with good fluidity and higher stability, high-calorie content, and low ash content with less energy consumption.
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Funnell, Warwick. "ACCOUNTING FOR JUSTICE: ENTITLEMENT, WANT AND THE IRISH FAMINE OF 1845–7." Accounting Historians Journal 28, no. 2 (December 1, 2001): 187–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.2308/0148-4184.28.2.187.
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The evolution of modern accounting consists essentially of a series of pragmatic responses to the needs of capital. Accounting is implicated, therefore, in the maintenance and creation of societies in which relations are primarily defined in terms of property, however it is distributed, and justice is determined by the sanctity of property rights. Accounting historians are encouraged to broaden the compass of their research to include the association between accounting and justice which is already well recognised in the critical accounting literature. Theories of justice, especially those of 19th century political theorists such as Bentham and Senior, and more recently that of Nozick, are used to explore the close association between property, accounting and justice at the time of the Irish potato famine of 1845–7.
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Dige, Morten. "Terror, tortur og den tikkende bombe." Slagmark - Tidsskrift for idéhistorie, no. 63 (March 9, 2018): 111–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/sl.v0i63.104087.
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The so-called “war on terror” has renewed the interest in torture in practice as well as in theory. The philosophical debate about possible justifications for torture has to a large extent revolved about the ticking time-bomb scenario: would it be justified to torture a terrorist in order to prevent a catastrophe? I criticize arguments based on ticking bomb scenarios in two steps. First, I show that exceptional resort to torture will not be possible in the situations where it is most needed. Second, I state several pragmatic as well as principled objections against a state sanctioned or tolerated practice of torture. Finally, I offer an explanation of what it means to regard the prohibition of torture as absolute.
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Kamosiński, Sławomir. "Benefits package agreement – a special privilege for employees." Studia Historiae Oeconomicae 33, no. 1 (December 1, 2015): 107–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sho-2015-0007.
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Abstract The article aims at analyzing a particular occupational privilege of employees, commonly referred to as a benefits package. This social privilege is considered a real social and legal phenomenon by a large number of academics. This is because no legal regulations on the privatization and commercialization of Polish companies actually imposed it. The origin of this specific privilege lies in the pragmatic attitude of employees to the process of privatization of companies and selling their stocks to strategic investors. This type of agreements was supposed to protect staff from radical restructuring which the investor could implement upon buying the company. Owing to this privilege, employees were able to establish their own space of social security in the factory. The article presents examples of such documents, discusses their content and possible sanctions for the new owner of the factory (the signatory of the document) if the provisions of the document are not complied with.
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Hathaway, Andrew D., and Patricia G. Erickson. "Drug Reform Principles and Policy Debates: Harm Reduction Prospects for Cannabis in Canada." Journal of Drug Issues 33, no. 2 (April 2003): 465–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002204260303300209.
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Contrasting the official harm reduction aims of Canada's 10-year national drug strategy with the actual evolution of the Controlled Drugs and Substances Act, the authors find little evidence of harm reduction, and much of sustained and punitive prohibition. The example of the criminal sanctions currently being applied to cannabis possession offences serves to illustrate the limits of what can be achieved in reducing the impact of criminalization when the fundamental ban on personal use and access is retained. Theoretically informed by constructionist analyses of the styles and strategies of social problems discourse, a moral basis of drug use entitlement is expounded from which rational reform might be more fruitfully argued. Despite its official mandate in Canada to develop more pragmatic drug policy alternatives, the harm reduction movement, posing public health solutions based on empirical analysis, is nonetheless needful of a rhetorical foundation by which to denounce prohibition as a morally objectionable intervention in the private lives of individuals.
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Ilin, Boris Borisovich. "Space transformations in the hagiographies (based on the materials of Uspensky Collection)." Litera, no. 10 (October 2021): 31–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-8698.2021.10.36484.
