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Journal articles on the topic 'Prague (Czechoslovakia)'
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1
Rychlík, Jan. "The “Velvet Split ” of Czechoslovakia (1989‑1992)." Politeja 15, no. 6(57) (August 13, 2019): 169–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.15.2018.57.10.
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The elections in June 1992 brought to power Vladimir Meciar‘s Movement for Democratic Slovakia (HZDS) in Bratislava and Vaclav Klaus‘ Civic Democratic Party (ODS) in Prague. In the concept of HZDS the idea of a parity (which is impossible to achieve between two units of differing size) gradually came to be associated with the concept of “Slovak sovereignty” and Slovakia’s “international legal subjectivity”, both incompatible with Czechoslovakia’s further existence. Such confederative model brought Czechs nothing but troubles. Subsequently, Prague now lost interest in keeping Slovakia within the Czechoslovak state. The result was “the velvet divorce” of Czechoslovakia on 31 December 1992.
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Lukes, Igor. "The Czechoslovak Special Services and Their American Adversary during the Cold War." Journal of Cold War Studies 9, no. 1 (January 1, 2007): 3–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2007.9.1.3.
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U.S. intelligence officials in early postwar Czechoslovakia had access to some of the Czechoslovak government's highest-ranking individuals and plenty of time to prepare for the looming confrontation with the Czechoslovak Communist Party. Yet the Communist takeover in February 1948 took them by surprise and undermined their networks. This article discusses the activities of four Czechoslovak security and intelligence agencies to demonstrate that the scale of the U.S. failure in Prague in 1945–1948 was far greater than often assumed, especially if one considers the substandard size and quality of Czechoslovakia's Communist-dominated special services after the war.
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Valchář, Jaroslav. "I.D.S'90, PRAGUE, CZECHOSLOVAKIA." Drying Technology 9, no. 2 (March 1991): 511–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07373939108916681.
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Lukes, Igor. "Changing Patterns of Power in Cold War Politics: The Mysterious Case of Vladimír Komárek." Journal of Cold War Studies 3, no. 1 (January 2001): 61–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/15203970151032155.
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The story of the arrest and imprisonment of Vladimír Komárek sheds valuable light on relations between Czechoslovakia and the United States in the 1950s and 1960s. Komárek, who had worked as an intelligence officer against the Czechoslovak Communist regime in the 1950s, was a U.S. citizen traveling to the Soviet Union on business when he was dramatically captured by the Czechoslovak authorities. Pressure from the U.S. government and private individuals, as well as conflicts between the Czechoslovak secret service and other, more liberal, elements in the Czechoslovak government, ultimately led to Komárek's release. Czechoslovakia's eventual willingness to cooperate in the Komárek case signaled a new approach to relations with the West, an approach that would have significant consequences during the Prague Spring of 1968.
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Kravchuk, Oleksandr. "T. G. Masaryk and the Ukrainian Question in the Documents of the Representation of the Western Ukrainian People’s Republic in Prague." Scientific Papers of the Vinnytsia Mykhailo Kotsyiubynskyi State Pedagogical University. Series: History, no. 34 (2020): 92–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.31652/2411-2143-2020-34-92-99.
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The purpose of the article is to analyze the representation’s report of the Western Ukrainian People’s Republic in Prague on the attitude of the president of Czechoslovakia T. G. Masaryk to the Ukrainian question. The research methodology is based on the research principles of historicism, scientificity, objectivity, general scientific methods (source analysis, historical and logical) and special historical methods (narrative and problem-chronological). The scientific novelty of the work is that the article on the basis of archival and published materials, in particular, the letters of the heads of the representation of the Western Ukrainian People's Republic in Prague to the foreign ministers of the state, analyzes the attitude of the first president of Czechoslovakia to the Ukrainian question. Conclusions. Masaryk’s attitude to the Ukrainian question is considered in the context of establishing relations between Czechoslovakia and the Western Ukrainian People’s Republic in late 1918 – early 1919, the desire of ones in 1920-1923 to gain the support of Prague in ensuring the recognition of the Entente countries the independence of this state, discussion of the case of assisting for Ukrainian emigrants in Czechoslovakia. In the article were noted the changes in the position of the Czechoslovak president in the Ukrainian question. In his work «New Europe» (1918), he supported the idea of the uniting of the Dnieper region, Eastern Galicia and Bukovina considering it necessary to preserve it as part of the federal democratic Russian state. In early 1919 president of the Czechoslovak Republic was ready to recognize the independence of the Ukrainian People’s Republic, which was revived during the anti-Hetman uprising. But made the final decision dependent on the position of the Entente states at the peace conference in Paris. The coverage of the perception of the Ukrainian question by T. G. Masaryk in 1920-1921 by the representatives of the Western Ukrainian People’s Republic in Prague testifies to his return to the concept set forth in the work «New Europe». Reports from representatives of the Western Ukrainian People’s Republic allow a more complete study of the circumstances that made it impossible for it to gain political support from Czechoslovakia. Given this, as well as the issues of the Czechoslovak Republic’s policy in Transcarpathia and on emigration were raised in the reports of the representation, these documents are an important source for studying the history of Czechoslovak-Ukrainian relations.
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Voron, Nataliia. "History and Culture of Ukraine on the Pages of Periodicals of the Ukrainian Historical and Philological Society in Prague (in 1939-1945s)." Scientific Papers of the Vinnytsia Mykhailo Kotsyiubynskyi State Pedagogical University. Series: History, no. 34 (2020): 100–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.31652/2411-2143-2020-34-100-109.
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The purpose of the article is to analyze the representation’s report of the Western Ukrainian People’s Republic in Prague on the attitude of the president of Czechoslovakia T. G. Masaryk to the Ukrainian question. The research methodology is based on the research principles of historicism, scientificity, objectivity, general scientific methods (source analysis, historical and logical) and special historical methods (narrative and problem-chronological). The scientific novelty of the work is that the article on the basis of archival and published materials, in particular, the letters of the heads of the representation of the Western Ukrainian People's Republic in Prague to the foreign ministers of the state, analyzes the attitude of the first president of Czechoslovakia to the Ukrainian question. Conclusions. Masaryk’s attitude to the Ukrainian question is considered in the context of establishing relations between Czechoslovakia and the Western Ukrainian People’s Republic in late 1918 – early 1919, the desire of ones in 1920-1923 to gain the support of Prague in ensuring the recognition of the Entente countries the independence of this state, discussion of the case of assisting for Ukrainian emigrants in Czechoslovakia. In the article were noted the changes in the position of the Czechoslovak president in the Ukrainian question. In his work «New Europe» (1918), he supported the idea of the uniting of the Dnieper region, Eastern Galicia and Bukovina considering it necessary to preserve it as part of the federal democratic Russian state. In early 1919 president of the Czechoslovak Republic was ready to recognize the independence of the Ukrainian People’s Republic, which was revived during the anti-Hetman uprising. But made the final decision dependent on the position of the Entente states at the peace conference in Paris. The coverage of the perception of the Ukrainian question by T. G. Masaryk in 1920-1921 by the representatives of the Western Ukrainian People’s Republic in Prague testifies to his return to the concept set forth in the work «New Europe». Reports from representatives of the Western Ukrainian People’s Republic allow a more complete study of the circumstances that made it impossible for it to gain political support from Czechoslovakia. Given this, as well as the issues of the Czechoslovak Republic’s policy in Transcarpathia and on emigration were raised in the reports of the representation, these documents are an important source for studying the history of Czechoslovak-Ukrainian relations.
