Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Predicates (verbs) of perception'

Ovim se istraživanjem na primeru osnovnih predikata (glagola) percepcije ruskog i srpskog jezika odgovara na pitanja vezana za sistemske odnose u oblasti leksike, klasifikaciju jezičkih jedinica, definisanje leksema, međusobnu zavisnost značenja leksema i njihovih morfoloških i sintaksičkih obeležja. Osnovni predikati (glagoli) percepcije ruskog i srpskog jezika pozicioniraju se unutar semantičkih paradigmi, zasnovanih na interakciji diferencijalnih i zajedničkih komponenata značenja svojih članova. Članovi paradigmi izdvajaju se na osnovu kriterijuma određenih u skladu s principima organizacije centra i periferije leksičkog sistema. Pozicioniranje izdvojenih predstavnika vizuelne, auditivne, olfaktorne, gustativne i taktilne percepcije, kao i njihovih vidskih korelata, rezultira utvrđivanjem strukture paradigmi i smerova semantičke derivacije u njima.
This dissertation focuses on systemic relationships among the basic predicates (verbs) of perception in Russian and Serbian. It investigates issues related to the lexicon, the classification of linguistic units, the relationships between the meanings of lexemes and their morphological and syntactic features, as well as the definition of the main members of the analysed lexico-semantic group. The basic predicates of perception in Russian and Serbian are positioned within the semantic paradigms, based on the interaction of differential and general components of meaning of their members. The members of the paradigms are selected based on criteria established in accordance with the principle of the organization of lexical systems into core and periphery. The positioning of the selected representatives of visual, auditory, olfactory, gustative and tactile perception, as well as their aspectual correlates, results in determining the structure of the paradigms and the directions of semantic derivation in them.

This study investigates how Persian compound verbs are processed in the mental lexicon, through which we can infer how they are stored, organized, and accessed. The study focuses on investigating Persian compound verbs in light of psycholinguistic theories on polymorphemic word processing as well as linguistic theories of complex predicates. The psycholinguistic section details three experiments addressing the following three research questions: (1) whether compound verb constituents show significant priming in the masked-priming paradigm; (2) whether priming effects are constrained by semantic transparency; and (3) whether priming effects are due to morphological relatedness. This study revealed several findings: (1) compound verbs in Persian are decomposed into their constituents at early stages of processing, (2) at early stages of processing, decomposition is based on purely orthographic similarity, (3) although both transparent and opaque compound constituents were facilitated while processing, transparency had an impact on processing in the early stages of processing. Finally, the findings seem to support a parallel input effect or competing alternative effect for the verbal constituent of the transparent compound verb, as reflected in the slower facilitation for the verbal constituent compared to the nominal constituent. In theoretical studies on Persian complex predicates, the compound verb formation can be either lexical or syntactic. The overall evidence reflected in the linguistic data for Persian complex predicates presented in this dissertation as well as the results of the experimental studies carried out in this research seem to point towards lexical compounding in Persian compound verb formation. The evidence comes from (1) the nominalization of the compound, i.e. the possibility of using the compound verb as a noun; (2) the atelicity feature, i.e. the possibility of using the compound verb after the progressive expression dar haale ‘in the process of’, which indicates an incomplete action; and (3) the nonreferentiality of the nominal constituent in the compound verb, i.e. the nominal constituent cannot be followed by a pronoun that refers to it. On the other hand, the results of the experimental studies reported in this dissertation seem to support a lexical approach to compound verbs in Persian. The technique used in these experimental studies was masked priming paradigm, which investigates the prelexical and lexical processing. The results reveal constituent priming effects under masked priming technique. This indicates that Persian compound verb constituents are accessed at the prelexical stage of processing. Syntactic calculations are said to be done at later stages of processing. Therefore, the early processing of compound verb constituents leads us to the argument for the lexicality of Persian compound verbs.

Cette thèse a un double objectif : 1) Étudier le comportement sémantique et syntaxique des verbes simples persans par rapport aux prédicats complexes dans les événements spatiaux respectant la typologie de Talmy sur cadrage verbal ou cadrage satellitaire ; et 2) Analyser la systématicité sémantique dans la formation des prédicats complexes basée sur une approche constructionnelle et expliquer leurs comportements exacts, à savoir leur productivité, la causalité, leur durée, et le comportement syntaxique de leurs pré-verbes en fonction de leurs significations. Dans la première partie de l’analyse, nous parlons du comportement des verbes simples par rapport aux prédicats complexes dans les événements spatiaux. Notre analyse est basée sur un vaste corpus. Les prédicats complexes expriment fréquemment le comportement et d’autres informations sémantiques tandis qu’une fréquence élevée de verbes simples apparaît comme des constructions neutres sans exprimer aucune information spécifique. La distribution syntaxique des prédicats complexes respecte la règle de l’« économie de la langue » étant donné que toutes les informations sémantiques sont aussi encodées dans la construction elles-mêmes. Par ailleurs, les verbes simples exigent, dans la majorité des cas, des clauses dépendantes pour exprimer le comportement. En outre, les prédicats complexes encodent, à la fois, le mouvement et les événements d’emplacement, tandis que les verbes simples sont pour la plupart intransitifs et se réfèrent aux événements locatifs. Les lacunes mentionnées ci-dessus sur des verbes simples ont conduit au remplacement de ces derniers par des prédicats complexes au fil du temps. Dans la deuxième partie de notre analyse, nous traitons les caractéristiques sémantiques de prédicats complexes dans des événements spatiaux à la lumière de la théorie de Grammaire de Construction et des approches fondées sur le corpus. Selon Goldberg, nous considérons des constructions de prédicats complexes à part entière. Kardan, "Faire" ; dādan, 'Donner'; zadan, 'Frapper' ; et bordan, 'Prendre', sont les verbes supports étudiés dans cette thèse. Ces verbes supports sont parmi ceux les plus fréquents ayant le plus de pré-verbes en commun dans notre corpus. Premièrement, nous avons identifié les extensions sémantiques de chaque verbe support. Cette catégorisation nous a permis de révéler un certain degré de productivité sémantique ainsi que la généralisation entre chaque verbes supports et le type de pré-verbes avec lesquels il pourrait co-se produire. Autrement dit, chaque verbe support se combine avec un type spécifique de pré-verbe. Il est à note que même des extensions métaphoriques ont un certain degré de productivité et les locuteurs peuvent ainsi les généraliser. Nous tenons également à noter que les prédicats complexes dans les événements spatiaux font partis de la famille de constructions résultatives. Certains comportements des prédicats complexes, tels que leur causalité et la durée de l’activité, sont expliqués en fonction de leur sémantique, et il est démontré que toute la construction est responsable de tels comportements. La comparaison entre les combinaisons qui ont des verbes supports différents mais des pré-verbes identiques évoque quelques différences sémantiques et syntaxiques, ce qui est la preuve de la systématicité existante dans la formation des prédicats complexes. Grâce à une analyse collostructionnelle, nous parlons du degré d’attraction de chaque verbe support par rapport aux catégories sémantiques. Enfin, le type de fréquences de prédicats complexes révèle le degré de productivité dans chaque verbe support, qui ressemble à: Kardan=Zadan > dādan > bordan
The purpose of this dissertation is twofold : 1) to investigate the semantic and syntactic behavior of Persian simplex verbs vs. CPs in spatial events with respect to Talmy’s typology of satellite-framed and verb-framed languages ; and 2) to analyze the semantic systematicity in the formation of CPs based on a constructional approach and explain their certain behaviors, namely, their productivity, causativity, duration, and syntactic behavior of their PVs through the meaning of the construction.In the first part of the analysis, we discuss the behaviour of simplex verbs vs. CPs in spatial events. Our analysis is based on an extensive corpus. CPs express manner and other semantic information frequently while a high frequency of simplex verbs appears as neutral constructions without expressing any specific information. The syntactic distribution of CPs follow the ‘economy of language’ rule since all the semantic information is encoded in the construction itself; on the other hand, simplex verbs require dependent clauses to express manner in the majority of cases. Furthermore, CPs encode both motion and location events while simplex verbs are mostly intransitive and refer to locative events. The above-mentioned shortcomings of simplex verbs have led to the replacement of these verbs by CPs over time. In the second part of our analysis, we deal with the semantic features of CPs in spatial events in the light of Construction Grammar theory and corpus-based approaches. Following Goldberg we consider CPs constructions in their own right. Kardan, ‘do’ ; dādan, ‘give’; zadan, ‘hit’; and bordan, ‘take’, are the LVs under the study in this thesis. These LVs found to be among the most frequent ones with the most PVs in common in our corpus. Firstly, we identified the semantic extensions of each LV. This categorization reveals a certain degree of semantic productivity and generalization between each LV and the type of PVs with which it can co-occur. In other words, each LV combines with a specific type of PVs. Even metaphorical extensions have a certain degree of productivity and speakers can generalize about them. We also argue that CPs in spatial events are a family of resultative constructions. Certain behaviors of CPs, namely, their causativity, and the duration of the activity, are explained based on their semantics, and it is shown that the whole construction is responsible for such behaviors. The comparison between combinations that have different LVs but identical PVs reveals certain semantic and syntactic differences, which is evidence for the existing systematicity in the formation of CPs. Through a collostructional analysis we discuss the degree of attraction of each LV with respect to the semantic categories

Descriptive perception verbs have failed to receive a uniform analysis in previous verb classifications (cf. Chomsky 1965, Rogers 1974, Hengeveld 1992, Levin 1993, Van Eynde et al. 2014). This thesis argues that the descriptive perception verbs in Dutch (i.e. eruitzien 'look', klinken 'sound', voelen 'feel', ruiken 'smell', and smaken 'taste') should be classified as copular verbs, much like lijken 'seem' and schijnen 'seem'. This classification is supported by both the synchronic and diachronic behaviour of these verbs in Dutch. Synchronically, proposing that Germanic copular verbs (as opposed to copulas) are defined by their syntax rather than their (empty) semantics, I discuss that the Dutch descriptive perception verbs behave like stereotypical copular verbs: they require a predicative complement, usually in the form of an adjective. Semantically, the Dutch descriptive perception verbs are much like the copular verbs blijken 'turn out', lijken 'seem' and schijnen 'seem' in terms of epistemicity and evidentiality. Diachronically, I hypothesize that the Dutch descriptive perception verbs have evolved from one of the following two origins: either from intransitive verbs (as is the case for klinken and ruiken), much like English remain, through grammaticalization processes of semantic bleaching and reanalysis; or from cognitive perception verbs (as is the case of eruitzien and voelen), as found in Latin, Japanese and Zulu, through the process of argument reordering. The origin of smaken is not clear, and is left for future research. I show that other Germanic evidential copular verbs (i.e. lijken, schijnen 'seem', scheinen 'seem', seem) have developed diachronically in a uniform fashion, suggesting the following grammaticalization path: from a lexical verb to a copular verb, to taking a that-complement, an infinitival complement or a like-complement, and eventually being used in parenthetical constructions. The results of this thesis indicate that the Dutch descriptive perception verbs are only at the beginning of this grammaticalization path, but are on their way to becoming grammaticalized evidential copular verbs.

This thesis is a cognitive semantic account of polysemy in the semantic field of perception verbs in English, Basque and Spanish. It explores why and how our experience and understanding of the five senses constrains and shapes the way in which we create mappings between the physical domain of perception onto more metaphorical and abstract conceptual domains of experience. The different extensions of meaning in these verbs, both synchronically and diachronically, have not taken place as a result of chance, but are grounded in our own conceptualisation of these sense modalities. Secondly, the thesis focuses on how the polysemy in these verbs is obtained, whether it is localised to only these perception verbs or whether it affects the elements that complement these verbs in a sentence. Chapter 1 sets out the nature and scope of the work, explaining the purpose of examining the domain of perception verbs, and outlining the theoretical context and orientation of the study. Chapter 2 presents a synchronic typological study of the different meanings, both physical and metaphorical found in perception verbs in English, Basque and Spanish. Chapter 3 is a brief diachronic-etymological account of these perception verbs in these three languages. Chapter 4 reviews to approaches to meaning extension. Sweetser's (1990) semantic account of perception verbs, and Pustejovsky's (1995) Generative Lexicon. It sets out the advantages and gaps that need to be addressed in both approaches. Chapter 5 describes the physiology of the five senses and the way in which human beings perceive these perceptual processes. It presents a typology of the properties that characterise the source domain of sense perception. Chapter 6 introduces the processes called 'Property Selection', which constrain the mappings between the source and the target domain, both in metaphorical and physical extended meanings. Chapter 7 explores the question of how the polysemous senses of perception verbs are obtained, -whether they are the results of the meaning of the perception verb only, or the result of the interaction between the semantics of that verb and the other elements that co-occur in the same sentence. It also explains the implications for the study of cross-linguistic polysemy. Chapter 8 draws some conclusions on the issues discussed in this thesis and points out further lines for future research.