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Fragments of the text that represent the category of space in the Old Russian hagiographies from the Uspensky Collection became the sources for this research. The object this article is the contexts that depict spatial images in dynamics. The subject is the semantics of the analyzed contexts. The relevance of the selected topic is substantiated by undiminishing interest to the interpretation of the category of space in the Old Russian texts, as by elaboration of the concept of sanctity in studying the hagiographic literature. The goal of this research lies in determination and description of the semantics of spatial transformations in the analyzed hagiographic texts. Research methodology leans on the descriptive method, which includes observation, interpretation and classification; as well as hermeneutical analysis with consideration of anthropological and axiological approaches. The scientific novelty consists in revealing the new aspect of the category of space in the hagiographic texts – spatial transformations. The author highlights several groups that characterize space transformations in the hagiographies: semantics of construction, semantics of destruction, semantics of expansion, semantics of transfiguration, and semantics of the miraculous. The keynote in the hagiographies is the idea of sanctity, which is important for the interpretation of the transforming space. All changes in the physical world take place under the influence of divine intervention for asserting sanctity of the hero or sanctity of the place. The depicted in the hagiographies spiritual reality impact the state of visible spatial images. In addition to the idea of sanctity, the perception of space transformations is affected by pragmatics of the text – the edifying focus of the genre. The acquired results can be valuable in studying the corpus of hagiographic texts from perspective of the category of space.
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Kurečić, Petar. "The “New Cold Warriors” and the “Pragmatics”: The Differences in Foreign Policy Attitudes towards Russia and the Eastern Partnership States among the NATO Member States from Central and South-Eastern Europe." Croatian International Relations Review 23, no. 80 (November 27, 2017): 61–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/cirr-2017-0021.
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AbstractThe post-communist NATO member states from Central and South-Eastern Europe (CSEE) comprise a group of 11 NATO/EU member states, from the Baltic to the Adriatic and Black Sea. The twelfth and thirteenth NATO member states from the region are Albania and Montenegro. The afore-mentioned NATO/EU member states have mostly shown a similar stance towards the Eastern Partnership Policy. However, since 2014, these states have shown more diverse stances, albeit declaratively supporting the anti-Russian sanctions. Due to the difference in stances towards Russia, the “New Cold Warriors” (Poland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and Romania) and the “Pragmatics” (Hungary, Slovakia, Slovenia and Bulgaria), will maintain a mostly common course towards Russia and the Eastern Partnership states because they have to. The Czech Republic, although hosting a part of the US anti-ballistic missile shield, is not a genuine “New Cold Warrior”, while in 2016 Croatia effectively became one.
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Soloviova, Aliesia. "The Role of the Russian Factor in the Attitude of Benelux Countries Towards Ukraine (2014-2019)." Mìžnarodnì zv’âzki Ukraïni: naukovì pošuki ì znahìdki, no. 29 (November 10, 2020): 130–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/mzu2020.29.130.
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The article analyzes the role of the Russian factor in the attitude of Benelux countries towards Ukraine from 2014 to 2019. The author proceeds from the fact that one of the factors in a state's choice of a certain strategy in the international arena is often the size of the state. The study of the place and role of “small” states has become a separate field of study in the history of international relations since the publication of the work of the American researcher Annette Baker. Proponents of this theory share the opinion that the size of a state's territory significantly affects its political strategy. The author notes that there is no single definition of a “small” state, since the characteristics by which the state as such is defined are constantly changing. In general, the signs of a “small” state are small population, size of territory, low level of activity in the international arena. The author of the article concludes that the foreign policy strategies of all three Benelux countries can be called pragmatic. In the author's opinion, this approach is explained, first of all, by close cooperation in the field of economics and disadvantage of completely breaking off relations with Russia. The Benelux countries are small states compared to their European neighbors; their main strength is economic stability. It was found that for the Benelux countries, active intervention in the conflict between Russia and Ukraine means a threat to economic ties. The Benelux countries generally support the EU's sanctions policy, but insist on dialogue, considering sanctions a fewer effective means of achieving goals. The Netherlands occupies the most active position among the Benelux countries in the conflict, however, this position is mainly caused by internal concerns and the ongoing investigation of the Boeing MH17 crash
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Nuotio, Kimmo. "A legitimacy-based approach to EU criminal law: Maybe we are getting there, after all." New Journal of European Criminal Law 11, no. 1 (January 29, 2020): 20–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2032284420903386.
