Academic literature on the topic 'Praja Socialist Party'

After toppling the first Communist ministry in Kerala the main attention of the US agencies—Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) and the US Embassy in India—was to install a non-communist stable government in Kerala to meet the dangers of communism in Asia. The US agencies adopted two ways to realise these objectives. First of all, they extended all out support to the triple alliance composed of the Congress Party, Praja Socialist Party (PSP) and the Muslim League against the Communist Party in 1960 election. The election campaign of the triple alliance was much funded by the CIA. However the triple alliance won the election, the Communist Party got more votes than in 1957 and it intensified the US agencies to beef up its anti-Communist operations in Kerala and outside. It led to the adoption of second method of anti-Communist activities that the US agencies began to give wide publicity in India and outside that the first Communist ministry in Kerala could not make any economic advancement in Kerala during their tenure nor could they redress the chronic problems of unemployment and food scarcity and if Communists were voted to power in other parts of Asia, they would follow the same trend and fall.

The study describes the functions of civil procedure as a legal instrument from the times of the socialist authoritarian state of the People’s Republic of Poland. The positions expressed in the doctrine regarding the purpose and principles of conducting civil proceedings, regulated in the Act of 16 November 1964, Code of Civil Procedure, which was adopted during the authoritarian power of the dominant political party of the Polish United Workers’ Party, were presented. Provisions of procedural law, dating back to the authoritarian rule of democratic socialism in the People’s Republic of Poland, were intended to provide protection for the socialized economy and to enable the state to control civil-law relations. Civil proceedings were intended to guarantee the possibility of protecting not only the rights of the individual, but also, or rather first and foremost, of the units of the socialized economy, as well as of the disputes that might arise in connection with relations between the state and its citizens, and between citizens. This principle required the authorities conducting civil proceedings to ensure adequate legal and procedural protection in the event that a party or participant in the proceedings was a unit of the socialized economy. Civil proceedings in which the court, within its powers, could interfere with the legal sphere of an individual in connection with the conferral of discretionary power, was another legal tool and instrument allowing the state to influence private-law relations. In addition, the authoritarianism of the state power at that time was also manifested in this.

The soviet press in the Volga German Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic in the 1930s. Introduction to the topic and remarks regarding languageThe author presents in brief the most significant facts from the history of Germans in Russia (from the Manifesto of Catherine II through the formation of the Volga German Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic), outlining on this background the activities of the German language press in the Russia and in the early Soviet Union, with a primary focus on the so-called new ethnicities policy and its consequences for the German minority.In the 1920s and 1930s in the VG ASSR, publication of books, textbooks, brochures, documents and reports in German began on a massive scale, especially press and propaganda materials. The new ethnicities policy of the Soviet authorities naturally boiled down to the rapid and proper indoctrination of ethnic minorities, "educating" them in the spirit of communist ideology. For the Bolshevik party newspapers were instruments of comprehensive propaganda and agitation.Until the mid-1920s, over 70 periodicals were published in German in the entire USSR. In the Volga German Republic, 21 newspapers were published in German, including the specialized Wolgadeutsches Schulblatt, Sei Bereit, Rote Jugend, but mainly press for the canton, the kolkhoz or sovkhoz level, and even papers for machinists (Tempo. Bolschewistisches Alltägl. Bulletin, Lenins Weg). Frequently the periodicals were published in Russian alongside a German-language version, e.g. Трудовая правда and Arbeiterwahrheit, as well as publications in Russian only, including Вперед к победе.The journalists' qualifications were very low. Periodicals frequently contained reports by "rabkors" (worker correspondents) and "selkors" (village correspondents), people for whom only very recently had been quite far removed from pouring out their thoughts on paper. The pages of the papers reflected the degradation of the German language used in the USSR, its mixing with Russianisms, especially Sovietisms, including peculiar acronyms (e.g. Ambar, Arbuse, Batrake, Otlitschnik, Partorg, Smytschka, Rote Tafel, Schwarze Tafel, KK der AP(B)SU, KVA der ASSR der WD, MTS). Prasa radziecka wydawana w latach 30. XX w. w Republice Niemców Powołża. Wprowadzenie do zagadnienia i uwagi o językuAutorka przedstawiła pokrótce najważniejsze fakty z historii Niemców rosyjskich (od Manifestu Katarzyny II po powołanie Autonomicznej Socjalistycznej Republiki Radzieckiej Niemców Powołża), zarysowując na tym tle dzieje prasy niemieckojęzycznej w Rosji i wczesnym ZSRR. Skupiła się głównie na tzw. nowej leninowskiej polityce narodowościowej i jej konsekwencjach dla mniejszości niemieckiej.W latach 20. i 30. XX w. w ASRR NP zaczęto masowo drukować po niemiecku książki, podręczniki, broszury, dokumenty, sprawozdania, zwłaszcza zaś materiały propagandowe i prasę. Nowa polityka narodowościowa władz radzieckich sprowadzała się oczywiście do szybkiego i sprawnego indoktrynowania mniejszości narodowych, „wychowywania” ich w duchu ideologii komunistycznej. Dla partii bolszewickiej gazety były zbiorowym propagandystą i agitatorem. Do połowy lat 20. XX w. drukowano w całym ZSRR ponad 70 periodyków niemieckojęzycznych. W Republice Niemców Powołża wydawano 21 gazet w języku niemieckim, m.in. specjalistyczne „Wolgadeutsches Schulblatt”, „Sei bereit”, „Rote Jugend”, głównie jednak prasę kantonową, kołchozową, sowchozową, a nawet gazety ośrodków maszynowych („Lenins Weg”, „Tempo. Bolschewistisches Alltägl. Bulletin”). Często wydawano gazety w języku rosyjskim i ich wersje niemieckojęzyczne, np. „Трудовая правда” i „Arbeiterwahrheit”. Wychodziła też prasa w języku rosyjskim, m.in. „Вперед к победе”. Kwalifikacje dziennikarzy były niskie. Gazety nagminnie zamieszczały relacje tzw. „rabkorów” (korespondentów robotniczych) i „sielkorów” (korespondentów wiejskich), ludzi do niedawna bardzo dalekich od przelewania myśli na papier. Na łamach prasy odzwierciedliła się degradacja języka niemieckiego w ZSRR, jego zaśmiecenie rusycyzmami, zwłaszcza sowietyzmami, w tym osobliwymi skrótowcami (np. Ambar, Arbuse, Batrake, Otlitschnik, Partorg, Smytschka, Rote Tafel, Schwarze Tafel, KK der AP(B)SU, KVA der ASSR der WD, MTS).