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Makovsky, V. B. "Little-Known Operations of the Soviet Troops in Liberation of Czechoslovakia." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 2(41) (April 28, 2015): 45–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2015-2-41-45-54.
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RETRACTEDSuccessful advances of Soviet troops during the East Carpathian offensive created very favorable conditions for further operations to liberate Czechoslovakia. The breakthrough by Soviet troops of powerful natural barriers - the Eastern Carpathians with strongly fortified defensive positions created an entirely new situation on the Carpathian-Prague direction. The enemy lost an important strategic milestone, a cover of Czechoslovakia from the east. There were favorable conditions for the further deployment of the Red Army offensive deep into Czechoslovakia and access to the southern border of Germany. During this operation the right wing of the 2nd and 4th Ukrainian Fronts entered the territory of Czechoslovakia and by the end of 1944 liberated a large part of South and South-East Slovakia, surrounded by the large enemy grouping. During the offensive they managed to destroy about four divisions of the enemy, and capture more than 68 thousand troops. In March - April 1945 as a result of the fighting of the 2nd and 4th Ukrainian fronts and friendly Czechoslovak and Romanian forces large groups of the Wehrmacht were defeated in the Western Carpathians. Slovakia and Moravia were completely liberated, including such major administrative and industrial centers such as Prague, Brno and Moravian Ostrava. Within six weeks the troops advanced on both fronts more than 150-350 km, reaching the southern regions of Germany and central regions of Czechoslovakia, occupying a favorable position for an attack on Prague and the final defeat of the Wehrmacht.
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Zorin, A. V. "The problem of American Loans and Credits for Czechoslovakia in 1945–1948." MGIMO Review of International Relations 13, no. 1 (March 3, 2020): 56–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2020-1-70-56-81.
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The article is devoted to one of the aspects of the US European policy after World War II: the issue of loans and credits to affected countries. Using the example of Czechoslovakia, the author tries to answer a number of important questions: did Washington have a sound financial and economic policy towards this country, what goals did it pursue, what were its results? The study is based on the US Department of State archive documents and papers of the American ambassador to Czechoslovakia L.A. Steinhardt. The US financial policy towards Czechoslovakia in the early post-war years was the subject of intense debate in the United States. The author reveals evidence of serious disagreement between economic and political divisions of the State Department about providing of financial assistance to Prague, its size and terms of lending. Particular attention is paid to Steingardt’s position and his attempts to determine American loans and credits to Prague by upholding the property interests of American citizens. These disagreements hindered the development of a single thoughtful course regarding the Czechoslovak Republic and complicated diplomatic relations with Prague; negotiations on the allocation of large loans for the economic recovery of the Czechoslovak Republic dragged on. A fundamental role in the establishment of a new US political course had Secretary of State James Byrnes’ decision, made in the fall of 1946, on the inadmissibility of providing assistance to countries that have taken anti-American positions. This approach was finally entrenched after the Communists coup in Czechoslovakia in February 1948, when the country entered the Soviet sphere of influence. The article concludes that the post-war US policy was not distinguished by integrity and thoughtfulness.
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Brailian, Nadiia. "Ukrainian student journals of the interwar period in the Czechoslovak Republic as a source for the martyrologist of Ukrainian emigration." Proceedings of Research and Scientific Institute for Periodicals, no. 10(28) (January 2020): 87–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.37222/2524-0331-2020-10(28)-7.
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The article investigates periodicals of Ukrainian students in the Czechoslovakia in the 1920s and 1930s — reveals 19 titles of journals that were published in the cities of the largest concentration of academic youth: Prague, Podebrady, and Brno. A list of these publications in alphabetical order, indicating the place of publication and the years of publication, is given in Appendix 1. All of these journals were reviewed de visu and analyzed for biographical publications on Ukrainians who died and were buried in the Czechoslovak Republic. The following materials have been found on the pages of five student publications, namely: «Ukrainsky Student» (Prague, 1920, 1922—1924) — contains 3 publications, «Studentsky Vistnyk» (Prague, 1923—1931) — 15, «Zhyttia» (Prague, 1924—1926) — 1, «Nasha Hromada» (Podebrady, 1924—1926) — 7, and «Natsionalna Dumka» (Prague, 1924—1927) — 5 publications. The deceased’s information was mostly printed in obituaries with more or less detailed biographies, but there were also small essays, memoirs, brief reports of death or funeral, and so on. Often, such information was published under a separate heading called «Memory of the Dead» (or «Posthumous News» or «Obituary»). In general, the pages of these student journals revealed information about 25 Ukrainians who were buried in the Czechoslovak Republic during 1923—1929. Based on the published information, an alphabetical index of these persons with biographical information about them was compiled (25 surnames, «Appendix 2»). The materials found are a valuable (and in many cases, the only) source of biographical information on Ukrainian immigrants who died and are buried in the Czechoslovak Republic, as well as helping to establish and preserve their burial sites. Keywords: Ukrainian students, Ukrainian emigration to the Czechoslovakia, periodicals, interwar period, Ukrainian burials in the Czech Republic.
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Kupchyk, O. "CZECHOSLOVAK REPUBLIC IN THE FOREIGN TRADE OF SOVIET UKRAINE IN 1920-1922." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 143 (2019): 21–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2019.143.5.
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The article describes the circumstances under which the Soviet Ukraine established trade relations with Czechoslovakian Republic in the early 1920’s. The analysis of historiography of this scientific problem recovered the absence of the researches in modern Ukrainian historical science on the relations between Czechoslovakia and Soviet Ukraine in the early 1920’s. It’s established that the source database, including archival documents, allows a comprehensive answer to the task in the study. The contractual legal framework, organizational forms of trade activities of the Soviet Ukraine in Czechoslovakia have been clarified. It is stated that the inability to compete with the Germans in the Russian market caused the Czechoslovakians’ great interest in the Ukrainian market. There was a positive experience of Czechoslovakian-Ukrainian economic relations even before the First World War, which was to guarantee the resumption of trade relations between the countries in the early 1920s. This had been facilitated by shipping on the Danube to the Black Sea. 'Trade Representative Office' considered the logistics of trade (demanded goods, ways of delivery, placement of warehouses, sanitary and technical control). Persons of sales representatives were established (Y. Novakovsky, M. Lomovsky, I. Girsa, V. Benesh). The role of the Soviet Ukraine 'Trade Representative Office' in Prague in the foreign trade activities of the Ukrainian Socialist Soviet Republic is revealed. The place of the Czechoslovakian market in the export and import operations of Soviet Ukraine has been determined. The interest of Czechoslovakian traders in Ukrainian raw materials, namely flax, hemp, wool and leather was noted. It is stated that the trade representatives of the Soviet Ukraine were exploring the possibility of selling other raw materials on the Czechoslovakian market, namely iron ore, coal, etc. It is found that the trading company has purchased in large quantities flour (wheat, rye), sugar (refinement, sand) and cereals (wheat, barley, rye, peas, oats). The Czechoslovakian traders and entrepreneurs were particularly interested in forming «mixed partnerships» with the Ukrainians (supplying railway equipment, making file sheets, production of medicines, glass and porcelain). Czechoslovakians also sought to obtain a concession for tractor cultivation of lands in Ukraine. At the same time, participation in the Ukrainian-Czechoslovakian trade «Vokoopspilka» was revealed. The participation of the Soviet Ukraine at the Prague International Exhibition in 1922 was covered, which became its first participation in international exhibitions.