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European Union (EU) law is known for its strong emphasis on effectivity and more generally for its instrumental character. This is not foreign even to European criminal law, a feature which creates some tension between the EU criminal law and criminal law in the national setting. EU Framework Decisions and Directives often require the Member States to criminalize certain forms of conduct with sanctions that are ‘Effective, Dissuasive and Proportionate’. In this article, I try to show that it would be timely to look at EU criminal law from an alternative point of view, as a more mature law. I call this a legitimacy-based approach. Such a reading would ease some of these tensions. It would also be helpful in developing a criminal policy for the EU, a policy which would be realistic and pragmatic. And it would be easier to look at EU criminal law from the point of view of justice. In order to get there, we need to see where the (current) narrow deterrence argument gets is wrong or one-sided. Some social theory is needed in order to make the point.
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Nuño, Antón Alvar. "Morality, Emotions and Reason: New Perspectives in the Study of Roman Magic." Archiv für Religionsgeschichte 18-19, no. 1 (September 26, 2017): 307–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/arege-2016-0016.
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Abstract Academic interest in magic has grown considerably during the last twenty years. Leaving aside the old stereotyped dichotomy between magic and religion, I consider magic a pragmatic subsystem of religion whose function is to alleviate or deal with daily life’s misfortunes. I suggest in this paper some possible approaches that might be interesting to deepen in the social study of Roman magic. This paper is divided in three sections. The first one deals with morality and magic: even if legal sanctions on magic can be influential in the individual’s decision to resort to magical practices, H. Versnel’s category of Prayers for Justice proved that some curses can be perceived as legitimate from the subjective point of view of the user; I suggest that subjective legitimation can in fact be applied to all Roman curses. The second section tackles the topic of emotions and magic: based on western conceptualisations of emotions, scholarly approaches on ancient magic have generally failed to see the evidence that make the choice of resorting to magic a rational option more than an emotional act. Finally, the third part of this paper analyses magic as rational choice in the individual’s strategies for decision taking.
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Voronov, Konstantin. "The Nordic Countries and Russia: an Untouchable Reserve of Strength to Maintain Bilateral Relations." Contemporary Europe 101, no. 1 (February 28, 2021): 33–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope120213340.
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The article explores the development of bilateral relations between the Northern countries and Russia due to the current trend of increasing role of Northern Europe and the Arctic in international relations. The author specifically considers the reasons, motives, objective preconditionsrequired to maintain a minimum level of contactsafter 2014. This set of political and economic factors, a kind of Strategic untouchable reserve, not only prevents the crisis, but also serves as an objective basis for maintaining the certain level of working ties, as well as their improvementin the future. The ruling circles support the policy of sanctions, the course of USA/NATO/EU aimed at strategic deterrence of Russia. However,the countries in the subregion are committed to the preservation of dialogue with Moscow and pragmatic cooperation. This positive attitude of the Nordic Five towards Russia is based on long-term goals: the need to keep and to develop trade and economic exchanges, the necessity to develop further economic cooperation in new and perspective spheres, such as the Far North and the Arctic, development of the Northern Sea Route, sea spaces and the shelf of the Arctic Ocean etc.
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Wodak, Ruth. "Saying the unsayable." Contemporary Discourses of Hate and Radicalism across Space and Genres 3, no. 1 (October 2, 2015): 13–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlac.3.1.01wod.
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After 1945 and the end of WWII, denying the Holocaust became an explicit taboo in most European countries. More specifically, in Austria, denying the Holocaust in public implies legal consequences: the so-called Verbotsgesetz persecutes any public utterances which even insinuate National Socialist ideology (utterances, symbols, songs, images) and the Holocaust denial. Naturally, it remains difficult for the courts to substantiate any accusations and to prove that somebody has actually uttered Holocaust denial if the meanings are only implied, inferred, or alluded to. Thus, in spite of such explicit sanctions, politicians of the far-right have found many coded and implicit discursive-pragmatic practices and devices of denying the Holocaust, even during parliamentary debates and official speeches. In my paper, I compare the “discourses about Holocaust denial” in Austria and the UK, in two case studies: the first one relates to the controversy about some utterances of Barbara Rosenkranz who stood as candidate of the Austrian Freedom Party (FPÖ) for election to Austrian Presidency in April 2010. Secondly, I focus on the debates triggered by Nick Griffin from the British extreme right party BNP, in and after his appearance in the prominent BBC 1 weekly show Question Time, in 2009. I apply the Discourse-Historical Approach in CDA for the detailed analysis of such recurring debates and foreground the patterns of a globalised politics of denial.