Die vorliegende Arbeit beschäftigt sich mit der wahrheitsbasierten Bedeutung perfektiver satzeinbettender Prädikate im Polnischen, i.e. mit dem Zusammenhang zwischen Aspekt und Wahrheitsinferenz. Den Kern meiner Dissertation bilden sogenannte ‚reveal-type predicates‘ wie ‘beweisen’, ‘zeigen’ oder ‘offenbaren [dass]’. In Abhängigkeit von deren aspektueller Markierung bringen sie entweder eine maximale (bei perfektiven Verben) oder eine partielle Evidenz (bei imperfektiven Verben) für die Wahrheit einer eingebetteten Proposition mit sich. Nur wenn die Evidenz maximal ist, wird der dass-Satz notwendigerweise als wahr interpretiert. Ich habe gezeigt, dass maximale Evidenz einer totalen Affiziertheit eines nominalen inkrementellen Themas (wie z. B. in ‘einen Schrank bauen.pfv’) entspricht (Maximalität von Evidenz = Maximalität vom Schrank). Somit sind reveal-type predicates inkrementell. Außerdem habe ich eine Akzeptabilitätsstudie mit 51 polnischen MuttersprachlerInnen geplant und durchgeführt, die die Veridikalität des Perfektivs und die Neutralität des Imperfektivs bestätigt hat. Die Interpretation der Ergebnisse wurde um eine Korpusuntersuchung ergänzt. Basierend auf den theoretischen Beobachtungen und den Studienergebnissen habe ich eine einheitliche Analyse für inkrementelle Verben vorgeschlagen, die entweder ein nominales oder ein propositionales Objekt verlangen. Die von mir für das Polnische entdeckten Korrelationen gelten auch für andere slawische (Tschechisch, Russisch) und einige nicht-slawische Sprachen (austronesische Sprachen, Französisch, Ungarisch).
In my dissertation, I investigated a systematic interaction between the perfective aspect of a clause-embedding verb and a truth-oriented interpretation of embedded propositions in Polish. I demonstrated that the so-called reveal-type predicates (‘prove’, ‘reveal’, ‘show [that]’) are in complementary distribution with respect to triggering truth-related meaning of their sentential complements. Whereas perfective variants enforce embedded propositions to be true, imperfective counterparts are almost only compatible with false (or neutral) propositions. I further showed that clause-embedding reveal-type predicates exhibit an incremental structure and can therefore be treated by analogy to verbs that combine with nominal incremental themes. In the former case, we have a gradual creation of a proof, whereas in the latter case, we have a gradual creation of an object like ‘wardrobe’ (maximality of evidence = maximality of a wardrobe). I proposed a novel analysis of incremental theme verbs that combine with either nouns or clauses. According to my analysis, one possible realization of a partial-total affectedness of an incremental theme is a gradual creation of a proof for an embedded proposition. In order to obtain empirical evidence for the (non-)veridicality of (im)perfective reveal-type predicates in Polish, I conducted an acceptability judgement study with 51 Polish native speakers. I further conducted a corpus-based analysis of the frequency of investigated lexemes, which completed the interpretation of results. Apart from Polish, I provided evidence from other Slavic languages (Czech, Russian) and some non-Slavic languages (Austronesian languages, French, Hungarian).

Plusieurs découvertes récentes, provenant notamment des neurosciences cognitives, ont eu des retombées dans les sciences humaines et plus particulièrement dans le champ de la linguistique. Elles ont suscité un renouveau de l’intérêt pour la thématique de l’iconicité phonologique, qui s’intéresse à l’ensemble des phénomènes de similarité entre signifiant et signifié à l'intérieur d'une langue. Une multitude d’études a alors vu le jour, attestant l’existence de phénomènes phonosymboliques dans les langues du monde. Malgré cet essor considérable, les contenus de ces travaux, principalement rédigés en anglais, demeurent à ce jour assez méconnu du public francophone, encore relativement ancré dans la tradition structuraliste. Cette thèse présente tout d’abord une synthèse des travaux internationaux menés dans le champ de l’iconicité phonologique en vue d’en retenir les principaux acquis. Sur ces bases, elle apporte de nouvelles preuves empiriques de l’existence de phénomènes iconiques dans un corpus de verbes monosyllabiques français à travers deux méthodes. La première est descriptive et se focalise sur les liens motivés entre traits phonologiques et traits morphosyntaxiques ; la seconde est expérimentale et explore les liens de similarité entre les traits phonologiques et les traits sémantiques de ce corpus verbal français
Several recent discoveries, notably from cognitive neuroscience, have had repercussions in the humanities and more particularly in the linguistics’ field. They have given rise to a renewed interest in the theme of phonological iconicity, which tackles the entirety of phenomena of similarity between signifier and signified inside a language. A multitude of studies then emerged, attesting to the existence of phonosymbolic phenomena in the languages of the world. Despite this considerable growth, the content of these works, mainly written in English, remains to this day rather unknown to the French-speaking public, still relatively anchored in the tradition of Structuralism. This dissertation starts by presenting a synthesis of the international work carried out in the field of phonological iconicity in order to retain the main achievements. Building on this, the dissertation will bring new empirical evidence of the existence of iconic phenomena in a corpus of French monosyllabic verbs through two methods. The first one is descriptive and focuses on motivated links between phonological and morphosyntactic features; the second one is experimental and explores the similarity connections between the phonological and semantic features of this French verbal corpus

Pillow & Flavell (1985) argue that the phrase 'look like' increases the tendency of young children to commit intellectual realism errors. The present study followed their procedures with the Block Arrays (which includes the Hidden Block task) and, in addition, included the identity task from a previous appearance-reality study by Flavell, Flavell & Green (1983). Forty-two three- and four-year-old preschoolers were presented with a variety of block arrays (Block Arrays task) and realistic-looking fake objects (Identity task) to observe. The subjects were tested on all of the stimulus items in one task before being tested on the second one. Half the subjects received the Block Arrays task first, half received the Identity task first. After the presentation of each array or object, the subject was asked a test question about its appearance while looking at it through a viewing tube. In the Look Like Condition, the test question included the words 'look like' and in the See Condition, the verb 'see' was used instead of 'look like'. If the subjects made any errors in the first condition (Look Like), they then received the second condition (See). No difference was found in the childrens' performance in the Hidden Block task but there was a difference in their performance in the Identity task. However, this difference cannot be attributed solely to the two wordings but rather to some interaction of task type and condition. Further analysis of the Look Like Condition revealed an Age-by-Task interaction in which the threes and fours performed differently in each task. A significant main effect for each of Task and Gender was also found in the Look Like Condition.
Education, Faculty of
Educational and Counselling Psychology, and Special Education (ECPS), Department of
Graduate

This thesis documents and analyses the contribution of the Roman and Byzantine documentary papyri (c. 31 BCE to c. 735 CE) to our understanding of complementation in Koine Greek. It focuses on the use of participles and infinitives with verbs of perception and cognition and with verbs of declaration. It is based on an examination of approximately 9500 documents. The approach is sociolinguistic. Previous studies of the Koine have shown the increased use of finite clauses and the retreat, but not extinction, of the complementary participle and infinitive. The participle, infinitive, and finite clause were available as options. The choice between them is examined from three angles: the registers, the varieties, and text types in which they are found. The questions addressed may be summarised under two headings. First, at what levels and in what varieties of the language were the complementary participle and the infinitive retained? What limitations on their use can be identified? Second, was it the complementary participle or the infinitive that survived more strongly in those levels of the language in the Roman and early Byzantine periods? What caused the difference, if there was one? The thesis is divided into three parts. The first examines the complementation of verbs of perception. The focus here is the high degree of retention of the complementary participle across the range of text types and levels of the language. The second is a treatment of the verbs of declaration. It concentrates on what the largely formulaic use of infinitival complements shows about the infinitive in relation to finite clauses. The third studies the complementation of personal and impersonal verbs of declaration and confirms that the infinitive was retained relatively weakly as a complement in the language of the papyri.

Among Urdu’s many verb+verb constructions, this thesis focuses on those constructions, which combine the stem of a main content verb with another inflected verb which is used in a semantically bleached sense. Prior work on these constructions has been focused on their structural make-up and syntactic behavior in various environments. While there is consensus among scholars (Butt 1995, Hook 1977, Carnikova 1989, Porizka 2000 et al.) that these stem+verb constructions encode aspectual information, to date no clear theory has been put forward to explain the nature of their aspectual contribution. In short, we do not have a clear idea why these constructions are used instead of simple verbs. This work is an attempt to understand the precise function of these constructions. I propose that simple verbs (henceforth SV) in Urdu deal only with the action of the verb whereas (regardless of the semantic information contributed by the second inflected verb,1) the stem+verb constructions essentially deal with the action of the verb as well as the state of affairs resulting from this action. The event represented by these constructions is essentially a telic event as defined by Comrie (1976), whose resultant state is highlighted from the use of these constructions. The attention of the listener is then shifted to the result of this telic event, whose salience in the discourse is responsible for various interpretations of the event; hence my term ‘resultive construction’ (henceforth RC). When these constructions are made using the four special verbs (rah ‘stay’, sak ‘can’, paa ‘manage’ and cuk ‘finish’), the product is not resultive. Each of these verbs behaves differently and is somewhere between a resultive and an auxiliary verb construction. This work can be extended to other verb-verb construction in Urdu and other related and non-related languages as well. The analysis of the precise function of the RCs can also help in developing a model for them in various functional grammars. The proposed properties of RCs can be utilized in the semantic analysis of the Urdu quantifiers. This work should aid in identification and explanation of constructions in other languages, particularly those that are non-negatable under normal contexts. [1] All second inflected verbs with the exception of four special verbs rah ‘stay’, sak ‘can’, paa ‘manage’ and cuk ‘finish’. These four special verbs are either auxiliaries or modals as identified in prior literature.

Denna studie undersöker samspelet mellan de semantiska kategorierna inkoativitet, futurum och modalitet i få/får/fick/fått + perceptionsverbskonstruktioner i skriven svenska , samt om det går att systematiskt skilja mellan dessa kategorier i form av frekvens och kontext. Enligt Åke Viberg framstår få som rätt språkspecifikt i sitt polysema omfång jämfört med andra europeiska språk, såsom engelska, finska, tyska och franska (Viberg 2009: 105, 119, 2012: 1413). Vidare påstår han att perceptionsverben se, höra och veta i samband med få som hjälpverb (få + perceptionsverb) uttrycker inkoativitet och även att den inkoativa betydelsen är semantiskt nära besläktad med futurum (Viberg 2002: 123, 2012: 1444). Inkoativitet innebär ett predikats uttryck för övergång (Bybee et al., 1994), ofta utan någon som helst hänvisning till vad som orsakar det övergående skedet (Viberg 2002: s.129). Studien är en korpusundersökning baserad på skönlitterära texter och pressmaterial från 70- till 90-talet, där 50 meningar per perceptionsverb analyseras utifrån de semantiska kategorier de anses uttrycka. Resultaten tyder på att det inte går att semantiskt kategorisera konstruktionerna få + perceptionsverb som en kategori för sig, som uttrycker inkoativitet och futurum. Konstruktionerna uppvisar en viss semantisk relation till futurum och inkoativa betydelser men är även i stor utsträckning kopplade till andra funktioner av få + verb i infinitiv, särskilt modalitet. Undersökningen tillför en ökad förståelse för få:s polysema grammatiska beteende samt bidrar till den allmänna förståelsen för tempus, aspekt och modalitet i svenska.
This paper studies the interplay between inchoative, future and modal meanings in constructions containing the verb of possession få (in all of its four conjugations) + verbs of perception in written Swedish, and seeks to find out if it is possible to systematically differentiate these categories from each other in terms of frequency and context. According to Åke Viberg, the Swedish verb of possession få appears to be quite language specific with its polysemic characteristics compared to other European languages, such as English, Finnish, German and French (Viberg 2009: s.105, 119, 2012: s.1413). Viberg also suggests that få in combination with either of the three verbs of perception se ‘see’, höra ‘hear’, veta ‘know’ expresses inchoative sense, to which he further states the future sense is closely related to (Viberg 2002: 123, 2012: 1444). The inchoative sense is when a predicate expresses transition (Bybee et al., 1994), often with a lack of explicit reference to the cause of the transition (Viberg 2002: s.129). The study is a corpus investigation, which includes a selection of fiction and newspaper material ranging from the 1970s to the 1990s. 50 sentences per perception verb are analysed based on the semantic categories that they are considered being an expression of. The results show that the få + perception verb constructions are not semantically classifiable as a category which expresses the inchoative and future sense. Apart from displaying some connection with the inchoative and future meanings, these constructions appear to be well integrated with other functions expressed by få + infinitive verbs, primarily modality. In addition to provide an increased understanding of the polysemic grammatical behaviour of få as an auxiliary verb, this investigation also contributes to the overall knowledge of tense, aspect and modality in Swedish.