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Bičík, Ivan. "Geography at Charles University, Prague, Czechoslovakia∗." Professional Geographer 44, no. 4 (November 1992): 469–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.0033-0124.1992.00469.x.
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Madokoro, Laura. "Good Material: Canada and the Prague Spring Refugees." Refuge: Canada's Journal on Refugees 26, no. 1 (October 9, 2010): 161–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.25071/1920-7336.30618.
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In August 1968, the Soviet Union sent troops into Czechoslovakia to crush the burgeoning spirit of reform known as the “Prague Spring”. The Soviet invasion and the return of oppressive government measures triggered the flight of twenty-seven thousand people, eleven thousand of whom came to Canada.Using newly released archival records, this paper explores how the Canadian government approached the refugee crisis and argues that confident officials, buoyed by a charismatic leader and operating in an era of improved East-West relations, manipulated the conventional definition of a refugee and consciously adopted policies that enabled large numbers of Czechoslovakian refugees to resettle in Canada.
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Pehr, Michal. "Josef Plojhar a rok 1968. Konec jedné ministerské kariéry." Časopis Národního muzea. Řada historická 188, no. 3-4 (2021): 55–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.37520/cnm.2019.007.
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Catholic priest and chairman of the Czechoslovak People’s Party, and supreme functionary of the Board of pro-regime organisations (e.g. long-term vice-chairman of the Association of Czechoslovak Soviet Friendship), Josef Plojhar, was a distinctive figure in the political world of Communist Czechoslovakia during the first twenty years of its existence. He was one of the historically longest serving ministers of health and spent an unbelievable twenty years and one month in this position. He survived a number of political upheavals and purges within the terms of post-February Czechoslovakia. All this makes him an indisputably interesting figure, who has been neglected by previous historic research. This study is about the end of the climactic political career of this Catholic priest and chairman of the Czechoslovak People’s Party, who was Minister of Health from 1948 to 1968. His political downfall came about in connection with the Prague Spring in 1968.
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Landowski, Dr Jan. "PIONEER YOUTH GROUP AT PRAGUE ZOO, CZECHOSLOVAKIA." International Zoo Yearbook 1, no. 1 (December 18, 2007): 37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-1090.1960.tb02941.x.
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Rychlík, Jan. "Dyplomacja czechosłowacka wobec sytuacji w Polsce w 1989 roku." Studia Środkowoeuropejskie i Bałkanistyczne 30 (2021): 259–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/2543733xssb.21.018.13811.
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Czechoslovak Diplomacy in the Face of the Situation in Poland in 1989 In 1989, the diplomacy of communist Czechoslovakia watched the political changes in communist Poland moving towards democratization with care and concern. However, due to the passive attitude of the Gorbachev ruler in Moscow, Prague did not intend to take any practical steps towards creating a political bloc proposed by Romania that could stop systemic changes in Poland. Despite the announcement of support for Polish communists, Prague chose to isolate Czechs and Slovaks from Poland and Poles and limit her own reforms to the economic sphere. It also did not open the border with Poland closed in 1981 for individual movement.
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Williams, Kieran. "Review Essay: The Russian View(s) of the Prague Spring." Journal of Cold War Studies 14, no. 2 (April 2012): 128–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00223.
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This essay discusses five recently published volumes dealing with the Prague Spring of 1968 and the Soviet-led invasion of Czechoslovakia. These volumes mark the first extensive involvement by Russian scholars and archivists in historical assessments of the Soviet-Czechoslovak crisis. Reams of declassified documents and analytical essays in four of the volumes illuminate the events of 1968 and add details and nuances, but they do not alter the basic interpretations developed by Western scholars in earlier decades. The fifth volume, put out by the Russian Ministry of Internal Affairs (MVD), says more about the mentality of the Putin-era MVD than about the events of 1968.
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Coranič, Jaroslav. "Legalization of Greek Catholic Church in Czechoslovakia in 1968." E-Theologos. Theological revue of Greek Catholic Theological Faculty 1, no. 2 (November 1, 2010): 192–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10154-010-0017-3.
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Legalization of Greek Catholic Church in Czechoslovakia in 1968 This study deals with the fate (history) of the Greek Catholic Church in Czechoslovakia in 1968. Catholic Church in Czechoslovakia was liquidated by communist state power in the period of 1950 - 1968. The Church did not legally existed, its priests and believers were incorporated violently into the Orthodox Church. Improving this situation occurred in 1968, when so Prague Spring took place in Czechoslovakia. The legalization of the Greek Catholic Church was one of its result. This process was stopped by invasion of Warsaw Pact to the Czechoslovakia in August 1968. Full restoration of the Greek Catholic Church in Czechoslovakia thus was occurred after the November revolution in 1989.
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Zvárová, Jana, and Zdenek Vacek. "Medical Education System in Czechoslovakia: Achievements and Perspectives of Medical Informatics Education." Methods of Information in Medicine 28, no. 04 (October 1989): 246–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1055/s-0038-1636799.
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Abstract:In this paper we describe medical education systems in Czechoslovakia and introduce the structure of medical informatics education in the medical curriculum at the Medical Faculty of Charles University in Prague. We state the results of a recent Prague conference on “Computers in Medical Education" and summarize the state ofthe art and perspectives in this field.
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BRACKE, MAUD. "The 1968 Czechoslovak Crisis: Reconsidering its History and Politics." Contemporary European History 12, no. 3 (August 2003): 373–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777303001292.
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The past few years have seen the publication of a number of important contributions to the historiography of the Prague Spring of 1968, the Soviet-led invasion of Czechoslovakia in August that year and the process of so-called ‘normalisation’ in the country and the wider communist world. The Czechoslovak crisis of 1968–9 has never really ceased to inspire either scholarly research or passionate public and political debate. It has attracted even more attention, though, since its thirtieth anniversary in 1998, and a state-of-the-art essay seems appropriate.
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Stankov, Nikolay. "The Forming of the Little Entente in the documents of the RSFSR Red Cross mission to Czechoslovakia (1920–1921)." Slavic Almanac, no. 3-4 (2018): 152–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2073-5731.2018.3-4.1.12.
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The article concentrates on the documents of the RSFSR Red Cross mission to Prague in (1920–1921) that reflects the problems of forming of the Little Entente — the union of Czechoslovakia, Yugoslavia and Romania. A special attention is paid to the analysis of the policy of Czechoslovakia toward Soviet Russia and the influence of home and foreign political factors on it.
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Albertini, Béla. "Egy Petzval-vitáról." Kaposvári Rippl-Rónai Múzeum Közleményei, no. 4 (2016): 421–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.26080/krrmkozl.2016.4.421.