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Gamza, L. "Technological Confrontation Between USA and China in Europe." World Economy and International Relations 65, no. 7 (2021): 98–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-7-98-105.
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The article is devoted to the analysis of the confrontation between USA and China in the field of advanced technologies in Europe. On the example of the leading Chinese technological transnational company (TNC) Huawei which is the world leader in the development and deployment of advanced telecommunications networks of the fifth generation 5G it is shown that the confrontation between the US and China in the field of technology is a manifestation of intense competition at the interstate level that will increase. It is shown that the policy and increasingly tough US measures do not meet understanding and support from the many countries and this is clearly seen in Europe, which today is the main market for technological products of US and China and therefor has become the main arena of confrontation between them. The key EU countries in their evaluations and approach to cooperation with Huawei are guided primarily by their economic interests and put into practice a balanced and pragmatic approach. Amid tougher American sanctions and increasing political and economic pressure Chinese TNC Huawei maintained its position in the European market considering it as a strategic asset and alternative to the closed US market. An important factor in strengthening positions of Chinese companies in Europe would be implementation of EU-China Comprehensive Agreement on Investments.
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Osborn, Ronald. "William Lloyd Garrison and the United States Constitution: The Political Evolution of an American Radical." Journal of Law and Religion 24, no. 1 (2008): 65–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0748081400001934.
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On August 6, 1824, William Lloyd Garrison, not yet twenty years old, penned a letter to the Salem Gazette opposing John Quincy Adams's bid for the presidency and endorsing the candidacy of a dedicated Georgian, United States Senator William Crawford. There is no mention in the document of the slavery issue and no hint that the young Garrison viewed the Constitution as anything less than a triumph of the founding fathers. The “high and exalted character” of the elections proved the Federalist Party “worthy of its great leader, the immortal WASHINGTON” and spread “vigor and strength throughout the political fabric of our constitution and government,” Garrison wrote. “It is peculiarly gratifying, too,” he declared,to observe the dignified course pursued generally by the few sentinels of freedom, who advocate and uphold those principles, which were promulgated by the Father of his Country, and sanctioned by JAY and HAMILTON, and AMES, with a host of other distinguished patriots.Garrison went on to stress the civic duty of voting, arguing that although no citizen was legally required to support any of the presidential candidates, reason “dictates that we should” so as not to upset “the peace of the Union.” Federalists should make pragmatic political choices, he wrote, and not squander their votes on ideal but unlikely candidates.
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Vigil, Jacob M., Sarah S. Stith, and Anthony P. Reeve. "Accuracy of Patient Opioid Use Reporting at the Time of Medical Cannabis License Renewal." Pain Research and Management 2018 (January 28, 2018): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2018/5704128.
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The decision to authorize a patient for continued enrollment in a state-sanctioned medical cannabis program is difficult in part due to the uncertainty in the accuracy of patient symptom reporting and health functioning including any possible effects on other medication use. We conducted a pragmatic convenience study comparing patient reporting of previous and current prescription opioid usage to the opioid prescription records in the Prescription Monitoring Program (PMP) among 131 chronic pain patients (mean age = 54; 54% male) seeking the first annual renewal of their New Mexico Medical Cannabis Program (NMMCP) license. Seventy-six percent of the patients reported using prescription opioids prior to enrollment in the NMMCP, however, the PMP records showed that only 49% of the patients were actually prescribed opioids in the six months prior to enrollment. Of the 64 patients with verifiable opioid prescriptions prior to NMMCP enrollment, 35 (55%) patients reported having eliminated the use of prescription opioids by the time of license renewal. PMP records showed that 26 patients (63% of patients claiming to have eliminated the use of opioid prescriptions and 41% of all patients with verifiable preenrollment opioid use) showed no prescription opioid activity at their first annual NMMCP renewal visit.
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Coats, Steven. "Lexicon geupdated: New German anglicisms in a social media corpus." European Journal of Applied Linguistics 7, no. 2 (September 2, 2019): 255–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/eujal-2019-0001.