Cette thèse analyse les propriétés sémantiques et discursives des prédicats d'état ('laid, généreux') ainsi que des prédicats causatifs et résultatifs, et plus particulièrement des verbes psychologiques à Expérienceur objet ('stimuler, encourager'). Le cadre adopté est celui de la sémantique néo-davidsonienne (Parsons, 1990) et de la sémantique du discours (Kamp & Reyle 1993, Asher 1993). La première partie (chap 1-7) est consacrée aux prédicats d'état, et la seconde aux prédicats causatifs et résultatifs (chap. 8-9). Dans le chapitre 1, on expose les arguments en faveur de l'idée que les verbes d'état ont un argument implicite davidsonien comme les verbes d'action. Abordant ensuite les constructions en 'by/in' ('by/in smoking, he broke his promise'), l'auteur propose de considérer, avec Goldman et contre Davidson, que celles-ci décrivent deux événements distincts, liés par une relation de génération. L'analyse goldmanienne de ces constructions est ensuite étendue aux prédicats d'état ('in doing this, he was clever'), ce qui permet de distinguer les prédicats qui dénotent un état dépendant d'une action, comme 'clever' en usage occurrentiel, des prédicats qui dénotent un état indépendant d'une action, comme beautiful (cf. '??in doing this, he was beautiful'). Le chapitre 2 fait le point sur les spécificités des prédicats d'état par rapport aux prédicats d'activité. Y est notamment montré que certains prédicats d'état acceptent le "progressif interprétatif" ('tu es en train de croire au Père Noël!'). Ce type de progressif est distingué du progressif standard et du progressif actif anglais ('he was being clever'); sont définis également les "prédicats interprétatifs" qui n'acceptent que ce progressif. Le chapitre 3 élabore une typologie aspectuelle des prédicats d'état. Sont d'abord distingués quatre types d'états en fonction de l'intervalle pendant lequel l'état en cause est vérifié. On montre que cette quadri-partition rend mieux compte des données linguistiques que la dichotomie classique en 'stage level predicates' et 'individual level predicates'. Ensuite sont définis les "prédicats d'état pur" comme beau, qui dénotent un état indépendant de toute action, et les "prédicats d'état endo-actionnel" comme 'généreux/bruyant' en usage occurrentiel, qui dénote un état généré par une action. On présente des arguments contre l'assimilation de ces derniers prédicats à des prédicats d'action. Est alors analysée l'ambiguïté des prédicats comme "généreux" dans l'emploi occurrentiel: 'Pierre m'a donné des bonbons. Il a été généreux' peut vouloir dire soit que Pierre a été généreux de (décider de) me donner des bonbons (lecture-d), soit qu'il a été généreux dans la manière de me les donner (lecture-m). Dans la foulée, on examine la relation temporelle qui prend place entre un état s et l'action e dont il dépend. Enfin, on montre que l'analyse proposée peut rendre compte de la concurrence entre passé composé et imparfait dans les phrases dénotant un état occurrentiel. A partir de la typologie aspectuelle élaborée au chapitre 3, le chapitre 4 revisite le problème que soulèvent certains prédicats d'état dans les constructions à prédicat second descriptif ('Pierre a donné des bonbons saoul/??généreux') et propose une nouvelle solution. On montre ensuite que cette solution peut être adaptée pour résoudre un problème moins étudié, à savoir celui que posent certains prédicats d'état dans les subordonnées temporelles en 'quand '(cf. 'Il était généreux, quand il a distribué les bonbons' versus '??Il a distribué des bonbons quand il était généreux'). Enfin, on fait le point sur la difficulté qu'éprouvent les prédicats évaluatifs à entrer dans les constructions présuppositionnelles, parmi lesquelles les subordonnées temporelles, mais les GN définis ('La femme rousse/??généreuse commanda une bière'). Le chapitre 5 est consacré aux relations rhétoriques qui s'établissent entre la description d'un état et la description d'un événement, aux combinaisons possibles entre ces relations rhétoriques, et à la manière dont tel ou tel prédicat d'état, vu ses propriétés sémantiques, contribue à établir telle ou telle relation rhétorique avec la description d'événement. Le chapitre 6 revient sur le problème que soulève l'indéfini des en lecture non générique avec certains prédicats d'état, notamment les prédicats évaluatifs ('Des livres étaient sales' versus '??Des livres étaient merveilleux'). En se fondant sur les outils de la 'Decision Theoretic Semantic's (Merin 1999), l'auteur fait l'hypothèse qu'un prédicat P n'accepte des que si la quantité des éléments satisfaisant P dans le contexte est non pertinente pour les fins du discours, et s'il est clair, par ailleurs, que les qualités implicites que peuvent instancier les dits éléments ne contribuent en aucune façon à expliquer qu'ils satisfont P. On montre que ces deux conditions sont respectées (resp. violées) avec les prédicats d'état compatibles (resp. incompatibles) avec des dans sa lecture non générique. Le chapitre 7 est consacré à la sémantique qu'il faut assigner aux prédicats d'état évaluatifs. On expose tout d'abord les arguments en faveur d'une sémantique "réaliste", qui analyse les prédicats évaluatifs comme des prédicats unaires dénotant de vraies propriétés. On distingue ensuite, dans le contenu informationnel des énoncés évaluatifs, un composant assertif et deux implicatures associées. On termine par l'analyse des prédicats évaluatifs superlatifs ('merveilleux'); est argumentée l'idée que ces prédicats ont un composant expressif, en ce sens que le locuteur, en les utilisant, implicite qu'une entité satisfaisant le prédicat a déclenché en lui une émotion, vécue ou rejouée lors de l'énonciation. On montre en quoi ce composant expressif contribue à expliquer pourquoi de tels prédicats sont difficilement utilisables à l'impératif ou dans certains types de questions. Le chapitre 8 répertorie trois classes parmi les verbes, dits "résultatifs", qui présupposent l'occurrence d'un événement e causant ou générant l'événement asserté e'. On présente d'abord le problème que pose la définition de cette présupposition, puis une nouvelle solution est exposée. On montre alors que la présupposition des verbes résultatifs -- achèvements droits et accomplissements strictement forts --- est de nature scalaire et peut s'expliquer par la Loi d'exhaustivité de Ducrot. Le chapitre 9 est consacré aux verbes psychologiques à Expérienceur objet (VPEO). Après avoir classé ces verbes en fonction de leur structure événementielle, on fait le point sur les différentes lectures qu'ils peuvent accepter. On montre ensuite qu'à la différence des VPEO acceptables dans les constructions agentives, les VPEO qui y sont peu acceptables exhibent deux propriétés cruciales. D'abord, ils présupposent toujours, à l'instar des verbes étudiés dans le chapitre 8, l'occurrence de l'événement impliquant le sujet; ensuite, certains d'entre eux sont "interprétatifs", en ce sens que l'assertion du changement d'état psychologique ne s'avère pertinente pour les fins du discours que si l'interprétant connaît, par ailleurs, l'événement qui cause ce changement. Cela permet d'expliquer pourquoi les verbes en question ne peuvent faire avancer la narration comme le ferait un prédicat d'action normal, et pourquoi ils sont peu compatibles avec les adverbes de manière orientés sur l'agent, les pseudo-clivées ou les compléments de lieu. On termine par l'analyse aspectuelle de la classe des VPEO, en montrant qu'on y trouve des membres des cinq classes aspectuelles distinguées dans le chapitre précédent.

Orientador: Marize Mattos Dall'Aglio Hattnher
Banca: Kees Hengeveld
Banca: Rosane de Andrade Berlinck
Banca: Sebastião Carlos Leite Gonçalves
Banca: Sandra Denise Gasparini Bastos
Resumo: A evidencialidade corresponde à explicitação da fonte da informação contida em um enunciado. Em muitas línguas, ela é codificada por meios gramaticais que indicam se a informação transmitida foi obtida de maneira direta, por meio de percepção sensorial, ou de maneira indireta, por meio de um relato ou uma inferência. Apesar de existir um grande número de trabalhos que tratam da evidencialidade gramatical, poucos são os estudos que consideram a evidencialidade expressa lexicalmente. A presente pesquisa surge como uma proposta de descrição da evidencialidade lexical expressa por meio de verbos de percepção em língua portuguesa. Mais especificamente, busca-se investigar quais são os tipos de contextos sintático-semânticos em que os verbos de percepção ver, ouvir e sentir têm valor evidencial e quais sentidos evidenciais estão relacionados com cada contexto. A teoria que embasa este estudo é a da Gramática Discursivo-Funcional (GDF), um modelo de gramática que "procura entender como unidades linguísticas são estruturadas em termos da realidade que elas descrevem e das intenções comunicativas com as quais elas são produzidas, e molda isso em uma implementação dinâmica da gramática" (HENGEVELD; MACKENZIE, 2008, p.2). Dentro da GDF, a evidencialidade é descrita em termos de níveis ou camadas de acordo com as características semântico-pragmáticas e morfossintáticas que a estrutura evidencial apresenta. O material de análise desta pesquisa é composto por amostras do português brasileiro falado e escrito. A partir da análise dos dados, foi possível identificar quatro tipos evidenciais codificados pelos verbos analisados: evidencialidade reportativa, expressa pelos verbos ver e ouvir, evidencialidade inferida, deduzida e direta, esses três tipos codificados pelos verbos ver, ouvir e sentir. Uma vez que um mesmo verbo pode codificar diferentes... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo)
Abstract: Evidentiality is understood as the marking of the source of evidence a speaker has for his/her statement. In many languages, it is expressed by grammatical means that indicate whether the information was obtained in a direct way, via sensorial perception, or in an indirect way, via report or inference. Although there are many studies on grammatical evidentiality, only a few take lexical evidentiality into account. This research aims at describing lexical evidentiality expressed by perception verbs in Portuguese by investigating the verbs ver (to see), ouvir (to hear) and sentir (to feel) in order to find out the evidential meanings related to them and the syntactic and semantic contexts in which they occur. The theoretical background of accounting perception verbs here rests on Functional Discourse-Grammar (FDG), a model of grammar which "aims to understand how linguistic units are structured in terms of the world they describe and the communicative intentions with which they are produced, and models this in a dynamic implementation" (HENGEVELD; MACKENZIE, 2008, p.2). Within FDG, evidentiality is described in terms of levels and layers according to the semantic, pragmatic and morphosyntactic features the evidential structure presents. The data analyzed here comprise samples of spoken and written Brazilian Portuguese. The results show that the three verbs are used to express four types of evidentiality: reportative evidentiality, expressed by ver and ouvir, inferential, deductive and direct evidentiality, all these three kinds expressed by ver, ouvir and sentir. Taking into account that the same verb may be used with different types of evidentiality, a number of syntactic, semantic and pragmatic aspects were considered in the description of each type. FDG model was very useful in the approach to the phenomenon under study. The syntactic description of the data showed... (Complete abstract click electronic access below)
Doutor