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In 1920, Eduard Kuchinka from Vienna started a debate with Viktor Teißler from Prague in the „Photographis-che Korrespondenz”. The latter stated in London’s Penrose’s Annual that given his place of birth, Josef Petzval (Petzval József 1807‒1891), the famous lens constructor was of “Czechoslovakian” descent. Kuchinka showed that Szepes-béla, Petzval’s place of birth became part of Czechoslovakia only after the World War. The author from Vienna compen-sated the Czechoslovakian bias with his own German bias: according to him, Petzval was of German descent. The true facts are: József Petzval was born on the territory of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, with his paternal side being Czech (maybe Moravian), his spindle side being German. Any such claim of appropriation is unscholarly.
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Ševčíková, Markéta, and Kaarle Nordenstreng. "The Story of Journalist Organizations in Czechoslovakia." Media and Communication 5, no. 3 (September 27, 2017): 95–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/mac.v5i3.1042.
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This article reviews the political history of Czechoslovakia as a vital part of the Soviet-dominated “Communist bloc” and its repercussions for the journalist associations based in the country. Following an eventful history since 1918, Czechoslovakia changed in 1948 from a liberal democracy into a Communist regime. This had significant consequences for journalists and their national union and also for the International Organization of Journalists (IOJ), which had just established its headquarters in Prague. The second historical event to shake the political system was the “Prague Spring” of 1968 and its aftermath among journalists and their unions. The third landmark was the “Velvet Revolution” of 1989, which played a significant part in the fall of Communism in Central and Eastern Europe and led to the closing of the old Union of Journalists in 1990, followed by the founding of a new Syndicate which refused to serve as the host of the IOJ. This led to a gradual disintegration and the closing down of what in the 1980s was the world’s largest non-governmental organization in the media field.
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Doellinger, David. "Prayers, Pilgrimages and Petitions: The Secret Church and the Growth of Civil Society in Slovakia." Nationalities Papers 30, no. 2 (June 2002): 215–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990220140621.
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A photograph of Pope John Paul II shaking hands with Ján Čarnogurský, First Deputy Prime Minister of Czechoslovakia, at the Vatican appeared in full color on the cover of the February 1990 issue of Rodinné spolocčenstvo. Čarnogurský symbolizes the speed of Czechoslovakia's political revolution and the important role that individuals who had gained political experience as dissidents played in Czechoslovakia's post-Communist government. Just 2 months before meeting with the Pope, Čarnogurský, a Roman Catholic activist in Slovakia, had been awaiting trial in Bratislava for editing the Slovak secret church's most politically-oriented samizdat periodical. Hundreds of demonstrators, organized by the Slovak secret church, had already been protesting his arrest for several weeks when the Velvet Revolution began in Prague on 17 November 1989.
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Zubko, Olha. "Movie in the life of ukrainian emigration in the interwar CHSR (1921–1939)." Bulletin of Mariupol State University. Series: Philosophy, culture studies, sociology 9, no. 18 (2019): 37–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.34079/2226-2849-2019-9-18-37-43.
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In the 1920 s, the politically heterogeneous Ukrainian emigration community in inter-war Czechoslovakia, with its back in World War I and losing national liberation competitions, desperately needed both physical and spiritual rest. However, the status of «emigrants» transformed the imagination of the natives about leisure and leisure. The recreational regulator was, on the one hand, the scientific and technical implications of the 'stormy twenties' and, on the other, the urgent need to keep 'one's band', that is, a collective form of rest and leisure. Ukrainian exiles visited various theatrical performances, book exhibitions, music concerts, sections and circles, and enjoyed excursions. Slowly, with some nuances, cinema was also part of the Ukrainian emigration leisure. It should be noted that the Ukrainian emigration in the inter-war Czechoslovakia, because of the 1920 s «quick return concept» and the priority, first of all, of its own political projects, did not leave any jobs or references to film vacations. The Great Depression of the 1930 s and the Losses dismissed the issue of leisure in general and film recreation in particular, making it difficult to physically work to survive. Contemporary scientific intelligence on the impact and role of cinema in the life of the Ukrainian emigration community in the interwar CSR is absent because of the fact that despite the status of Prague as a powerful political, cultural and scientific emigration center, it has not become a leading European cinema center, yielding here Berlin. Only those edited by Doctor of Historical Sciences, Professor IB Matyash, the book «Diplomatic History of Ukraine by Yevgeny Slabchenko (Eugene Deslav)», relevant to the subject of our intelligence, and the article by Roman Roslyak «Ukrainfilm».Based on the above, the purpose of the publication is to argue that, despite some efforts by the Ukrainian emigration community in the interwar CSR, a powerful European film center in Prague, unlike Paris, Vienna, Berlin and New York, never. The Ukrainian emigration community in the Czechoslovak Republic numbered about 20-22 thousand people. In its social composition, it was mainly peasant workers, the layer of her intelligentsia was small. Thus, most Ukrainian immigrants either used the moment to seek education in order to further have a higher social status or to work hard without being able to study. First of all, the Ukrainians, as a national community in exile with a lack of sufficient financial base, even in the «scientifically technical twenties» and «economically unstable thirties», were forced to stand in conservative positions on leisure issues. The first «moving pictures» appeared on the territory of the Czech Republic in 1896 in Prague and Karlovy Vary, thanks to the director and cameraman Jan Krzyzyniecki, who, since the second half of the 1890s, made several short documentary films. And a year later, one of the private American film companies came to the Czech Republic to start filming a black and white silent film in Bohemia. Whereas the first permanent cinema on Czech lands was started by the illusionist Victor Ponrepo (1858–1926) in 1907 in Prague. The Czechoslovakian film industry gained considerable momentum during the interwar period. Since 1921 professional film studios have started. And by 1932, the championship was kept by black and white silent films. The soundtrack of films in the Czechoslovakia began in 1930. In addition, in 1930 Czechoslovak authorities imposed a ban on the import of any German-language films. Prohibition of German-language film production leads to the fact that in 1933, the Czech studio «Barrandov Studio», established by the brothers Vaclav and Milos Havel in 1921, is firmly on its feet, and the number of cinemas is counted in 1938. 1824. However, there were attempts to create a quality Ukrainian emigration film product and, accordingly, Ukrainian (emigration) film studios in the Czechoslovak Republic. These attempts were linked to the names of Boris Khoslovsky and Roman Mishkevich. Khoslovsky since 1926 the head of production of advertising departments of the firm «Vira Film». Since 1928 organizer and owner of the «Mercury Film» Studio, specializing in the production of promotional films. Another Ukrainian film studio, «Terra Film», originated in Brno in the early 1930s on the initiative of Roman Mishkevich. This film studio tried to shoot science and plot (situational-natural) films. Until 1939, Myshkevich's firm remained the largest importer of motion pictures from the Czech Republic to Japan, China, India and Central America. Yet, to develop a powerful Ukrainian film industry in the Czechoslovakia proved impossible. There were several reasons for this. First, political (emigrant status) and economic (lack of sustainable financial flows from the Czechoslovakia) were hampered. Secondly, the Ukrainian film industry did not have the support of both Ukrainian and Czech (private) businesses. Thirdly, the low potential of Ukrainian film enthusiasts and the lack of professional education and experience were evident. Fourth, the Ukrainian Prague film production consisted mainly of documentaries, short films, plot films, reports and chronicles.