The aim of the article is to establish the role of the law on cultural activity in the process of indoctrinating society in the Polish People’s Republic period. The work will analyze the legal acts regulating the system and tasks of state entities involved in promoting ideas and views approved by the then authorities, primarily of a socialist nature. It will be shown in the work that the law on cultural activity played an important role in indoctrinating society during the communist period. It actively supported state bodies, legitimizing their actions. The support was provided to a different extent and in various forms, both imperious and non-imperative. The general axiology of law included the values approved by the rulers, in the light of which legal provisions should be interpreted. The law also created an organized state administration apparatus whose task was to influence the society. A complex, multi-level system of state administration was created, the scope of which was to form a new reality as well as support the authorities and parties. Care was taken to ensure that the information provided to the public was “properly” verified. Entities providing them were regulated, in various forms and scope. Actions in this area were carefully planned and carried out, taking into account the orders of the party authorities subordinate to the powers in Moscow. The minister for propaganda, organizing and coordinating the state entities’ activities, functioned informally. The tasks and competences of state administration entities and bodies in the field of cultural activity were often constructed by law with the use of undefined concepts. This created a wide field of interpretation for the state administration body, which adjusted the meaning assigned to them to the current needs and directions of the policy pursued, thus extending the scope of its activities. In many cases, the provisions of acts and decrees defined tasks and competences in a concise manner, allowing them to be further specified or developed by the provisions of regulations. This created a lot of room for maneuver for the administration, which itself created the regulations on the basis of which it functioned. In practice, it often extended the scope of its activities, interfering in an unauthorized way in the area of human and civil rights and freedoms. All this, however, was legal — based on and within the limits of the law. Moreover, the law regulated the control and supervision of entities popularizing cultural activity, enabling wide-ranging censorship. The law also specified severe sanctions against entities not complying with the current policy of the rulers. They were regulated by acts of cultural activity and acts of criminal law. Furthermore, internal law played an important role.