Orientador: Maria Luiza Braga
Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Estudos da Linguagem
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Resumo: Na presente tese, investigo as sentenças complexas portuguesas com verbos causativos e perceptivos em que se dá encaixamento de cláusulas completivas. Restrinjo minha análise, no primeiro grupo semântico, aos verbos mandar, deixar e fazer e, no segundo, a ver, ouvir e sentir, pelo fato de esses seis verbos terem sido mais freqüentes na amostra. Como referencial teórico, utilizo-me dos pressupostos do funcionalismo lingüístico, principalmente daqueles seguidos pela vertente americana (cf. Givón, 1990, 1995; Hopper e Traugott, 1993, dentre outros) e dos contidos em Lehmann (1988). Fundamento-me nas noções de iconicidade, integração sintática e gramaticalização para descrever e comparar o comportamento sintático e semântico das sentenças encaixadas em verbos causativos e perceptivos. Abordo, numa perspectiva pancrônica, os usos dessas cláusulas na língua portuguesa, com o intuito de verificar, nesses usos, a atuação do princípio de uniformitarismo (Labov, 1995). Para tanto, examino dados de diferentes fases do português, a arcaica e a contemporânea, com ênfase no estágio atual dessa língua. A amostra sincrônica consta de dados da modalidade falada do português brasileiro do século XX. A amostra diacrônica é composta de textos escritos do português do século XV: A Crônica de D. Pedro e A Carta de Pero Vaz de Caminha. Da perspectiva da metodologia adotada na pesquisa, utilizo os pressupostos metodológicos da Teoria da Variação Lingüística. Seguindo esses pressupostos, submeti os dados sincrônicos a um tratamento quantitativo através do programa de pacotes VARBRUL (mesmo sem estar operando com uma regra variável). Com base nas noções de iconicidade, integração sintática e gramaticalização, assumo como hipóteses principais desta tese as seguintes: (a) as cláusulas encaixadas em verbos causativos e perceptivos se distinguem não só por atributos semânticos mas também por atributos sintáticos e constituem diferentes níveis de integração sintática; (b) existem diferenças de níveis de integração sintática e gramaticalização entre os verbos de cada grupo semântico e entre as acepções de cada verbo. Visando à comprovação empírica dessas hipóteses, os graus de integração sintática e gramaticalização entre as completivas aqui analisadas e suas matrizes são medidos a partir de parâmetros sintáticos e semântico-pragmáticos. Neste trabalho, em relação a alguns desses parâmetros, os resultados quantitativos evidenciam que: (a) as sentenças encaixadas em verbos causativos e perceptivos exibem, no português brasileiro, um padrão distribucional divergente entre si e, portanto, remetem a distintos graus de integração sintática; (b) essas diferenças se explicam pela atuação do subprincípio da proximidade (Givón, 1990); (c) alguns usos dos verbos causativos e perceptivos representam diferentes estágios de gramaticalização; (d) nos grupos semânticos examinados, alguns verbos se destacam por possuírem mais usos integrados e/ou gramaticalizados
Abstract: In the present work I investigate Portuguese complex sentences which involve embedded clauses with causative and perception verbs. I examine causative verbs such as mandar ¿to order¿, deixar ¿to let¿ and fazer ¿to make¿ and perception verbs such as ver ¿to see¿, ouvir ¿to hear¿ and sentir ¿to feel¿, because they were the most frequent ones, of each semantic group, to appear in the sample. Some theoretical assumptions from the functionalist approach are used, mainly these ones adopted by Givón (1990, 1995), Hopper e Traugott (1993) and Lehmann (1988). The analysis is based on the notions of iconicity, syntactic integration and grammaticalization, since the aim is to confront the embedded clauses of causative and perception verbs as far as their syntactic and semantic properties are concerned. I also study the Portuguese usages of these clauses in a panchronic perspective to verify the action of the Uniformitarian Principle (Labov, 1995). Then, I examine data from two periods of Portuguese, the archaic and contemporary ones, emphasizing the latter. The synchronic sample consists of data of spoken Brazilian Portuguese from the XXth Century. The diachronic sample consists of written texts from the XVth Century: A Crônica de D. Pedro and A Carta de Pero Vaz de Caminha. Adopting the methodological principles from the Theory of Linguistic Variation, I make a quantitative analysis of the synchronic data through the VARBRUL, a package of statistical programs (although I am not studying a variable rule). Based on the claims about iconicity, syntactic integration and grammaticalization, it is assumed that: (a) the embedded clauses of causative verbs differ, semantically and syntactically, from the sentential complements of perception verbs because they exhibit different levels of syntactic integration; (b) there are distinct degrees of syntactic integration and grammaticalization among the verbs of each semantic group and among the meanings of each verb. In order to check these hypotheses, the degrees of syntactic integration and grammaticalization between the sentential complements and their matrixes are measured based on syntactic and semantic-pragmatic parameters. As far as these parameters are concerned, the results show that: (a) the embedded clauses of causative and perception verbs exhibit different distributional patterns and, therefore, they display different degrees of syntactic integration; (b) these differences are explained by the Proximity Subprinciple (Givón, 1990); (c) some usages of causative and perception verbs represent distinct stages of grammaticalization; (d) in the semantic groups examined, some verbs have more integrated and grammaticalized usages than others
Doutorado
Doutor em Linguística

The aim of this work was to collect a body of evidence of the recategorization of mental verbs, and make an analysis of their meanings and grammar. The research showed that the most active in this respect were the verbs of perception. Depending on the grammatical and semantic co-text, the verbs of perception expressed a material, verbal, relational, existential or happening processes. The verbs of cognition were less active. Their secondary meanings often expressed the same process with a slight change of meaning. When recategorized, the verbs of cognition denoted material, existential, and verbal processes, as well as the processes of perception and affectivity. The verbs of affectivity were the least active. Most of them had only one or two meanings that denoted the same process.

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A evidencialidade corresponde à explicitação da fonte da informação contida em um enunciado. Em muitas línguas, ela é codificada por meios gramaticais que indicam se a informação transmitida foi obtida de maneira direta, por meio de percepção sensorial, ou de maneira indireta, por meio de um relato ou uma inferência. Apesar de existir um grande número de trabalhos que tratam da evidencialidade gramatical, poucos são os estudos que consideram a evidencialidade expressa lexicalmente. A presente pesquisa surge como uma proposta de descrição da evidencialidade lexical expressa por meio de verbos de percepção em língua portuguesa. Mais especificamente, busca-se investigar quais são os tipos de contextos sintático-semânticos em que os verbos de percepção ver, ouvir e sentir têm valor evidencial e quais sentidos evidenciais estão relacionados com cada contexto. A teoria que embasa este estudo é a da Gramática Discursivo-Funcional (GDF), um modelo de gramática que “procura entender como unidades linguísticas são estruturadas em termos da realidade que elas descrevem e das intenções comunicativas com as quais elas são produzidas, e molda isso em uma implementação dinâmica da gramática” (HENGEVELD; MACKENZIE, 2008, p.2). Dentro da GDF, a evidencialidade é descrita em termos de níveis ou camadas de acordo com as características semântico-pragmáticas e morfossintáticas que a estrutura evidencial apresenta. O material de análise desta pesquisa é composto por amostras do português brasileiro falado e escrito. A partir da análise dos dados, foi possível identificar quatro tipos evidenciais codificados pelos verbos analisados: evidencialidade reportativa, expressa pelos verbos ver e ouvir, evidencialidade inferida, deduzida e direta, esses três tipos codificados pelos verbos ver, ouvir e sentir. Uma vez que um mesmo verbo pode codificar diferentes...
Evidentiality is understood as the marking of the source of evidence a speaker has for his/her statement. In many languages, it is expressed by grammatical means that indicate whether the information was obtained in a direct way, via sensorial perception, or in an indirect way, via report or inference. Although there are many studies on grammatical evidentiality, only a few take lexical evidentiality into account. This research aims at describing lexical evidentiality expressed by perception verbs in Portuguese by investigating the verbs ver (to see), ouvir (to hear) and sentir (to feel) in order to find out the evidential meanings related to them and the syntactic and semantic contexts in which they occur. The theoretical background of accounting perception verbs here rests on Functional Discourse-Grammar (FDG), a model of grammar which “aims to understand how linguistic units are structured in terms of the world they describe and the communicative intentions with which they are produced, and models this in a dynamic implementation” (HENGEVELD; MACKENZIE, 2008, p.2). Within FDG, evidentiality is described in terms of levels and layers according to the semantic, pragmatic and morphosyntactic features the evidential structure presents. The data analyzed here comprise samples of spoken and written Brazilian Portuguese. The results show that the three verbs are used to express four types of evidentiality: reportative evidentiality, expressed by ver and ouvir, inferential, deductive and direct evidentiality, all these three kinds expressed by ver, ouvir and sentir. Taking into account that the same verb may be used with different types of evidentiality, a number of syntactic, semantic and pragmatic aspects were considered in the description of each type. FDG model was very useful in the approach to the phenomenon under study. The syntactic description of the data showed... (Complete abstract click electronic access below)

Jede lebendige Sprache ist durch ihren Gebrauch ständigem Wandel unterworfen, der jede Ebene der Sprache betreffen kann – von der Phonologie über die Semantik bis hin zur Grammatik. Die vorliegende Arbeit hat es sich zur Aufgabe gemacht, den semantischen und lexikalischen Wandel des Ägyptischen zu beleuchten. Das Ägyptische ist in seinen verschiedenen Sprachstufen über mehr als vier Jahrtausende hinweg zu verfolgen, und gehört damit zu den am längsten bezeugten Einzelsprachen der Menschheitsgeschichte. Dies und die gute Quellenlage des Ägyptischen machen es zu einem prädestinierten Gegenstand für diachrone Untersuchungen. Nach einer quantitativen Erhebung der Lexeme eines ausgewählten Textkorpus’, der die Grundlage der Arbeit liefert, wurden im zweiten Teil der Dissertation vier Wortfelder exemplarisch auf ihr Wandelverhalten hin untersucht. Diese Wortfelder, Verwandtschafts- und Körperteilbezeichnungen sowie Wahrnehmungsverben und kognitive Verben, gehören zum Grundvokabular einer jeden Sprache, was die Vergleichbarkeit der Ergebnisse garantieren soll. Neben der Beschreibung konkreter Wandelphänomene wurde dabei Fragen nach dem Ablauf, dem Umfang und den Typen von semantischem und lexikalischem Wandel im Ägyptischen nachgegangen. Ziel war es unter anderem, generalisierbare Aussagen zu treffen, die für die allgemeinen Fragestellungen der Sprachwandelforschung, der Diachronen Semantik und der Historischen Linguistik von Relevanz sind, indem sie mit Ergebnissen früherer Untersuchungen zu den verschiedensten Sprachen verglichen bzw. zu ihrer Überprüfung herangezogen werden können. Als Ergebnis der Untersuchung konnten neben der Beschreibung interessanter Einzelbeobachtungen schließlich einige Regularitäten des semantischen und lexikalischen Wandels des Ägyptischen aufgestellt werden. Diese wurden zum Teil bereits durch andere Sprachen bestätigt und können nach weiterer Überprüfung möglicherweise als universale Tendenzen des semantischen Wandels formuliert werden.
Every spoken language is subject to constant change due to its use. This change can affect every level of the language, from phonology to semantics to grammar. The present dissertation is set out to illuminate the semantic and lexical change of the Egyptian language, which can be followed over four thousand years and is therefore one of the longest attested languages of mankind. This and its excellent state of sources make it the ideal subject of a diachronic study. After a quantitative analysis of the lexemes of a carefully chosen set of texts, which provides the foundation of the study, the main part of the dissertation examines four semantic fields with regard to its mode of change. These semantic fields, kinship terms and terms for body parts as well as verbs for cognition and perception, are part of the basic vocabulary of every language, which guarantees the comparability of the results. In addition to the description of individual processes of change, the paper pursues questions of the course, the range, and the types of semantic and lexical change of the Egyptian language. The intention was to form general statements which are of relevance to questions of the study of language change, the Diachronic Semantics as well as the Historical Linguistics, by serving as comparison as well as verification to studies of other languages. As a result of the present paper, some general regularities of the semantic and lexical change of the Egyptian language were established, in addition to the observation of some interesting individual processes of language change. These regularities were already partially confirmed by observations made in other languages and could, after further examination, turn out to be universal tendencies of semantic change.