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Sýkora, Michal. "The Prague Orgy: The Life of Writers in a Totalitarian State According to Philip Roth." Humanities 8, no. 2 (April 7, 2019): 71. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/h8020071.
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This paper deals with the way Philip Roth depicted writers in Czechoslovakia in the 1970s in his novella The Prague Orgy, the final part of the Zuckerman Bound tetralogy. Researchers often read The Prague Orgy in the context of the entire tetralogy and accentuate the contact with Jewish topics. The primary focus of the paper is how Roth views Czech writers and their lives through the eyes of his long-term hero (and fictional alter-ego) Nathan Zuckerman and how he perceives life in a totalitarian state. The Prague Orgy is discussed as a somewhat abstract story about the writer’s freedom and responsibility of their work. There are three types of writers in The Prague Orgy: The émigré (Sisovsky), the dissenter (Bolotka), and the pro-regime (Novak). Each of them, in an interview with Roth’s hero, formulates his attitude to the regime. Zuckerman is fascinated by the life of opposition artists, their experience of freedom (realized in the private sphere), and the social response to their work. Although the reality of life in Czechoslovakia under communism is not the main topic of the novella, the paper concludes that the depiction of life of Czech underground intellectuals interested mostly in sex is in consonance with the picture of Czech dissent in official regime propaganda.
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Sharlip, Ira D., and William L. Furlow. "International Society for Impotence Research: 1986 Meeting, Prague, Czechoslovakia." European Urology 13, no. 5 (1987): 358–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1159/000472821.
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Sarikoudi, Georgia. "Review of Kateřina Králová, Konstantinos Tsivos et al., Vyschly Nám Slzy... Řečtí uprchlíci v Československu." Historein 14, no. 2 (October 5, 2014): 151. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/historein.280.
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Kateřina Králová, Konstantinos Tsivos et al., <em>Vyschly Nám Slzy... Řečtí uprchlíci v Československu</em> [We have no tears left to cry: Greek refugees in Czechoslovakia], Prague: Dokořán. 2012. 333 pp.
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Zvárová, Jana. "Medical Decision Support and Medical Informatics Education: Roots, Methods and Applications in Czechoslovakia and the Czech Republic." Yearbook of Medical Informatics 22, no. 01 (August 2013): 206–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1055/s-0038-1638857.
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SummaryThe paper describes the history of medical informatics in Czechoslovakia and the Czech Republic. It focuses on the topics of medical informatics education and decision support methods and systems. Several conferences held in Czechoslovakia and in the Czech Republic organized in cooperation with IMIA or EFMI are described. Support of European Union and Czech agencies in several European and national projects focused on medical informatics topics highly contributed to medical informatics development in Czechoslovakia and the Czech Republic and to the establishment of the European Center for Medical Informatics, Statistics and Epidemiology as the joint workplace of Charles University in Prague and Academy of Sciences of the Czech Republic in 1994.
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Šimáně, Michal. "Sustainable Education on the Example of Establishment of Czech Primary Minority Schools in Interwar Czechoslovakia." Discourse and Communication for Sustainable Education 10, no. 1 (June 1, 2019): 91–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/dcse-2019-0008.
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Abstract The topic of this study is the issue of Czech primary minority schools (ISCED 1) in the period of interwar Czechoslovakia. The specific objective is to describe the development of these type of schools as an example of the sustainability process of Czech education and erudition in general in the border areas of the interwar Czechoslovak state; in other words in the areas, which were inhabited predominantly by the German-speaking population. The research is based on the study of archival sources kept mainly in the Archive of the City of Ústí nad Labem and National Archives in Prague as well as on the study of contemporary legislation. The study brings, among other things, a unique view on the process of disseminating and maintaining Czech education through establishing Czech minority schools in the linguistically heterogeneous areas of the Czechoslovak state. It also indicates the importance of this process in the context of the development of Czechoslovak education system after the year 1945.
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Šik, Ota. "What Czechoslovakia Expects from Gorbachev." Government and Opposition 25, no. 1 (January 1, 1990): 60–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1990.tb00745.x.
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The People of Czechoslovakia Have Now Risen and are determined — as are the people of other socialist countries — to overthrow the hated party leadership. People like Husak, Jakes, Indra, Fojtik, Hofman and others, came to power with the help of Soviet tanks and have been able to maintain themselves at the top until just recently. Only by means of repressions in the style of Brezhnev have they been able to hold on to power for twenty years. They have built up a system of spying and terror which enabled them to uncover and suppress any development of the opposition in the country. They have systematically distorted the facts of the Prague spring and the erstwhile reform movement with lies and unproven assertions.
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Marjina, V. "Gustáv Husák, Prague Spring of 1968, Czechoslovakia, USSR foreign policy, Brezhnev doctrine, Soviet-Czechoslovak relations." Славяноведение, no. 5 (October 2018): 95–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0869544x0000854-2.
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Stykalin, Alexandr S. "Prague Spring of 1968 and Disagreements in the Socialist Camp." Slavic World in the Third Millennium 15, no. 1-2 (2020): 89–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2412-6446.2020.15.1-2.07.
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The article analyses the different views of the leaders of the socialist countries on the Prague Spring and the August 1968 intervention of fi ve countries — members of the Warsaw Pact — in Czechoslovakia. Although Moscow tried to present the military ac- tion to suppress the Czechoslovak experiment as a manifestation of common concern for the “salvation” of Socialism in one of the countries of the bloc, the intervention did not receive, for various reasons, the full support of even all those countries that were members of the Warsaw Pact (Romania opposed it, as well as Albania, who had long distanced itself from the eastern bloc). The Hungarian leadership supported the collective action with hesitation. The intervention of 21st August was not supported by the second communist power of the world — China — and the infl uential non-aligned socialist country — Titoist Yugoslavia. Special attention is paid to the attitudes of Ro- mania and Yugoslavia, which caused new problems in Soviet-Romanian and Soviet- Yugoslav relations. Although disagreements on the Czechoslovak question persisted, by the beginning of the 1970s, Soviet-Yugoslav relations, as the author shows, did not deteriorate further. As for Romania, where they feared a similar military intervention, its leader N. Ceauşescu as early as in the autumn of 1968 took the fi rst measures to nor- malize relations with the USSR.
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Krátká, Lenka. "Czechoslovak Seafarers’ Memories of Polish Ports as their “Second Home” during the State Socialism Period (1949–1989)." History in flux 2, no. 2 (December 23, 2020): 31–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.32728/flux.2020.2.2.