The aim of the article is to establish the role of the law of cultural activity in the process of indoctrination of society in the period of the Polish People’s Republic. The work will analyze the legal acts regulating the system and tasks of state entities involved in the promotion of ideas and views approved by the then authorities, primarily of a socialist nature. It will be shown in the work that the law of cultural activity played an important role in indoctrinating society during the communist period. It actively supported state bodies, legitimizing their actions. The support was provided to a different extent and in various forms, both imperious and non-imperative. The general axiology of law included the values approved by the rulers, in the light of which legal provisions should be interpreted. The law also created an organized state administration apparatus whose task was to influence the society. A complex, multi-level system of state administration was created, the scope of which was to create a new reality and support the authorities and parties. Care was taken to ensure that the information provided to the public was ʻproperlyʼ verified. Entities providing them were regulated, in various forms and scope. Actions in this area were carefully planned and carried out, taking into account the orders of the party authorities subordinate to the authorities in Moscow. The minister for propaganda, organizing and co-ordinating the activities of state entities, functioned informally. The tasks and competences of state administration entities and bodies in the field of cultural activity were often constructed by law with the use of undefined concepts. This created a wide field of interpretation for the state administration body, which adjusted the meaning assigned to them to the current needs and directions of the policy pursued, thus extending the scope of its activities. In many cases, the provisions of acts and decrees defined tasks and competences in a concise manner, allowing them to be further specified or developed by the provisions of regulations. This created a lot of room for maneuver for the administration, which itself created the regulations on the basis of which it functioned. In practice, it often extended the scope of its activities, interfering in an unauthorized way in the area of human and civil rights and freedoms. All this, however, was legal — on the basis and within the limits of the law. Moreover, the law regulated the control and supervision of entities popularizing cultural activity, enabling wide-ranging censorship. The law also specified severe sanctions against entities not complying with the current policy of the rulers. They were regulated by acts of cultural activity and acts of criminal law. Moreover, internal law played an important role.

O ano de 1968 constituiu, em boa parte do mundo ocidental, um paradigma nos processos de luta e resistência contra distintas formas de opressão. Em meio a uma vasta produção intelectual acerca do tema, objeto de debates até hoje, destacam-se escritos relativos à chamada Primavera de Praga, sobre a qual se deteve, por exemplo, o filósofo de origem tcheca Karel Kosik. Foi um de seus escritos sobre os acontecimentos na Tchecoslováquia que deu origem ao primeiro texto seu publicado no Brasil, A crise do homem contemporâneo e o socialismo.

In my childhood, now so distant from me that the precious sights I saw then take on the hazy contours of a dream, I went often with my family to a resort in the High Tatra mountains of Slovakia, Tatranska Lomnica, and stayed for months on end, throughout high summer, in the rundown fastness of the Praha Hotel. The Praha, in those last years of the Czechoslovak People’s Republic, was an institution struggling against its own identity. It was an elaborate creation: gabled facades, grand balconies, high-ceilinged ballrooms lit by chandeliers. It had been built at the close of the Nineteenth Century, when the region was still under Habsburg rule, and the spa towns of north Slovakia were the chosen destination of a select coterie: bankers, opera singers, tycoons and provincial landowners from all across that corner of the fading empire. But with the change in regime had come a change of guests. Now those long,<br />dark-carpeted corridors were trudged down by regional communist party secretaries, factory representatives from the valleys of East Slovakia and favoured members of the national ice hockey team. The portrait of Emperor Franz Josef above the fireplace in the smoking lounge had been replaced by a blurry, impressionistic rendition of Karl Marx at his work desk, pensive, pen in hand, sporting a red bow tie, the forces of the<br />dialectic wheeling inside his head. Outside the buildings, there had been little progress in the construction of socialism. High above the hotel, beyond pine-covered spurs and valleys, rose the mountains, their dark stone blades reaching up into a deep blue sky; and their lower slopes were covered by a fretwork of regimented, well-kept walking trails.

The study "Democrat Petr Zenkl (from teaching to the exile)" is a complex political monography of one of the most important Czechoslovak politicians, PhDr. Petr Zenkl. It focuses on his resistance to the rule of Austria-Hungary, his early activities and the beginnings of his political career, his municipal work in Prague, his participation in the governments of the First and Third Czechoslovak republic, his career in the Czechoslovak National Socialist Party and his leading role among anti-comunist exiles in the USA during the Cold War.