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FAPEMIG - Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de Minas Gerais
O presente trabalho tem como objetivo a inclusão dos marcadores discursivos (MDs) derivados dos verbos de percepção visual “olhar” e “ver” em configuração imperativa e na segunda pessoa do discurso (P2) no âmbito da abordagem da gramaticalização de construções (TRAUGOTT, 2003, 2008a, 2008b, 2009, 2010a, 2011a, 2011c; NOËL, 2007; BYBEE, 2010, 2011; FISCHER, 2011; GISBORNE & PATTEN, 2011; TRAUGOTT & TROUSDALE, 2013). É nesse contexto que (i) demonstraremos que o desenvolvimento de tais MDs inclui, entre outras características, aumento em esquematicidade e em produtividade e diminuição em composicionalidade, aspectos fundamentais à gramaticalização de construções (TRAUGOTT, 2011c; TEIXEIRA & OLIVEIRA, 2012) e que (ii) proporemos a sistematização desses MDs a partir dos quatro níveis de esquematicidade propostos por Traugott (2008a, 2008b) – macroconstrução, mesoconstrução, microconstrução e construto. Realizamos, para tanto, uma análise pancrônica, a partir de amostras do português falado e de amostras da modalidade escrita da língua, constituídas por textos que compõem os seguintes corpora: o corpus do “Projeto Mineirês: a construção de um dialeto”, o corpus do projeto “PEUL – Programa de Estudos sobre o Uso da Língua”, o corpus do NURC/RJ – Projeto da Norma Urbana Oral Culta do Rio de Janeiro”, o corpus do projeto “CIPM – Corpus Informatizado do Português Medieval” e o corpus do projeto “Tycho Brahe”. Nossa análise se realiza a partir do equacionamento entre o cálculo da frequência de uso (BYBEE, 2003, 2011; VITRAL, 2006; MARTELOTTA, 2009) e a análise qualitativa, uma vez que nossos objetivos são definir o processo de gramaticalização dos marcadores discursivos analisados e descrever e interpretar os contextos específicos de uso de cada um deles. Os resultados apontam que o esquema construcional verbo de percepção visual em configuração imperativa e em P2, que atua na chamada de atenção do ouvinte, configura a macroconstrução, que, juntamente com as mesoconstruções, seria responsável pelo surgimento de novas construções bem como pelo estabelecimento de um esquema construcional. Ainda, identificamos os seguintes contextos de atuação discursiva destes MDs, que, cada qual com seu padrão construcional, comporiam as mesoconstruções: prefaciação, opinião/sustentação, discurso reportado, interjeição e contraexpectativa. É nesse sentido que defendemos que a macroconstrução e as mesoconstruções, que estariam na base do desenvolvimento dos marcadores discursivos, através do mecanismo da analogia, seriam responsáveis pela emergência de novas construções bem como pelo estabelecimento de um esquema construcional disponível para o falante.
The present work intends to include the discourse markers (henceforth DMs) derived from the verbs of visual perception "olhar" and "ver" in imperative configuration and in second person (P2) within the approach of grammaticalization of constructions (TRAUGOTT, 2003, 2008a, 2008b, 2009, 2010a, 2011a, 2011c; NOËL, 2007; BYBEE, 2010, 2011; FISCHER, 2011; GISBORNE & PATTEN, 2011; TRAUGOTT & TROUSDALE, 2013). It is in this context that we (i) demonstrate that the development of such MDs includes, among other features, increase of schematicity and productivity and decrease in compositionality, that are important aspects of the approach of grammaticalization of constructions (TRAUGOTT, 2011c; TEIXEIRA & OLIVEIRA, 2012) and (ii) propose a systematization of these DMs based on the four levels of schematicity that are proposed by Traugott (2008a, 2008b) – macroconstruction, meso-construction, micro-construction and construct. In order to prove these hypotheses, we accomplished a panchronic analysis that is represented by samples of spoken Portuguese and samples of the written language through the following corpora: the corpus of the “Projeto Mineirês: a construção de um dialeto”, the corpus of “PEUL – Programa de Estudos sobre o Uso da Língua” and the corpus of “NURC/RJ – Projeto da Norma Urbana Oral Culta do Rio de Janeiro”, the corpus of “CIPM – Corpus Informatizado do Português Medieval” and the corpus of “Tycho Brahe” project. Our analysis is done from the equation between the consideration of the frequency of use (BYBEE, 2003, 2011; VITRAL, 2006; MARTELOTTA, 2009) and the achievement of a qualitative treatment of data, since our intention is to define the process of grammaticalization of the analysed DMs and to describe and interpret the specific contexts of use of each DM. The results indicate that the constructional schema visual perception verb in imperative configuration and in P2, which operates in calling the listener’s attention, represents a macro-construction, that, with the mesoconstructions, would be responsible for the emergence of new constructions as well as for the establishment of a constructional network. We have also identified the following discursive contexts that, each one with its particular constructional pattern, integrate the meso-constructions: foreword, opinion/sustaining, reported speech, interjection and counter-expectation. In this context, we argue that the macroconstruction and the meso-constructions would be the basis for the development of DMs through the mechanism of analogy, that would be responsible for the emergence of new constructions as well as the for the establishment of constructional schema that is available to the speaker.

Plusieurs travaux ont montré que les aires cortico-motrices, localisées dans le cortex frontal et responsables des mouvements volontaires, pouvaient être impliquées dans le processus de compréhension de mots d'action. De ce point de vue, il a été rapporté que la performance d'un acte moteur simple (e.g.: attraper un objet) pouvait être améliorée par la prononciation, la lecture ou l'écoute de mots évoquant une action. Nous avons approché la relation entre parole et action à travers l'étude de l'effet de verbes d'action ainsi que d'autres stimuli cognitifs, l'imagerie kinesthésique (IK) et la soustraction mentale (SM), sur la performance d'un acte moteur complexe, le Squat Vertical Jump (SVJ, ou saut vertical accroupi). Nous avons mesuré la hauteur du SVJ chez des hommes (7 expériences, n = 114) et des femmes (2 expériences, n = 41) à l'aide de deux systèmes de mesure, l'Optojump® et le Myotest®. Les résultats ont montré que la prononciation silencieuse et à haute voix du verbe d'action spécifique au SVJ (saute, conjugué à la première personne de l'impératif), ainsi que l'IK et la SM, améliorent significativement la performance du saut, chez les hommes (jusqu'à + 2,7 cm) et, de manière moins prononcée, chez les femmes (jusqu'à + 1 cm dans 2 expériences). Le reste des résultats obtenus avec les hommes ont indiqué que la prononciation du verbe d'action non spécifique au saut (pince) augmente également la hauteur en SVJ, alors que la prononciation ou l'écoute d'autres verbes sans lien avec le saut (lèche, bouge) n'ont pas eu d'effet significatif sur le SVJ. C'est également le cas du verbe d'état 'rêve et d'un verbe incompréhensible par les sujets (tiào : saute en Chinois) ou encore des verbes qui contredisent et/ou qui s'opposent au déroulement de l'action de sauter (tombe et stoppe). La hauteur du saut a été par ailleurs significativement impactée lorsque les sujets ont prononcé des verbes à fort attributs émotifs (gagne et son antonyme perds)
Several studies have shown that cortical motor areas, located in the frontal cortex and responsible for voluntary movement, might be involved in the process of understanding action words. From this point of view, it has been reported that the performance of a simple motor act (e.g.: catching an object) might be improved by the pronunciation, reading or listening to words referring to the action. We approached the relationship between speech and action through the study of the effect of action verbs and other cognitive stimuli, kinesthetic imagery (KI) and mental subtraction (MS), upon the performance of a complex motor act, the Squat vertical jump (SVJ). We measured the height of SVJ in young naive men (7 experiments, n = 114) and women (2 experiments, n = 41) using an Optojump® and a Myotest® apparatuses. The results showed that the silent and loud pronunciation of specific action verb to SVJ (jump), the KI and the MS improved significantly the performance of the movement, in men (up to 2.7 cm) but less in women (up to + 1 cm in the 2 experiments). The results of other experiments obtained with men indicated that pronunciation of the action verb nonspecific to the jump (pinch) increased also the SVJ performance, while the pronunciation or listening to other verbs unrelated to the jump (Jick, move) had no significant effect on the SVJ. A meaningless verb for the French subjects (tiao = jump in Chinese) showed, in turn, no effect as did dream, faJJ and stop. The verb win improved significantly the SVJ height as much as its antonym Jose, thus suggesting a possible influence of affects in the subjects' performance. It appears that the effects of the specific action verb jump did seem effective but not totally exclusive for the enhancement of the SVJ performance, since non-linguistic stimuli (IK) or unrelated to action (MS) may have had a positive effect on the improvement in motor performance. Moreover verbs referring to emotion, unrelated to action, increased the height of SVJ similarly to the specific action verb jump. The results led us to consider the hypothesis that improving the performance of a complex gesture is dependent, a minima, upon the individual's intention, attention, emotions and also, and perhaps most importantly, concepts (we call concepts, the mental representations) as they may be induced by the cerebral processing of words

abstract: This dissertation provides an account of evidentiality of a number of selected verbs of perception in Modern Standard Arabic (MSA). The verbs are divided into three categories: activity, experiential, and source-based, following Viberg (1983). The data shows that the activity P.Vs in MSA are rarely used evidentially whereas the experiential and the source-based ones are commonly used to indicate evidential meaning. It also shows that while the source-based verb is mostly used with an inferred evidential meaning, the evidentiality encoded by the experiential perception verbs is determined by the complementation pattern and the person of the subject (first or third person subject). With the non-finite complement, these verbs indicate a direct evidentiality when having a first person subject, and a reported evidentiality when having a third person subject. With the finite CP complement, they indicate an indirect evidentiality. This corpus-based study also examines the grammaticalization of these verbs when used evidentially. I argue that only the verb ra’aa of the selected experiential verbs is fully grammaticalized, but only when it is in the past tense and followed by a verbal non-finite complement. In this usage, it becomes a light verb. The source-based verb badaa/yabduu when indicating an evidentiality, it is grammaticalized into copulative verb when followed by an adjectival predicate, and modal verb when followed by a finite complement.
Dissertation/Thesis
Doctoral Dissertation English 2019