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AbstractThe German verbal lexicon has been enriched by numerous English borrowings, particularly within the past 100 years, but while many verbal anglicisms are frequently used and sanctioned by language authorities, the status of new, non-standard, and rare verbal anglicisms in German has not been subject to extensive research attention. In this study, a new method is used to analyze non-standard German verbal anglicisms in a large and novel corpus compiled from the social media platform Twitter. After a review of previous work, the methods used to create a corpus of German-language tweets and to automatically extract new verbal anglicisms are described, and the semantics of some of their most frequent types are analyzed, including forms with separable and inseparable prefixes. Then, present and past participles are considered according to assimilation to standard German orthography, use as participle or attributive adjective, and stem vowel quality. In the final set of results, the focus is on the productivity of the verbalizing morpheme -ier-, a historically important element for the integration of foreign word material into German. The study demonstrates that non-standard verbal anglicisms are widely used, and that their morphological behavior is mediated by frequency effects as well as phonological, pragmatic, and semantic considerations.
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Terpstra, Jan, Jacques de Maillard, Renze Salet, and Sebastian Roché. "Policing the corona crisis: A comparison between France and the Netherlands." International Journal of Police Science & Management 23, no. 2 (January 13, 2021): 168–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1461355720980772.
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The policing of measures to control the spread of the SARS-CoV-2 virus is a core aspect of the current corona crisis. This article concentrates on differences in policing the corona crisis in France and the Netherlands. There are huge differences in policing the corona crisis between the two jurisdictions: France with a very strict, repressive approach, and the Netherlands with a more pragmatic, communicative and responsibilizing style. These differences can be understood by looking at the underlying frames about the relationship between state and citizens. The differences in frames about the relationship between police and citizens are more or less similar between the two countries. In France, the dominant frame is of policing as a matter of ‘force’ and ‘war’; the Dutch policing style is framed in terms of responsibilization, communication and persuasion. Despite these important differences, there are also similarities. In both countries there have been fundamental criticisms of the legal basis of the corona measures and of the way that these have been policed. The issues of protest and criticism are often related to the specific dominating frames, in a paradoxical way. The Dutch approach, with its emphasis on proximity, communication and shared responsibilities, may be more effective in realizing compliance with the anti-corona rules than the French one, with its distrust of citizens, use of sanctions and war-like rhetoric. The question is raised of whether the Dutch approach will also be successful if awareness of the dangers of the virus and of the importance of self-control declines.
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Antolak, Wiktor. "Criminal Responsibility For Non-Risky Behaviors." osteuropa recht 67, no. 2 (2021): 145–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0030-6444-2021-2-145.
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The category of abstract-danger crimes not referring in hallmarks to the riskiness for legal good raises the question whether behavior formally fulfilling all the features of one of these types of crimes, without being risky, may be the subject of criminal liability. This question arises from the fact that there is no logically necessary relationship between the compliance with this kind of statutory description and the real occurrence of the riskiness. The answer to this question is sought in this paper by using normative analysis conducted in the context of human rights and of the constitution. This method makes it possible to understand the significance of the relation between behaviors and legal goods for the legitimization of a legal norm. So, the method shows what kind of the relation constitutes the state's competence to prohibit certain behaviors (the level of a sanctioned norm) and what character the relation must have to justify imposing a criminal penalty for given behaviors (the level of the sanctioning norm). These considerations, having a specific and pragmatic aim, which is to settle whether the behaviors realizing all hallmarks of the abstract dangerous type of crime but atypically non-risky could be a factual basis for criminal repression, at the same time show the limits of criminal law because they allow seeing what the conditions are that constitute the state's competence to use penal repression.
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Garbuzarova, Elena G. "Iran’s Soft Power Tools in Kyrgyzstan." RUDN Journal of Political Science 22, no. 1 (December 15, 2020): 22–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2020-22-1-22-31.