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Czechoslovakia began to develop its ocean fleet after the communist coup d’état in 1948. Prague was designated as the place of registration for these ships. From a practical point of view, however, it was necessary for the Czechoslovak fleet to reach a port located as close as possible to the Czechoslovak border. Szczecin (located 298 km from the border) became the base for the fleet not only due to the political circumstances of the Cold War but also for economic reasons. While Hamburg remained a vital harbor for international trade where “East meets West,” Polish ports were used not only for loading and unloading goods and transporting them to the republic but also to supply ships, change crews, carry out most shipyard maintenance, etc. Consequently, Czechoslovak seafarers themselves called Szczecin their “home port.” Numerous aspects of this perception as “home” will be reflected on in this paper. Specifically, the paper will touch on perceptions of Poles (mainly seafarers and dock workers), some aspects of the relationships among Czechoslovaks and Poles, including a discussion of some important historical issues (1968, the 1980s) in this area. This paper is based on archival sources, oral history interviews with former seafarers, and published memoirs. It should contribute to broader research and understanding of relationships among people living in various parts of the socialist block and show different images of life under socialism(s).
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Kudrna, Jan. "Volný mandát člena parlamentu v ústavním vývoji Československa a České republiky." PRÁVNĚHISTORICKÉ STUDIE 51, no. 2 (August 10, 2021): 89–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.14712/2464689x.2021.20.
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This article deals with the issue of the matter of the mandate of members of parliament in the constitutional history of Czechoslovakia and the Czech Republic. Namely the article is dedicated to the problem, whether and when in the years 1918–2020 the mandate of the members of parliament was free or imperative. The detailed description shows, that in Czechoslovakia strongly prevailed the imperative mandate, irrespective of character of the political regime. The pre-war Czechoslovak constitution adopted in 1920 expressly declared the mandate as a free one and members of parliament should use them regardless of any instructions or commands. Nonetheless very quickly, in 1923, through the decision of the Election Court, the first deputies were deprived of their functions as a sanction for leaving their party policy. Thus, even in the democratic regime the mandate was transformed into the imperative form. After the WWII, the political circumstances in Czechoslovakia changed and the regime turned into a totalitarian form under the hegemony of the communist party. In these circumstances the deputies should serve as servants of the voters, to follow their instructions and they could be recalled, if not fulfilling the will of the (working) people. Nonetheless the recall system based on the public meetings of the voters was not very practical and it could fulfil the estimations only when the communist party has the situation fully under its control. In some critical moments other tools for recall had to be adopted, as it happened in the year 1969, when the political situation after the Prague Spring suppression needed to be consolidated and the will of the voters was different of the will of the conservative communist leaders. The last recalls appeared after the Velvet Revolution when democracy was re-established in Czechoslovakia. Thus, the free parliamentary mandate existed hardly in 8 years from 75 years of existence of Czechoslovakia. The last 30 years of its existence in the constitution of the Czech Republic and political practice is still quite an uncommon period in the Czechoslovak constitutional tradition.
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Stankov, Nikolaj N. "The First Book about the Czechoslovak Republic in the USSR: “The Modern Czecho-Slovakia” by Pavel N. Mostovenko." Slavic Almanac, no. 1-2 (2021): 78–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2073-5731.2021.1-2.1.05.
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The article dwells upon the book “The Modern Czecho-Slovakia” by Pavel N. Mostovenko — the Soviet representative in Prague from June, 1921 till February, 1923. The author of the article supposes that Mostovenko began to work on this book immediately after his return from Czechoslovakia in the spring of 1923 following his fresh impressions and having all the necessary materials. All the chapters of this book embraced a wide range of problems: a brief history of Czechia, the foundation of the Czechoslovak Republic, its social and economic development, the financial system, the constitution of 1920 and the functioning of the state machinery, the leading political parties, the relations among different ethnic groups, home and foreign policy. In the USSR Mostovenko’s book was the first attempt at interpreting the history of the Czechoslovak Republic from the point of view of the communist ideology. At the same time, the author of the article states that in Mostovenko’s book quite a few aspects of the development of Czechoslovakia at the beginning of 1920s are interpreted in a way different from the documents of Comintern and the Soviet press of that period. The author of the article proves that Mostovenko on the basis of the analysis of the international relations in Central Europe after World War I predicted that in case of an essential breach of the balances of powers in the Versailles system of international relations, Czechoslovakia would became its first victim and neither France nor the allies in the Little Entente would help it. Exactly this happened in 1938.
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Lukes, Igor. "The Rudolf Slánský Affair: New Evidence." Slavic Review 58, no. 1 (1999): 160–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2672994.
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Rudolf Slánský's arrest in November 1951 by Statni bezpecnost (StB), the Czechoslovak secret police, his Kafkaesque trial a year later, and his execution caused a sensation during the early years of the Cold War. For a full week, the trial could be followed live on the radio in Prague. The transcript of the proceedings was published and widely distributed. Yet the affair remained a mystery. Slánský, until recently the general secretary of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia (CPC), and thirteen of his colleagues, all of them lifelong party members, confessed to crimes of high treason against the Prague government, espionage on behalf of the west, and sabotage of the socialist economy. In tired, monotonous voices, they described their lives as being motivated by their hatred of the CPC and loyalty to such sponsors as the Gestapo, Zionism, western intelligence services, and international capital. In their final speeches, all the defendants demanded that the court impose upon them the death penalty. The judge disappointed only three—they received life sentences. Slánský and ten others were executed in December 1952.
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Sabatos, Charles. "A Long Way from Prague: The Harlem Renaissance and Czechoslovakia." Journal of the Midwest Modern Language Association 50, no. 1 (2017): 39–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mml.2017.0002.
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Richterova, Daniela. "Terrorists and Revolutionaries: The Achilles Heel of Communist Surveillance." Surveillance & Society 16, no. 3 (October 12, 2018): 277–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.24908/ss.v16i3.6958.
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The scholarly understanding of communist state surveillance practices remains limited. Utilising thousands of recently declassified archival materials from communist Czechoslovakia, this article aims to revise our understanding of everyday security practices and surveillance under communist regimes, which have thus far been overwhelmingly understood in relation to the domestic population and social control. In the 1970s and 1980s, Czechoslovakia attracted the Cold War terrorist and revolutionary elite. Visits by the likes of Carlos the Jackal, Munich Olympic massacre mastermind Abu Daoud, and key PLO figures in Prague were closely surveilled by the Czechoslovak State Security (StB). This article investigates the motifs and performance of a wide range of mechanisms that the StB utilised to surveil violent non-state actors, including informer networks and SIGINT. It argues that in the last decade of the Cold War, Prague adopted a “surveillance-centred” approach to international terrorists on its territory—arguably enabled by informal “non-aggression pacts.” Furthermore, it challenges the notion that the communist state security structures were omnipotent surveillance mechanisms. Despite having spent decades perfecting their grip on domestic dissent, when confronted with foreign, unfamiliar, and uncontrollable non-state actors engaged in terrorism or political violence, these ominous institutions were often shown to be anxious, inept, and at times impotent. Finally, it explores the parallel state approaches to international terrorists and revolutionaries, and their shortcomings, across the Iron Curtain jurisdictions. Overall, this article seeks to expand our understanding of the broad and varied complexities of intelligence and surveillance in communist regimes.
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Butler, Sydney J. "Lifestorying and Drawing in a Czech EFL Class." TESL Canada Journal 9, no. 1 (October 26, 1991): 57. http://dx.doi.org/10.18806/tesl.v9i1.596.