Tese de doutoramento, Linguística (Linguística Computacional), 2010, Universidade de Lisboa, Faculdade de Letras
Inserida no campo da Semântica Lexical Computacional, e com base no pressuposto de que o desempenho de processos computacionais de determinação do significado beneficia grandemente do uso de recursos lexicais extensos e estruturados, esta dissertação apresenta uma análise de verbos de movimento do Português, com o objectivo de determinar as propriedades semânticas e sintácticas destes itens lexicais e a forma como esta informação se relaciona com a computação e previsão das estruturas em que estes verbos podem ocorrer. A restrição do objecto de estudo a um domínio semântico específico permitiu uma determinação mais precisa do significado de cada verbo, através do estabelecimento de relações léxico-conceptuais num modelo relacional do Léxico. A análise da semântica lexical destes verbos tem como base as especificidades de significado que diferenciam os verbos hipónimos dos seus hiperónimos e dos seus nós irmãos. A identificação de componentes do significado partilhados e não partilhados por verbos de um mesmo domínio semântico motiva a definição da informação semântica relevante a representar ao nível da entrada lexical, bem como a determinação da estrutura desta informação. No âmbito deste trabalho, é apresentada uma proposta de wordnet de verbos de movimento, referindo os diferentes níveis de análise relevantes para uma representação coerente dos verbos desta classe: a forma como os itens lexicais são agrupados em conjuntos de sinónimos que denotam conceitos e as relações estabelecidas entre estes conjuntos contemplam as propriedades conceptuais e semânticas dos itens lexicais, e a organização do léxico daí resultante permite determinar qual informação partilhada. A construção de uma wordnet de verbos de movimento do Português impôs a definição dos nós de topo da rede, bem como a determinação de outras opções de codificação, permitindo testar a herança conceptual pelos nós mais baixos da hierarquia. A rede obtida revelou a diversidade semântica e sintáctica de verbos directamente relacionados, e, particularmente, que propriedades semânticas, tais como a estrutura argumental ou propriedades de Aktionsart, estão directamente relacionadas com a especificação dos conceitos denotados, mas não são directamente herdadas ou condicionadas pelo domínio semântico a que um dado verbo pertence. Com base na wordnet desenvolvida, é apresentada uma análise decomposicional do significado dos verbos de movimento do Português, evidenciando as especificidades de significado que diferenciam os nós hipónimos dos seus hiperónimos. Esta análise revelou padrões de incorporação semântica diferentes dos descritos por Talmy (1985) para as línguas românicas, e resultou na proposta de um novo conjunto de componentes semânticos, lexicalizados nos verbos estudados, mas extensível à análise de verbos de outros domínios semânticos. O conteúdo semântico específico de cada verbo hipónimo diferencia verbos co-hipónimos e explica a incompatibilidade entre co-hipónimos: são incompatíveis (i.e., não co-ocorrem) cohipónimos que lexicalizam valores opostos, ou de outro modo incompatíveis,de um mesmo componente semântico. A lexicalização dos componentes semânticos considerados afecta em vários graus a herança de propriedades do hiperónimo, nomeadamente no que respeita a propriedades relativas à estrutura argumental (número de argumentos, propriedades de subcategorização e restrições semânticas do tipo de argumentos seleccionados) e a propriedades de Aktionsart. Foram observados os seguintes padrões de lexicalização: a incorporação de restrições relativas aos componentes semânticos ORIGEM (local ou posição inicial) e DESTINO (local ou posição final) resulta no aumento do número de argumentos seleccionados sintacticamente realizados, ao passo que a lexicalização destes componentes resulta na diminuição do número de argumentos sintacticamente realizados, comparativamente com a estrutura argumental do hiperónimo. A lexicalização de TRAJECTO (localizações intermédias entre a ORIGEM e o DESTINO) resulta no acréscimo de mais um argumento, relativamente à estrutura argumental do verbo hiperónimo, tipicamente correspondendo a um argumento que denota OBJECTO DE REFERÊNCIA (objecto externo relativamente ao qual o evento é perspectivado), realizado sintacticamente na posição de objecto; a incorporação de restrições a este componente semântico (TRAJECTO) resulta no aumento do número de argumentos seleccionados sintacticamente realizados e reflecte-se na selecção de um argumento sintacticamente realizado, denotador de TRAJECTO do evento de movimento, introduzido pela preposição por. As alterações de propriedades de Aktionsart na wordnet de verbos de movimento do Português, i.e., hipónimos com valores de Aktionsart diferentes dos dos seus hiperónimos, ocorrem com a lexicalização de DESTINO e ORIGEM. A lexicalização destes componentes resulta em eventos de tipo accomplishment ou achievement, dado que a definição da localização ou posição final (DESTINO) ou da localização ou posição inicial (ORIGEM) estabelece um limite ao evento, transformando um evento de tipo actividade num evento de tipo accomplishment ou achievement. A representação dos itens lexicais aqui proposta é feita no quadro do Léxico Generativo (LG) e contempla três níveis de representação distintos: a estrutura argumental, a estrutura eventiva e a estrutura qualia. Os itens lexicais estão, por sua vez, integrados numa estrutura de herança lexical. De forma a conseguir uma caracterização mais completa dos verbos de movimento do Português, especificamente no que diz respeito às suas propriedades de subcategorização, é proposta a modelização de preposições na WordNet.PT (WN.PT) e a sua representação lexical no quadro do LG. A integração das preposições na WN.PT segue investigação existente sobre modelos ontológicos de representação de preposições, nomeadamente no que toca aos conceitos denotados por estes itens lexicais, consensualmente adoptados quer pelas gramáticas tradicionais, quer análises linguísticas actuais. Esta integração resulta num tratamento coerente e uniforme de preposições semanticamente plenas, que introduzem argumentos verbais, mas também de preposições marcadoras de argumento. Através da utilização dos níveis e elementos de representação do LG, é proposta a representação integral de verbos de movimento do Português, dando conta da percolação de informação no léxico, do impacto da lexicalização de componentes semânticos nas propriedades semânticas e sintácticas dos verbos e da compatibilidade entre co-hipónimos. A utilização recursiva das estruturas lexicais disponíveis permite a percolação da informação através das redes de hiperonímia e possibilita uma codificação coerente e económica da informação, incluindo propriedades de subcategorização significativas. As estruturas lexicais resultantes mostram como a relação de hiponímia pode substituir redes ortogonais de tipos, no que respeita ao estabelecimento e à definição das propriedades semânticas através de estratégias de subtipificação. Além disso, a permeabilidade ao contexto de que dão conta os mecanismos generativos integrados no LG, em particular os mecanismos de subespecificação e de co-composição, assegura a plasticidade que explica a diversidade de comportamentos sintácticos dos itens lexicais, directamente relacionada com as suas propriedades léxicosemânticas. Para a definição de um léxico computacional que modelize as propriedades semânticas e sintácticas dos itens lexicais é proposta a integração das estruturas informacionais do LG nas wordnets: as estruturas informacionais do LG permitem entradas lexicais estruturadas e o modelo da WordNet, pela sua natureza, fornece a necessária hierarquia lexical que permite o acesso a outras estruturas no léxico. A integração dos níveis de representação do LG, nomeadamente da estrutura argumental, da estrutura qualia e da estrutura eventiva, prova que as wordnets podem comportar descrições lexicaisde maior granularidade, que suportam o tratamento de vários fenómenos léxico-conceptuais, sem comprometer a sua arquitectura. A integração de informação relativa à estrutura argumental na WN.PT é conseguida através da implementação de três novas relações: a relação SELECCIONA/É SELECCIONADO POR; a relação INCORPORA/É INCORPORADO POR e a relação SELECCIONA POR DEFEITO/É SELECCIONADO POR DEFEITO POR. A integração da estrutura qualia é obtida pela associação de relações léxico-conceptuais aos papéis qualia, sem qualquer perda de informação, no que constitui um processo simples e económico. A expressão da estrutura eventiva no modelo da WordNet, por sua vez, é alcançada através de um novo conjunto de traços (Tipo de evento, Argumentos, Subeventos, Restrições e Núcleo) que permite a associação das propriedades internas dos eventos aos synsets e a sua codificação na base de dados. A representação sistemática de informação relativa à estrutura eventiva, para além de permitir a descrição da ordem dos argumentos, enriquece o poder descritivo destes recursos. A integração dos níveis de representação do LG em wordnets tem como resultado repositórios de informação semântica lexical mais ricos e estruturados que contemplam informação relativa aos papéis qualia e que permitem a extracção de informação relativa às estruturas argumentais e eventiva dos itens lexicais, ou seja, léxicos generativos sobre os quais podem operar mecanismos como a co-composição, a ligação selectiva e a coerção de tipos. As propriedades semânticas e sintácticas consideradas nas entradas lexicais dos verbos analisados fornecem também pistas para dar conta de restrições de ocorrência destes verbos em algumas construções. Dando particular atenção à selecção de argumentos denotadores de local e de OBJECTO DE REFERÊNCIA, realizados sintacticamente na posição de objecto, à expressão de movimento direccionado em Português, à ocorrência de verbos de movimento em construções médias e não-causativas e à distribuição do clítico –se nestas construções, este trabalho apresenta também a análise dos diferentes comportamentos linguísticos dos verbos de movimento do Português nestes contextos e a relação destes comportamentos com as propriedades léxico-semânticas dos verbos. Apesar de não permitir um tratamento exaustivo de todos os comportamentos observados, a caracterização léxico-semântica proposta neste trabalho constitui um passo necessário para permitir o tratamento dos fenómenos observados, avançando algumas explicações que permitem dar conta destes diferentes comportamentos. Verbos que lexicalizam ORIGEM e DESTINO ou TRAJECTO seleccionam objectos que denotam OBJECTO DE REFERÊNCIA, i.e., argumentos verdadeiros que denotam entidades concretas e delimitadas, expressos sintacticamente por SNs. A possibilidade de ocorrer em estruturas de movimento direccionado, i.e., com SPs que expressam a ORIGEM e o DESTINO do movimento, está directamente relacionada com as propriedades semânticas e sintácticas dos verbos analisados: verbos de mudança de localização legitimam e/ou restringem a ocorrência destes constituintes, de acordo com os componentes semânticos lexicalizados e com as suas propriedades de subcategorização. Ainda no que diz respeito à expressão de movimento direccionado em Português, os dados analisados mostram que a distribuição dos verbos de movimento do Português com SPs denotadores de DESTINO introduzidos pela preposição a é condicionada pelo tipo de evento de movimento denotado pelo verbo (modo de movimento vs. movimento direccionado), mas também pelas propriedades de Aktionsart dos verbos, uma vez que os SPs introduzidos por a induzem uma interpretação pontual do estado final do evento, refutando assim as análises de verbos de movimento nas línguas românicas baseadas apenas nas restricções de ocorrência destes verbos com esta preposição. A correlação entre a proeminência de uma causa externa ou agente e a impossibilidade da sua ocorrência em construções não causativas dá conta da distribuição dos verbos de movimento nestas construções: verbos que lexicalizam INTENÇÃO ou um componente de MODO forte que implique a acção de uma causa externa ou agente não entram em construções não causativas. A análise da distribuição do clítico –se em construções médias, não causativas e passivas levou levantou a hipótese de o clítico induzir uma interpretação de envolvimento de um actor externo no evento: as construções passivas pressupõem necessariamente uma causa externa, logo exigem o clítico; nas construções médias o clítico marca os casos em que há a pressuposição do envolvimento de um actor externo no evento; e nas construções não-causativas, o clítico marca a correlação entre o agente e o tema/paciente do evento, forçando uma leitura não-causativa com sujeitos sintácticos [-animados]. Neste trabalho, fica patente que a modelização dos itens lexicais de uma dada categoria gramatical não é independente da de itens de outras categorias com que estes podem ocorrer, o que, necessariamente, aumenta o escopo da nossa análise. Para além disso, fica demonstrado que a modelização dos itens lexicais no modelo da WordNet compreende uma estrutura de herança lexical motivada, permitindo uma descrição adequada e económica dos itens lexicais e potenciando a construção de recursos lexicais de grande escala para fins computacionais.
Within the field of Computational Lexical Semantics, and based on the assumption that the performance of meaning determination computational processes is largely assisted by structured and extensive lexica, providing different types of information, this dissertation presents the analysis of Portuguese verbs of movement in order to determine the semantic and syntactic properties of these lexical items and how this information can be related to the computation and prediction of the structures in which they occur. The restriction to a specific semantic domain allowed a more accurate determination of the meaning of each verb, through the establishment of lexical-conceptual relations within a relational model of the Lexicon. The lexical semantic analysis of these verbs is based on the meaning specificities that differentiate hyponym verbs from their hyperonyms and sister nodes. The identification of the meaning components shared and those not shared by verbs of the same semantic domain motivates the determination of the relevant semantic information to be stated at the lexical entry level, as well as the structure of this information. This work puts forth a proposal for a Portuguese wordnet of verbs of movement, referring the different levels of analysis that are relevant for a coherent encoding of the verbs of this class: the way lexical items are grouped in concept denoting sets and the relations established between these sets contemplate the conceptual and semantic properties of the lexical items, and the resulting organization of the lexicon allows for the determining the information that is shared. The development of a wordnet for Portuguese verbs of movement required the definition of the top nodes of the net as well as of some other coding options, allowing testing conceptual inheritance from the higher to the lower nodes in the hierarchy. The resulting network revealed the semantic and syntactic diversity of verbs directly related, namely that semantic properties such as argument structure or Aktionsart properties are directly related to the meaning specificities of the concepts denoted, but are not straightforwardly inherited or conditioned by the semantic domain to which a given verb belongs. Based on the developed wordnet, a decompositional analysis of the meaning of the Portuguese verbs of movement is presented, focusing on the meaning specificities that differentiate each hyponym concept with regard to its hyperonym. This analysis revealed semantic incorporation patterns different from those considered to work for Romance languages and resulted in the proposal of a new set of semantic components, comprising the elements lexicalized by the verbs in study, and extendable to the analysis of verbs from other semantic domains. The semantic content specific to each hyponym differentiates co-hyponym verbs and explains co-hyponyms compatibility: co-hyponyms lexicalizing opposite or otherwise incompatible values for the same semantic element are incompatible (i.e., do not co-occur). The lexicalization of the semantic components considered affects the inheritance of the hyperonym properties at different degrees, namely in what concerns argument structure (argument number, subcategorization properties and semantic restrictions on the type of the arguments selected) and Aktionsart properties. The following salient patterns of lexicalization were observed: the incorporation of restrictions on the semantic components SOURCE (initial location or position) and GOAL (final location or position) results in an increase of the number of overt arguments of the hyponyms, whereas the lexicalization of these components results in a decrease of the number of overt arguments of the hyponyms, with respect to the hyperonym argument structure. The lexicalization of PATH (medium locations between the SOURCE and the GOAL) results in the increase of one more overt argument to the argument structure of the hyperonym verb, usually corresponding to a GROUND (external object with respect to which the event is put in perspective) argument realized in object position; the incorporation of restrictions on this semantic component results in the increase of the number of overt arguments, reflected in the selection of an overt argument referring the PATH of the movement event and is introduced by the preposition por (through). Aktionsart shifts within the wordnet of Portuguese verbs of movement, i.e., hyponyms that display Aktionsart values different from those of their hyperonyms, occur with the lexicalization of GOAL and SOURCE. The lexicalization of the elements SOURCE and GOAL result in accomplishment or achievement type events, since the determination of a specific final location or position (GOAL) or initial location or position (SOURCE) establishes a limit to the event, shifting an activity type event to an accomplishment or achievement type event. The lexical items representation is done within Generative Lexicon (GL) framework and contemplates three distinct levels – argument structure, event structure and qualia structure. Lexical items are integrated in a lexical inheritance structure. In order to better characterize the Portuguese verbs of movement, specifically in what concerns subcategorization properties, the modelization of prepositions in WordNet.PT (WN.PT) and their semantic representation at the lexical entry level in the GL framework, is proposed. The integration of prepositions in WN.PT follows previous research on ontological models for the representation of prepositions, namely in what concerns the concepts denoted by prepositions consensually adopted in traditional grammars and state of the art models. This results in a coherent and unified treatment of the semantically full prepositions that introduce verbal arguments but also of argument-marking prepositions. Using these levels and elements of representation, a complete representation of Portuguese verbs of movement is proposed, accounting for the percolation of information within the lexicon, for the impact of semantic lexicalization in the semantic and syntactic properties of verbs and for verbal co-hyponym compatibility. The recursive use of available lexical structures allows the percolation of information through the hyponymy trees and enables a coherent and economic codification of the information, including significant subcategorization properties. The resulting lexical structures demonstrate that hyponymy can replace a semantic type lattice in what concerns establishing and defining semantic properties by subtyping strategies. In addition, the permeability granted by the GL model principles, in particular underspecification and co-composition, assures the necessary context flexibility to explain the diversity of syntactic behaviors directly related to lexical semantics properties. For the definition of a computational lexicon that models the semantic and syntactic properties of lexical items, the integration of informational structures in wordnets is proposed: GL lexical structures provide the structured lexical entries, and WordNet, by its nature, provides the necessary lexical hierarchy that conveys the access to other structures in the lexicon. The integration of GL representation levels in a wordnet, namely argument structure, qualia structure and event structure, demonstrates how wordnets can support a finer-grained lexical description that provides the bases for accounting for several lexical semantic phenomena, without compromising the architecture of the model. The integration of argument structure information in WN.PT is achieved through the establishment of three new relations: SELECTS/ IS SELECTED BY relation; INCORPORATES/IS INCORPORATED IN relation and SELECTS BY DEFAULT/IS SELECTED BY DEFAULT BY relation. The integration of qualia role in wordnets is attained by associating lexical-conceptual relations to qualia roles, without any loss of information, in what consists of a simple and low cost process. The expression of event structure in wordnets is accomplished through a new set of features (Event type, Arguments, Subevents, Restrictions and Head) that encode the internal properties of the events. The systematic representation of event structure information, besides providing the grounds for argument order description, enriches the descriptive power of these resources. The integration of GL representation in wordnets results in richer and more structured repositories of lexical semantic information that contemplate qualia information and allow the extraction of argument structure and event structure information, i.e., generative lexica over which devices such as co-composition, selective binding and coercion can operate. The semantic and syntactic properties considered in the lexical entries of the Portuguese verbs of movement also provided insights on the occurrence restrictions displayed by these verbs in some constructions. Focusing on the selection of arguments denoting location and GROUND occurring in object position, the expression of directed motion in Portuguese, the occurrence of verbs of movement in middle and non-causative constructions and the distribution of –SE in these constructions, this work also presents the analysis of the different behaviors of Portuguese verbs of movement in these contexts and their relation with the lexical semantic properties of the verbs. Although not accounting exhaustively for all the different behaviors observed, the lexical semantic characterization proposed constitutes a necessary step to enable the treatment of the observed phenomena and provides some explanations of different behaviors. Verbs that lexicalize SOURCE & GOAL or PATH select defined GROUND objects, i.e., true arguments denoting concrete and bounded entities, syntactically expressed by NPs. The possibility of occurring in directed motion structures, i.e. with PPs that express the SOURCE and GOAL of the movement is directly related to the semantic and syntactic properties of the verb at stake: verbs of change of location license and/or restrict their co-occurrence with these constituents, according to the semantic elements lexicalized by the verbs and to their subcategorization properties. Regarding also the expression of directed motion in Portuguese, the data show that the distribution of Portuguese verbs of movement with GOAL denoting PPs introduced by the preposition a (roughly corresponding to the English preposition to in some contexts) is conditioned by the type of movement event denoted by the verb (manner of motion vs. directed motion), but also by Aktionsart properties, since PPs introduced by a induce a punctual aspect interpretation of the final state of the event, and refute the analyses of verbs of movement in Romance languages based solely on the co-occurrence restrictions with the preposition a. The correlation between the prominence of an external cause or agent and the impossibility of occurring in non-causative constructions accounts for the distribution of verbs of movement in these constructions: verbs that lexicalize INTENTION or a strong MANNER component implying the action of an external cause or agent do not enter non-causative constructions. The analysis of the distribution of –se in middle, non-causative and passive constructions lead to the hypothesis of the -se inducing the interpretation of the involvement of an external actor in the denoted event: passives with -se necessarily entail an external cause and thus require the presence of the clitic; in middle constructions, the clitic marks the case where the involvement of an external actor in the denoted event is entailed; and, in non-causative constructions, the clitic marks the correlation between the agent and theme/patient participants of the event, forcing the non-causative reading with [-animated] syntactic subjects. From this work, it is apparent that the modeling of lexical items of a given POS is not independent from that of others of different POS with which they may occur, which necessarily extended the scope of the analysis depicted here. Moreover, it is demonstrated that modeling lexical items in the WordNet model, establishing a motivated lexical-conceptual inheritance structure, allows for an an economic and adequate description of lexical items and potentiates the construction of large-scale lexical resources suitable for computational purposes.
Fundação para a Ciência e a Tecnologiagrant SFRH/BD/13875/2003