The chapter critically examines the roles of the United Central Refugee Council under the Communist Party of India’s leadership and the Sara Bangla Bastuhara Sammelan under Praja Socialist Party’s leadership in the massive refugee satyagraha of March–April 1958. It looks at the forms of resistance and modes of mobilisation, and assesses their revolutionary potential. It also unpacks the contradictions between different layers of political leadership in this refugee movement, shows how the caste question was deliberately suppressed by the Leftist leadership, although it was very much present in the structure of the movement. It also looks at the movement led by Jogendranath Mandal’s East India Refugee Council that deliberately raised the caste issue and examines critically the consequences of its rightward political drift. Finally, it tries to explain why the Dalit refugees were ultimately abandoned by the bhadralok political elite, forcing them to go to Dandakaranya.

The right to work is a historical category and institution of labor law that belongs to one of the basic human rights. From the idea of the right to work, which, in the middle of the 19th century, was highlighted by utopian socialists, through the first legal establishment to the fact that in the modern world almost all constitutions guarantee it. Nevertheless, differences still exist today and are reflected in the theoretical understanding of the right to work. On the one hand, emphasis is placed on human freedoms, and viewed in that sense, the right to work is an integral part of the values of a free society, as the freedom to work, that is, to choose an occupation. The right to work is a complex right that does not include the right to concrete employment, because the level of employment of every citizen who is able to work will depend on the level of development of a certain country. So, the right to work is not a subjective right but, first of all, it is a constitutional proclamation, which means that the state should create conditions for smooth economic development with its legal regulations, because only in this way can jobs be secured. On the basis of the Constitution, laws and by-laws were adopted that regulate work, employment, prohibition of discrimination, both when establishing and during the duration of employment relationships, prohibition of abuse at work, social security, etc.

En este trabajo se estudian las concordancias y disonancias entre la obra ensayística del escritor peruano González Prada y la de los tres mayores ensayistas de la generación del 98 española: Unamuno, Martínez Ruiz (Azorín) y Maeztu. Uno y otros, azuzados por las derrotas militares de sus respectivos países, desenmascararon con su pluma las miserias morales y sociopolíticas, y propusieron, en su lugar, la regeneración nacional. Prada, el gran vituperador, el polemista, propugnó el positivismo primero y el anarquismo después. Estos tres ensayistas españoles del 98, en su obra finisecular, abrazaron por su parte el socialismo y el anarquismo, aunque de un modo teórico y efímero, pues derivarían pronto hacia posiciones individualistas y conservadoras. Sus apasionamientos y fluctuaciones ideológicas testimonian una época de desigualdad y desazón espiritual, de crisis de la modernidad; una época en la que, ante el fracaso de lo viejo, los intelectuales más agudos exploraron nuevos caminos ideológicos y estéticos.

In this paper, the authors discusses a comparative overview of the legal frameworks governing the appeal of conscience, with emphasis on the reproductive medicine first of the Republic of Croatia, Serbia, Slovenia and the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and after that of the Spain, Norway, Sweden, Italy and France. In the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in 1978, which parts were Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia, Slovenia and Croatia, the Law on Health Measures for Exercising the Right to Free Decision-Making on the Birth of Children entered into force, which is still in force in the Republic of Croatia. After the break-up of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, some states that were part of it regulated the right to conscience by the Constitution and some only by the laws in the field of health and health care. We identified a number of problems through the analysis. In the paper, the topic is analyzed in detail. For example, in the Republic of Croatia, there is no uniform and standardized procedure for refusing to perform certain services due to the appeal of conscience, there is no systematic collection of data on health personnel with the appeal of conscience and about the impact of the appeal of conscience on the quality of health care.

In the first decade of the new millennium, the Republic of Serbia, like the other states of the former socialist bloc, started out through reforms and the transition of society, which affected all areas of social life. The purpose of the announced and partially implemented changes was to democratize society, develop a stable political system, create conditions for economic development, and overall progress. An important element of the initiated reforms of the socio-political and economic system is the professional and rational organization of state authorities. From the point of view of legal security and the rule of law, the judicial and internal affairs bodies have the primary place, especially in creating the environment of legal security and access to justice equally for all. Part of the reform process is the transformation of the administration and the police as an integral part that must be complementary to the needs of the community, businesses and citizens. The paper presents the most important international and domestic legal sources of importance for the reform of the MoI – police, problems and challenges in the way of achieving this goal and the rule of law. In the final part there are also some suggestions de lege ferenda for improvement of the current legislative framework and police-legal practice, especially in the context of Serbia's application for admission to the EU.