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This article describes a "lifestorying" activity for developing oral communication in an EFL classroom. The instructor, a volunteer teacher for the Canadian "Education for Democracy" organization in Prague, Czechoslovakia, was teaching four courses at the intermediate level of English for post-secondary students at the Prague institute of Chemical Technology. The article includes samples of the students' drawings which were used in the class to enable the students to generate ideas and build vocabulary for their personal stories, in the re-telling of which they gained confidence and improved their oral fluency in everyday English.
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Cairns, Zachary. "Music for Prague 1968: A display of Czech nationalism from America." Studia Musicologica 56, no. 4 (December 2015): 443–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/6.2015.56.4.11.
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As an overt response to the Soviet bloc invasion of Czechoslovakia, Karel Husa’s Music for Prague 1968 makes an obvious nationalistic statement. In his foreword to the published score, Husa describes Prague’s use of the Hussite war song “Ktož jsú boží bojovníc” as its most important unifying motive. He says this song has long been “a symbol of resistance and hope.” The author does not debate the work’s nationalistic intent, he finds remarkable that, in 1968, Husa was an American citizen, teaching at Cornell, and using compositional techniques not frequently associated with Eastern European nationalism. If musical nationalism (expressed by folkloric elements) in Eastern European countries can be used to express primacy over avantgarde music, Music for Prague 1968 presents the opposite — a traditional war song submersed in an entirely Western European/American musical language. The study examines several portions of the composition to demonstrate the ways in which Husa expresses his nationalism in a non-nationalistic manner, including chromatic transformations of the Hussite song; the integrally serial third movement, in which unpitched percussion instruments are intended to represent the church bells of Prague; and the opening movement’s non-tonal bird calls, intended to represent freedom. Furthermore, Music for Prague 1968 uses a Western avant-garde language in a way that Husa’s other overtly nationalistic post-emigration pieces (Twelve Moravian Songs, Eight Czech Duets, Evocations of Slovakia) do not. In this light, it will be seen that Music for Prague 1968 fills a special role in Husa’s nationalistic display.
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Permyakov, I. A., and S. G. Antonenko. "Attempt to save Friendship, or What the Liberator of Prague Did in Czechoslovakia in May 1968." MGIMO Review of International Relations 13, no. 4 (September 4, 2020): 92–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2020-4-73-92-108.
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The article introduces the publication of the recently declassified archival documents of the Russian State Archive of Contemporary History (RGANI) and the Archive of Foreign Policy of the Russian Federation concerning the stay of a delegation of Soviet military leaders in the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic on May 8-14, 1968, led by Marshal of the Soviet Union I.S. Konev. In August 2018, at the initiative of the Prague 6 City Council, metal “information plates” were installed on the pedestal of the monument to Marshal Konev, where among other things it was stated that “In 1968, he personally backed the intelligence surveillance preceding the invasion of the armed forces of the Warsaw Pact into Czechoslovakia". This action was part of measures to prepare public opinion for the removal of the monument. The documents being published show there is not the slightest reason to consider the soviet delegation headed by Marshal Konev as intelligence surveillance operation to prepare for an invasion. The internal political crisis in Czechoslovakia in early May had not yet reached its peak (the famous manifesto "Two Thousand Words" will be published only on June 27). The Soviet leadership, headed by L. Brezhnev hoped that the "Czechoslovak comrades" would be able to cope with the situation, "would rebuff the anti-socialist forces." The delegation of the Soviet military leaders had a symbolic, cultural significance and was intended to revive the memory of the events of 1945, of the victims of the Red Army and the brotherhood in arms of Soviet and Czechoslovak soldiers. In the extremely unstable and confused atmosphere of the “Prague Spring”, the members of the delegation sought to clarify the true state of affairs and public sentiments in the country. As Marshals Konev and Moskalenko admitted themselves, they “had no opportunity to fully understand all the processes”. The so-called "intelligence surveillance", which is mentioned in the Czech press, was carried out by them in a completely open way of meeting and exchanging views with colleagues, speaking at rallies, and communicating with workers. Moscow preferred to act at the time by political methods, gradually shifting to military pressure (the “Shumava” military exercises). The time for tough demands came later (negotiations in Čierna nad Tisou, July 29 – August 1, and in Bratislava on August 3, 1968). The final decision on the intervention was made by the Soviet political leadership after numerous consultations with partners in the socialist camp, largely under the influence of the tough position of the first secretary of the PUWP Central Committee W. Gomulka and the first secretary of the SED Central Committee V. Ulbricht.
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Guthu, Sarah. "Defending the Dissidents in Paris, Munich, and New York: Ceremony in Bohemia and the 1979 Show Trial of Charter 77." Theatre Survey 54, no. 3 (August 29, 2013): 367–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0040557413000264.
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In late 1982, a documentary drama entitled Ceremony in Bohemia was produced Off-Off Broadway at the Greenwich House Theatre in New York. The play offered U.S. audiences a glimpse behind the closed doors of a tiny courtroom on Spálená Street in Prague in Czechoslovakia. The production presented an account of the recent trial of six Czechoslovak activists who had been found guilty of “subversion of the Republic” and been sentenced, collectively, to nineteen-and-a-half years in top-level prisons. Their only crime was that they had protested unjust trials like their own. The press and all foreigners were barred from the trial. Only a few witnesses were allowed inside the courtroom to observe the trial, which lasted only two days.
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Kopecek, Herman. "Zusammenarbeit and Spoluprace: Sudeten German-Czech Cooperation in Interwar Czechoslovakia." Nationalities Papers 24, no. 01 (March 1996): 63–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999608408427.
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On 22 December 1918 Tomáš G. Masaryk delivered his first political message as president of the fledgling Czechoslovakia. Addressing the Constituent Assembly at Hradčany in Prague, he vowed that the frontier districts of Bohemia, Moravia, and Silesia, which contained a predominantly German-speaking population (and which German nationalists eventually designated collectively as the Sudetenland) would remain in the new Republic. Inimical toward and unwilling to live in a state dedicated to the sovereignty of Czechs and Slovaks, virtually all German leaders at the time of Masaryk's address were working to separate German districts from Czechoslovakia and link them with Austria.
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Voron, Nataliia. "PARTICIPATION OF UKRAINIAN HISTORIANS OF CZECHOSLOVAKIA IN INTERNATIONAL CONGRESSES AND CONVENTIONS (20S – 30S OF THE 20TH CENTURY): INFORMATION AND STATISTICAL ANALYSIS." Naukovì zapiski Nacìonalʹnogo unìversitetu "Ostrozʹka akademìâ". Serìâ Ìstoričnì nauki 1, no. 32 (April 28, 2021): 90–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.25264/2409-6806-2021-32-90-96.