碩士
國立交通大學
外國文學與語言學研究所
96
This study explores Mandarin perception verbs by adopting Frame Semantics (Fillmore & Atkins 1992) and attempts to classify the verbs into a hierarchical structure on the basis of the construction of Mandarin VerbNet proposed by Liu and Chiang (2008). In terms of perception verbs, Viberg (1984) made a cross-linguistic research and claimed that they mainly include three types: ACTIVE, PASSIVE, and COPULATIVE, shown as Table 1. Following Viberg’s analysis, this study also probes into Mandarin perception verbs according to event types of verbs as well as five senses. A preliminary differentiation of the verbs is displayed as Table 2. Equivalently, a correspondence on lexical items between Mandarin and English exists. However, from Table 2, it is found that the discrimination reveals a highly relevance with the morphological make-ups, especially the influence of the suffixes, such as the resulatative morphemes到 dao ‘reach’ and 起來 qilai ‘rise’. This is a noticeable difference from English for Mandarin is an analytic language while English is a synthetic language. Thus, the morphological make-up types occupy a fundamental status in this study. Besides the verbs shown in Table 2, more perception verbs which are composed of other suffixes are also discussed. In addition to the morphological characteristics, the interaction between grammar and semantics serves to provide principles for a systematic as well as evident classification. Based on the corpus observation mainly from Academia Sinica Balanced Corpus of Modern Mandarin Chinese (Sinica Corpus), this study analyzes the verbs by striking a balance between syntax and semantics. Through the principles which are motivated by syntax-to-semantic correspondences, the perception verbs are categorized into different layers of frames. Each layer is responsible for a particular scope for semantic description. From top to down, the layers are Archiframe, Primary Frame, Basic Frame, and Micro-frame (Liu & Chiang 2008). In terms of Mandarin perception verbs, the frame-based structure is composed of Perception archiframe, five primary frames by inheritance, two primary frames by using, five basic frames, and ten micro-frames. Though the frames are differentiated, the interrelationship among the frames is also transparently displayed, not neglected. Essentially, all the frames share a conceptual schema, which is postulated with the core frame elements, as shown below. Besides, through the classification, some characteristics of Mandarin perception verbs thus emerge. Two of them are especially introduced. One is the correspondence between frames and morphological make-ups; and the other is an intimate interaction between perception and cognition realized by frequent uses of semantic extensions. All of these are the concerned issues which this study attempts to explain in a well-organized way.

碩士
國立臺灣師範大學
英語研究所
90
This thesis is a study on the meaning extension of Mandarin Chinese perception verbs, kan ‘see’, ting ‘hear’ and wen ‘smell’, and the relevant linguistic phenomena. The purposes are, first, to investigate the meaning extension, then, to explore the process of grammaticalization, and the metaphorical mapping of kan, ting and wen from the physical domain to the mental domain. The focus of this study is on meaning extension of kan, ting and wen and the relevant phenomena to meaning extension. Based on my analysis, the mechanisms of meaning extension are found to be metaphor and metonymy and the discussion of the relevant phenomena to meaning extension is based on the two basic assumptions. The first is that the analysis of the synchronic phenomenon, herein meaning extension, can reflect the diachronic variation such as semantic shift, grammaticalization as well as the synchronic phenomenon of the metaphorical mapping. The second is that the hypothesis of unidirectionality is a valid theory, which enables us to sketch the developmental processes of grammaticalization of kan, ting and wen. The results of the analysis reveal that meaning extensions of kan, ting and wen are classified into three categories such as physical, mingle and mental ones, all of which are derived out of the interaction of metaphor and metonymy. In the dimension of grammaticalization, kan, ting and wen are significantly associated with the hypothesis of unidirectionality. Since unidirectionality characterizes a lexical item in terms of meaning extension and abstraction, kan, ting and wen are expected to undergo such phenomena. The result of the analysis does show that kan, ting and wen undergo meaning extension and abstraction. With regard to metaphorical mapping, kan, ting and wen are mapped from the physical domain to the mental domain through Sweetser’s (1990) MIND-AS-BODY metaphor.

碩士
國立交通大學
外國文學與語言學研究所
96
This paper explores the cognitive-semantic motivations of the semantic extension from P-C-U to modality and manipulation verbs in Mandarin Chinese. The issue was tackled cross-linguistically by Givón (1993b) who proposes the event-integration scale which displays the different correlations between semantic bonds and syntactic patterns resulting from the different semantic properties of the three verb classes. However, given that P-C-U is not differentiated and Modality and Manipulation overlap in the scale, four aspects concerning the topic remain unexplored: 1) Why do perception, cognition and utterance verbs form a group? 2) Do P-C-U verbs extend to the other verb classes by the same mechanisms? 3) Do P-C-U verbs behave the same in their degree of event integration? 4) How are modality and manipulation related and in what way they overlap? In attempt to answer the four questions, this paper offers possible accounts for the extensions among the three verb classes based on the observation of semantic properties, basic syntactic patterns and lexical, aspectual collocations of the three verb classes at issue by integrating Frame Semantics, Construction Grammar and the theory of Subjectivity into the four-space model of Conceptual Blending. There are four major findings in this study: 1) The collocational sequences of cause-effect relations can account for the semantic motivations underlying the grammatical symmetry and the interrelations among P-C-U verbs since one perceives the world via his or her perception and conveys their mental content by means of language. 2) The extensions of P-C-U verbs to the other two verb classes are operated by different mechanisms. Verbs of perception extend to the other two by metaphor and undergo grammaticalization resulting in the predicate V-qilai expressing the personal judgment or inference of the perceiver relying on external phenomenon as the evidence or the verbal affix VV-kan /V-kankan which suggest ‘attempting’ aspect. Verbs of cognition interact with epistemic modality within the attitudes and perspectives held by cognizer and extend their meanings from volition to intended manipulation via the causative construction X CAUSE Y (lai/qiu) DO Z. As for utterance verb, such as shuo, it functions as an epistemic marker which attaches to mental verb or occupies the sentence-initial and sentence-final position to intensify the perspective or the counter-expectation toward a proposition. Furthermore, utterance verbs exert the illocutionary force in the communication events and thus offer a prerequisite for various manipulation verbs such as suggest and threaten. 3) The extended meanings from P-C-U to modality and manipulation exhibit different degree on expressing epistemic certainty and the force of manipulation (perception < cognition < utterance). This is held true for both kan, xiang and shuo at the utterance meaning level in a speaker-hearer interacting scenario and other verbs such as panwang, xiang, xiangyao, jiao, and yao at the level of sentence meaning. 4) The interaction between modality and manipulation verbs can be exhibited by the combination and blending of xiang-yao by the operation of Conceptual Blending with frame convergence and role coercion. In sum, this paper attempts to clarify the distinctions among P-C-U verbs in their degree and mechanisms of semantic extension and how other members of the same verb class extended to another systematically. Further, the representations of utterance and sentence meaning are construed and tackled with in different scopes within the infrastructure of Frame Semantics. The study ultimately provides a unified framework in analyzing and representing semantic extensions.