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The article examines the use of “soft power” tools used by Iran in relation to Kyrgyzstan. The analysis of the evolving fundamental concepts of Iranian foreign policy in Central Asia allowed us to trace a shift in the Islamic Republic’s international priorities in the region. Objective logic prompted the Iranian leadership to move from “exporting the Islamic revolution” to the pragmatic model of pursuing its national interests. Iran has consecutively incorporated soft power tools into its foreign policy activities in Central Asia. Given the pressure from the sanctions imposed by the United States, Iran attaches particular importance to improving the effectiveness of its soft power in order to expand cooperation horizons with the outside world. By the end of the 20th century, Iran’s leadership had already laid the foundations of its cultural diplomacy in the region, which mainly served to promote influence through the export of cultural values. The Iranian approach to soft power in world politics is based on the principles of reciprocity between different civilizations and peaceful coexistence of all countries and peoples. Through the Persian language, philosophy, literature and poetry, Iran influences the population of the Central Asian region, mainly the peoples sharing certain features with the Turkic-speaking world. Iran’s cultural and educational activities in Kyrgyzstan have demonstrated noticeable dynamics: the spread of soft power of the Islamic Republic of Iran in Kyrgyzstan is carried out through cultural institutions and educational projects. Despite the fact that Kyrgyzstan is culturally more inclined towards the Turkic world, the experience shows that Iran’s cultural values also find support among the population of the republic.
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Biswas, Samprity, and Suryasekhar Chakraborty. "Russo-Iranian Relations in the Light of Putin’s Foreign Policy and the Iranian Nuclear Crisis." Jadavpur Journal of International Relations 23, no. 2 (September 22, 2019): 179–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0973598419864905.
Full textAbstract:
Historically, Russia and Iran have shared a complex relationship that continues to color the contours of their present bilateral dealings. The complicated patterns of cooperation and conflict between them have been determined by a host of domestic and external factors on both sides, most pronouncedly manifested by their respective relationship with the USA. This article attempts to analyze Russia’s relationship with Iran in the geopolitical setting of the post-Cold War period. The aim of the article is to see how this bilateral relationship has evolved over time, exploring the underlying changes and continuities, from the Yeltsin period to the Putin era, in which Russia’s foreign policy has come to be characterized by an assertive fervor. Russia, under President Putin, has been pushed further toward the globalist end as the USA has attempted to consolidate Western values and institutions, at times to the extent of ignoring and undermining the principles of international law. It is within this broader context that this article will analyze the extent to which Russia’s disillusionment with the USA has played a role in pushing Russia toward adopting a pragmatic and flexible approach from time to time vis-à-vis Iran, in general, and the Iranian nuclear crisis, in particular. The article argues that Russia’s active involvement in minimizing the impact of sanctions on Iran and its method of dealing with Iran, through dialogue rather than force, is not only driven by Russia’s economic interests in the region, but is also a dependent variable of the larger Russia–USA rivalry at the systemic level characterized by both geopolitical competitions and ideational contestations over norms, beliefs, and practices of global governance.
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Serkova, Vera. "Matrix of “Cultural Disadvantage”." Logos et Praxis, no. 3 (December 2020): 17–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/lp.jvolsu.2020.3.2.
Full textAbstract:
The article analyzes the matrix as a special form of understanding and describing the phenomena of a foreign culture. The principles of the formation of ideas about the "cultural disadvantage" of Russians are analyzed. Over time, the "Western" discourse about Russia becomes more sophisticated and harsher; it can take the form of economic sanctions, political pressure, recommendations, and clothe itself in the form of "soft" and "hard" power. But its structure remains unchanged, which allows us to see the matrix basis of this kind of representations. The matrix construction is used as a set of initial assessments in the attitude of "cultural disadvantage". To analyze the matrix construction as an organization of ideas about a different culture, the authors of the 19th century Germaine de Stael and Astolphe de Custine are involved, who, to varying degrees, expressed their ideas about the "cultural disadvantage" of Russians. In modern discourse, this practice has found expression in the Eurocentric theoretical constructions of S. Huntington and L. Harrison. The contradiction between the Eurocentric thesis about the uniqueness of Western culture and tactical, pragmatic, applied programs of reforming and reformatting non-European cultures according to the European model is shown. The article analyzes the main points of criticism of Eurocentrism by E. Said in his concept of "orientalism". The concept of the "east", in a broad sense, is formed in the European tradition not as an alternative to the West, but as its invention, its quasi-object. "East" is a special tactic of opposing the "center" and the periphery, of historical progress beyond historical immobility. The East does not correlate with the usual scale of periodization of European culture. It always remains backward by definition, due to the absence of Western stages of development (the Enlightenment, as an option – the Renaissance, modernity, imperialism and similar historical periods).