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The paper provides an information and statistical analysis of the participation of Ukrainian émigré historians of Czechoslovakia in international congresses and conventions in the 20s and 30s of the 20th century both on the territory of the country of residence and abroad. According to the author’s estimates, Ukrainian scholars and historians from Czechoslovakia attended more than 25 various scientific congresses and conventions during that period. About nine of them were held in Prague. The issues of history and ethnography were heard at 10 conferences. Ukrainian émigré historians attended congresses of Slavic ethnographers and geographers in Prague, Poland (several cities), Belgrade, Sofia, and international congresses of historians in Warsaw and Zurich. The issue of the history of Ukraine was majorly discussed at the First and the Second Ukrainian Scientific Congress. Ukrainian scientific institutions were most often represented by scientists such as Dmytro Doroshenko and Vadym Shcherbakivskyi. Dmytro Antonovych, a professor of the Ukrainian Free University, the permanent chairman of the Ukrainian Historical and Philological Society was quite an active speaker at international forums. Most often, historians gave reports on the history of Ukraine of the sixteenth-eighteenth centuries, ethnography, folklore studies. The environment of the Ukrainian intelligentsia in Prague and its scientific and cultural life contributed to the preservation and development of the Ukrainian national idea, popularization of the research on the history of Ukraine and the history of Ukrainian culture in the European historical space. Scientists in Czechoslovakia were the representatives of the Ukrainian scientific forces in Europe. The émigré historians presented their interesting research on the history of Ukraine, reminding the European scientific community of the existence of the authentic Ukrainian people with their rich history and traditions, the ancestral desire for freedom and independence.
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Veltruský, Jiří. "Semiotics and Avant-garde Theatre." Theatre Survey 36, no. 1 (May 1995): 87–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0040557400006517.
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This article deals with a very short period in the long history of the semiotic conception of theatre. It concentrates on the relationship between the theatrical avantgarde and the theories developed during some twenty years in Czechoslovakia, by Otakar Zich on the one hand and the members of the Prague Linguistic Circle on the other. Broadly speaking, this is the Prague School theory of theatre. A Polish scholar has called it “semiotics of theatre in statu nascendi.” This designation is no doubt pertinent as far as the recent development of the discipline is concerned; its more remote past still remains largely unexplored. But another commentator went much further, claiming that until 1931, the year when Zich's treatise on the theatre and Mukařovský's article on Chaplin's City Lights appeared, “dramatic poetics—the descriptive science of the drama and theatrical performance—had made little progress since its Aristotelian origins.” In fact, semiotics is a very old discipline and the semiotic interpretation of the theatre was not invented in Czechoslovakia between the two World Wars.
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Paul, Sebastian. "Clash of claims: Nationalizing and democratizing policies during the first parliamentary election in multiethnic Czechoslovak Ruthenia." Nationalities Papers 46, no. 5 (September 2018): 776–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2018.1473352.
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This paper examines the question of why the countrywide 1920 parliamentary election in Czechoslovakia was postponed in its eastern borderland, Podkarpatská Rus, by putting this event into a context of simultaneous processes of democratization and nationalization, described here as the “double transformation.” The territory in question was inhabited by a Ruthenian majority, who received the support of the government in Prague; a Jewish population without clear preferences regarding their loyalties and aims; a still-influential Hungarian minority; and finally, a Czech-dominated state administration. The aim of the state administration was to let the ethnically mixed population of Ruthenia vote for its parliamentary representatives in the most democratic way possible. However, this intention clashed with the realities in place: old loyalties of the local population toward the Hungarian elites, Hungarian revisionism, a lack of governance, and security issues. Complicating the situation, Romanian troops still occupied the eastern part of Ruthenia as a result of the war among Czechoslovakia, Hungary, and Romania in 1919; Romanians claimed part of the territory for their own nation-state. Faced with these thorny issues, the Czechoslovak state administration felt constrained to postpone the elections until 1924.
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Nachum, Iris. "Heinrich Rauchberg (1860–1938): A Reappraisal of a Central European Demographer's Life and Work." Austrian History Yearbook 50 (April 2019): 78–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237818000619.
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In the small, idyllic German Evangelical Cemeteryin Prague-Strašnice, a simple tombstone stands in the back row of graves, dedicated to the memory of “Dr. Heinrich Rauchberg, Professor at the German University in Prague, 1860–1938” and his wife Freia (1874–1939) (see Figures 1 and 2). When the Viennese-born demographer passed away, he left behind him an impressive professional career in the Habsburg monarchy and later in Czechoslovakia: he published a massive body of professional studies in population statistics and was an important figure at the German University in Prague, where he founded the Institute of Political Science in 1898 and served as dean of the Faculty of Law (1902–3, 1916–17, and 1926–27) and as university rector (1911–12). Outside the academic realm, Rauchberg was also involved in a broad range of activities. In 1890, for instance, he headed the Austrian census, in which the Hollerith electric counting machine was employed for the first time in Europe; Franz Kafka, his student in 1905, would later craft a literary monument to Rauchberg, the machine expert, in the short story “In the Penal Colony.” Especially after the establishment of the Czechoslovak Republic in 1918, Rauchberg became a familiar figure among the local German minority, particularly because of his radio broadcasts on legal questions; his frequent articles in the German-speaking press on current issues; his numerous public lectures on social topics; his tireless engagement with housing assistance, tenant protection, and social insurance; and his involvement in the German League of Nations Union in the Czechoslovak Republic, which he cofounded in 1922. In short, he was a scholar very much in the public eye.
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Patterson, Patrick Hyder. "The Prague Spring and the Big Chill: the marketing moment in communist Czechoslovakia." Journal of Historical Research in Marketing 8, no. 1 (February 15, 2016): 120–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jhrm-09-2015-0036.
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Purpose – This paper aims to analyze an important series of events in the history of marketing in socialist Europe and the internationalization of marketing thought and practice. Examining the reception of the marketing concept in communist Czechoslovakia, the study shows the effective blockage of the implementation of marketing approaches by orthodox communist authorities. The paper demonstrates the distinctiveness and importance of the Czechoslovak case and provides a basis for integrating that experience into the larger history of marketing under socialism. Design/methodology/approach – The paper is based on an extensive review of the most relevant Czech and Slovak primary sources including trade journals, manuals and textbooks in marketing and related fields, party and government documents and statements on commercial issues, and other important professional literature on domestic commerce. Findings – The paper provides insights into the use of communist political power to suppress the use of marketing as contrary to the social and ideological goals of socialism. It identifies the rise of marketing approaches during a brief “marketing moment” following market-oriented economic reforms in 1965 and lasting through the “Prague Spring” of 1968. Following the restoration of orthodox communist control, new policies of “normalization” dictated the decline of marketing, which returned to its earlier status of near-invisibility. The suppression of marketing thought and practice lasted until the end of communist rule in 1989. Originality/value – This paper analyzes an unexamined case of marketing in a socialist society and places the case in broader comparative context.
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Profous, George V., and Rowan A. Rowntree. "THE STRUCTURE AND MANAGEMENT OF THE URBAN FOREST IN PRAGUE, CZECHOSLOVAKIA. I. GROWING SPACE IN METROPOLITAN PRAGUE." Arboricultural Journal 17, no. 1 (February 1993): 1–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071375.1993.9746942.
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Profous, George V., and Rowan A. Rowntree. "THE STRUCTURE AND MANAGEMENT OF THE URBAN FOREST IN PRAGUE, CZECHOSLOVAKIA. II HISTORY OF PRAGUE GREENSPACE MANAGEMENT." Arboricultural Journal 17, no. 2 (May 1993): 117–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071375.1993.9746955.
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