O objectivo da presente dissertação consistiu em estudar as relações temporais que se estabelecem entre as orações completivas infinitivas e os verbos perceptivos e causativos que as seleccionam. O nosso corpus foi constituído de textos medievais portugueses dos séculos XII, XIII e XIII/XIV. A análise incidiu, por um lado, sobre os verbos perceptivos ver e ouvir, por outro, sobre os causativos fazer, mandar e leixar. Começou-se por definir noções gerais, tais como Tempo, Aspecto e Modalidade, passando depois para uma descrição sobre o Infinitivo em Português contemporâneo e em Português Medieval. Destacámos em seguida a proposta de Cunha & Silvano (2006) que argumentam favoravelmente à existência de marcas de temporalidade associadas ao Infinitivo. No segundo capítulo descrevemos a metodologia usada para constituir o corpus, bem como os métodos e ferramentas utilizados para tratar os dados recolhidos para análise. Para além disto, referimos ainda algumas dificuldades inerentes a este tipo de investigação sobre textos medievais. Seguidamente, no capítulo III apresentamos a análise da localização temporal das completivas infinitivas introduzidas por verbos perceptivos e causativos. Esta tarefa é conseguida através do estudo das frases em que estes dois tipos de verbos ocorrem subcategorizando orações infinitivas e pelo seu tratamento individual. Para cada um dos grupos, apresentamos uma conclusão acerca das similaridades e diferenças entre os valores temporais das orações que subcategorizam os verbos estudados. No presente trabalho pretendeu-se investigar se as características semânticas do verbo principal têm influência na interpretação da oração infinitiva subordinada. Através desta abordagem, esperamos aferir se a informação atrelada à forma infinitiva é condicionada por aquela veiculada pela oração subcategorizada. Procurámos, para além disso, determinar se o tipo aspectual do verbo contido naO objectivo da presente dissertação consistiu em estudar as relações temporais que se estabelecem entre as orações completivas infinitivas e os verbos perceptivos e causativos que as seleccionam. O nosso corpus foi constituído de textos medievais portugueses dos séculos XII, XIII e XIII/XIV. A análise incidiu, por um lado, sobre os verbos perceptivos ver e ouvir, por outro, sobre os causativos fazer, mandar e leixar. Começou-se por definir noções gerais, tais como Tempo, Aspecto e Modalidade, passando depois para uma descrição sobre o Infinitivo em Português contemporâneo e em Português Medieval. Destacámos em seguida a proposta de Cunha & Silvano (2006) que argumentam favoravelmente à existência de marcas de temporalidade associadas ao Infinitivo. No segundo capítulo descrevemos a metodologia usada para constituir o corpus, bem como os métodos e ferramentas utilizados para tratar os dados recolhidos para análise. Para além disto, referimos ainda algumas dificuldades inerentes a este tipo de investigação sobre textos medievais. Seguidamente, no capítulo III apresentamos a análise da localização temporal das completivas infinitivas introduzidas por verbos perceptivos e causativos. Esta tarefa é conseguida através do estudo das frases em que estes dois tipos de verbos ocorrem subcategorizando orações infinitivas e pelo seu tratamento individual. Para cada um dos grupos, apresentamos uma conclusão acerca das similaridades e diferenças entre os valores temporais das orações que subcategorizam os verbos estudados. No presente trabalho pretendeu-se investigar se as características semânticas do verbo principal têm influência na interpretação da oração infinitiva subordinada. Através desta abordagem, esperamos aferir se a informação atrelada à forma infinitiva é condicionada por aquela veiculada pela oração subcategorizada. Procurámos, para além disso, determinar se o tipo aspectual do verbo contido na oração subordinada interfere de forma activa na interpretação temporal dos infinitivos.
The main purpose of this dissertation was to study the temporal relations between Infinitival completive clauses and the perception and causative verbs that select them. Our corpus is built by Medieval Portuguese texts from the XII th to the XIV th century. Our analysis focused on both perception verbs, such as ver (see) and ouvir (hear), and causative verbs, such as fazer (make), mandar (order) and leixar (let). We started by defining the relevant concepts of Time, Aspect and Modality. Then, we presented a synthesis of the descriptions on the Infinitive in both Contemporary and Medieval Portuguese literature, which considers this verbal form as neutral as far as temporal information is concerned. Next, we have put in evidence Cunha & Silvano’s (2006) proposal arguing that this verb form has temporality marks attached. In chapter II we have described the methodology used to build the corpus, as well as the methods and the tools used in order to treat the data. We also showed the difficulties of this type of investigation. In chapter III we presented the analysis of the temporal location of non finite clauses selected by perception and causative verbs. We accomplished this task studying the sentences in which this two types of verbs subcategorize infinitival clauses. For each of these groups we presented a conclusion about similarities and differences between the temporal value of each verb studied. In this study we investigated whether the semantic characteristics of the main verb have influence in the interpretation of the embedded infinitival clauses. With this approach we expected to find out if the temporal information related to the infinitival form is determined by the main clause. We also investigated if the aspectual type of the verb contained in the subordinated clause has an active role in the temporal interpretation of the infinitive. Beside these factors, we examined the influence of others, such as verbal tenses, durative and punctual activities, the presence of adverbial adjuncts and eventive or stative character of the verb contained in the complement clause. Finally, we conclude that the temporal interpretation of the infinite complement governed by perception and causative verbs is determined by a complex interaction of several factors that cannot be disconnected, in particular the semantic nature of the verbs, the modal value of the main clause and the nature of the main clause’s external argument.

This MA thesis aims at describing the Czech counterparts to the English copular verbs of sensory perception, presupposing lexical differences due to the unequeal size of the repertoire available to each of the languages. After discussing the approaches of the major grammars of English to copular verbs, the MA thesis analyses the translation equivalents excerpted from the English-Czech section of the multilingual corpus InterCorp. The final set of translation pairs comprises 217 examples, with 50 examples of copular clauses with look, feel, smell, sound and 17 sentences with the predicate taste. The analysis, divided into sections investigating each copula individually, shows that the prevailing means of translating an English copular predication of perception are lexical verbs (in 78% of occurrences), most frequently followed by an adverbial (in 72% of occurrences). In particular, the most usual translation was an intransitive verb followed by an adverb. Verbs with a complementation comprise a low number of occurrences. Similarly, fusion appeared very rarely (usually with the copula feel). Czech copular verbs as counterparts of the English copulas of perception occurred only in the imperfective aspect (být) comprising 9% of all counterparts. Comparing the languages revealed that Czech copulas are...

Dissertação de mestrado em Ciências da Linguagem
O presente estudo pretende investigar um caso particular de aquisição bilingue, a aquisição de uma língua de herança (LH). A LH refere-se à língua de origem de falantes bilingues que crescem em contexto de emigração com exposição à língua de origem dos pais/avós no contexto familiar e à língua maioritária, a do país de acolhimento, fora da família. Iremos analisar a construção de elevação de sujeito para objeto e a construção de infinitivo preposicionado (CIP), isto é, o conhecimento de falantes de herança (FH) e falantes monolingues de português europeu (PE) relativamente a estruturas com complementos infinitivos de verbos causativos e percetivos centrando-nos, em particular, nos modos de realização do sujeito em interação com a presença ou ausência da flexão de concordância verbal. A análise baseia-se na realização de duas tarefas linguísticas, uma de completamento e outra de julgamento de gramaticalidade (TJG). O grupo sob investigação inclui 30 falantes monolingues portugueses e 30 FH de 2ª geração, lusodescendentes, que vivem na Alemanha (zona de Frankfurt). O objetivo do presente estudo consiste em averiguar se os FH demonstram um conhecimento destas estruturas semelhante ao conhecimento demonstrado por falantes monolingues, residentes em Portugal. Os resultados demonstram que, em geral, os falantes bilingues mostram tendências de produção e aceitação semelhantes aos monolingues nos complementos não flexionados, ou seja, verifica-se a produção de taxas elevadas de pronomes clíticos em oposição aos pronomes fortes em ambos os grupos. No entanto, em todas as condições, os falantes monolingues mostram uma maior tendência para o uso do pronome clítico na forma acusativa (elevação de sujeito para objeto) nos complementos flexionados e não flexionados da Tarefa de Completamento (Tarefa 1). A maior diferença entre os dois grupos é verificada i) nos complementos de verbos percetivos, com flexão, e ii) nos contextos CIP, nos quais os falantes bilingues optam significativamente mais por pronomes fortes do que os falantes monolingues. Semelhantemente, na TJG, os falantes bilingues mostram uma taxa maior de aceitação de sujeitos nominativos na CIP, enquanto os falantes monolingues dificilmente aceitam este tipo de construções. Consideramos que o uso mais frequente da forma nominativa nestes contextos se deve à tendência mais geral dos falantes de herança para evitar o uso das formas clíticas, sempre que possível, devido à sua complexidade no PE. Quanto à aceitação de sujeitos nominativos na CIP, este comportamento pode ter a ver com a estrutura particular da CIP quando comparada com os restantes complementos. Sempre que a CIP ocorre em frases raiz, o sujeito surge na forma nominativa (o Caso por defeito, em PE). Assim, não é de excluir a hipótese de os falantes de herança atribuírem à CIP em posição de complemento a mesma análise que é atribuída à sua ocorrência em contextos raiz, considerando-a um domínio funcional completo em que o sujeito recebe Caso nominativo por defeito. Esta estratégia é também atestada em crianças monolingues em fase de aquisição (ver Santos, Gonçalves & Hyams, 2015). É ainda de realçar a diferença entre as duas tarefas no que diz respeito ao uso do pronome clítico nos complementos flexionados. Na TJG, o grupo bilingue mostra taxas mais elevadas de aceitação desta construção do que o grupo monolingue. Contudo, contrariamente ao que era previsto, na Tarefa de Completamento, os falantes monolingues produzem esta construção com a presença do clítico acusativo, o que não é predito pela maioria das análises sintáticas relativas a esta construção, uma vez que, com a flexão de concordância presente, existem todas as condições para que a atribuição de Caso nominativo ocorra. Por sua vez, na TJG, os falantes monolingues já rejeitam esta construção, ao contrário do que acontece com o grupo bilingue, que tem um comportamento semelhante nas duas tarefas. Este comportamento pode estar relacionado com diferentes graus de conhecimento metalinguístico dos dois grupos, consequência de falta de instrução formal na LH dos falantes bilingues. Sintetizando, os FH de PE que têm o alemão como língua maioritária demonstram um conhecimento linguístico muito semelhante ao dos monolingues portugueses, sendo a principal exceção o comportamento de ambos os grupos no que diz respeito à CIP e aos complementos flexionados.
This study aims to investigate a particular case of bilingual acquisition, the acquisition of a heritage language (HL). A HL is spoken by bilingual speakers who grow up in the context of emigration with exposure to the language of origin of their family (the HL) and the language of the host country. We will focus on European Portuguese and we will study infinitival complements of causative and perception verbs, which can be realized in a variety of different ways in the language. We will set aside the contexts in which the embedded infinitive and the matrix verb form a complex predicate (Gonçalves, 1999) and concentrate instead on bi-clausal constructions. These may have different forms depending on whether the infinitival complement is inflected or uninflected. In the former case, the embedded subject is realized as nominative; in the latter, the subject is realized as an accusative clitic in a configuration that has been known as “Raising to Object”. One of the goals of this study is to test the speakers’ choice of realization of the subject in these two contexts. Perception verbs allow yet another type of infinitival complement, the prepositional infinitive construction (PIC) (Raposo, 1989), which has a particular syntax. In particular, its subject is invariably an accusative clitic regardless of whether the infinitive is inflected or not. The PIC is also included in this study. Two experimental tasks were applied: a Completion Task and a Grammaticality Judgment task (GJT). These tasks were applied to 30 monolingual Portuguese speakers and 30 2nd generation heritage speakers living in Germany (Frankfurt area). Our goal was to verify the extent to which heritage speakers differ from monolingual speakers living in Portugal. The results demonstrate that, in general, the performance of the bilingual speakers shows tendencies that are similar to that of the monolingual speakers: both groups always display higher rates of accusative clitics as compared to nominative pronouns, including in those contexts in which the infinitive is inflected. It is only in the GJT that the monolingual speakers reject the combination of the accusative form with an inflected infinitive. The biggest difference between the two groups is found i) in the complements of perception verbs with the inflected infinitive, and ii) in the PIC contexts, in which the bilingual speakers select significantly more often for nominative pronouns than monolingual speakers. The most frequent use/choice of the nominative form in the PIC by the bilingual speakers may be due to the particular properties of this structure when compared to the other types of infinitival complement. Raposo (1989), Barbosa and Cochofel (2005) have argued that the PIC is a small clause headed by the preposition, which takes the infinitival clausal projection as its complement. The subject of the infinitival clause is an empty category (pro or PRO, depending on whether the infinitive is inflected or not), which is controlled by the subject of the Small Clause. In the target grammar, the PIC can be used in non selected environments (root clauses), in which case the subject appears in the nominative (the default Case in European Portuguese). In such contexts, the CIP appears to form a complete functional complex by itself. The existence of this option in the target grammar may be the key to an understanding of why bilingual speakers accept the nominative form for the subject of the CIP in complement position. They treat the CIP complement as if it were a complete functional complex, with Case on the subject being assigned by default. This strategy is also attested in monolingual children in the process of acquisition (see Santos, Gonçalves & Hyams, 2015). Finally, there is a difference between the two tasks with respect to the use of the clitic (Raising to Object) in inflected complements. In the GJT, the bilingual speakers show higher rates of acceptance of these constructions than the monolingual speakers. However, in the Completion Task, the monolingual speakers produce high rates of accusative subjects in the presence of the inflected infinitive. This result is unexpected since the infinitival clause has all the conditions required for nominative Case to be assigned to the subject. In other words, Raising to Object is superfluous. In the GJT, the monolingual speakers show low rates of acceptance of these structures, in contrast to the bilingual group, which has a similar behavior in both tasks. These results may be connected with differences in metalinguistic knowledge. On the assumption that the construction of Raising to Object with the inflected infinitive is considered substandard it is more likely to be negatively judged by the monolingual speakers. Due to lack of formal instruction in the HL, the HSs show no such effect in the same task.
Fundação para a Ciência e Tecnologia (FCT) - Projeto Portuguese as Heritage Language and Language Change (referência EXPL/MHCLIN/0763/2013)