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Journal articles on the topic 'Preferences for redistribution'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

Brooks, Clem, and Elijah Harter. "Redistribution Preferences, Inequality Information, and Partisan Motivated Reasoning in the United States." Societies 11, no. 2 (June 21, 2021): 65. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/soc11020065.

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In an era of rising inequality, the U.S. public’s relatively modest support for redistributive policies has been a puzzle for scholars. Deepening the paradox is recent evidence that presenting information about inequality increases subjects’ support for redistributive policies by only a small amount. What explains inequality information’s limited effects? We extend partisan motivated reasoning scholarship to investigate whether political party identification confounds individuals’ processing of inequality information. Our study considers a much larger number of redistribution preference measures (12) than past scholarship. We offer a second novelty by bringing the dimension of historical time into hypothesis testing. Analyzing high-quality data from four American National Election Studies surveys, we find new evidence that partisanship confounds the interrelationship of inequality information and redistribution preferences. Further, our analyses find the effects of partisanship on redistribution preferences grew in magnitude from 2004 through 2016. We discuss implications for scholarship on information, motivated reasoning, and attitudes towards redistribution.

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2

Luttmer, Erzo F. P., and Monica Singhal. "Culture, Context, and the Taste for Redistribution." American Economic Journal: Economic Policy 3, no. 1 (February 1, 2011): 157–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/pol.3.1.157.

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Is culture an important determinant of preferences for redistribution? To separate culture from the economic and institutional environment (“context”), we relate immigrants' redistributive preferences to the average preference in their birth countries. We find a strong positive relationship that is robust to rich controls for economic factors and cannot easily be explained by selective migration. This effect is as large as that of own household income and appears stronger for those less assimilated into the destination country. Immigrants from high-preference countries are more likely to vote for more proredistribution parties. The effect of culture persists strongly into the second generation. (JEL H23, Z13)

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3

Šućur, Zoran. "Dohodovne nejednakosti i redistributivne preferencije u Hrvatskoj i zemljama EU-a: makroanaliza." Revija za socijalnu politiku 28, no. 2 (July 15, 2021): 133–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.3935/rsp.v28i2.1700.

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INCOME INEQUALITIES AND REDISTRIBUTIVE PREFERENCES IN CROATIA AND EU COUNTRIES: MACRO ANALYSIS Department of Social Work, Faculty of Law, University of Zagreb Zagreb, Croatia The paper analyses the relationship between income inequalities and redistributive preferences. The objectives have been: determine to which degree income inequalities are associated with redistributive preferences, which are the correlates of redistributive preferences on the macro level and which mechanisms of redistribution have been preferred by citizens in the EU countries. Aggregated data from two special Eurobarometer surveys (2010 and 2018) were used as the data source on redistributive preferences, while macro-statistical indicators were taken from the Eurostat database. Bivariate correlational analyses, linear regression and the cluster analysis were used for data processing. A general finding is that redistributive preferences are high in almost all EU countries. It seems that an increase of income inequalities is not the key factor of high redistributive preferences, but it is the perception of income inequalities and the sensitivity of citizens towards income inequalities. Citizens in the EU countries often incorrectly perceive the level of inequalities in society and their place on the income scale. The respondents from post-socialist countries have a larger “aversion” towards income inequalities and want a stronger role of the government in the redistribution and social life. Inhabitants of the EU countries support all key mechanisms of income redistribution (taxes, education, social protection and minimum wage), but they give the largest support to the tax system and the progressive taxation of the wealthy, while there are a lot of suspicions regarding fully free education. Key words: income inequalities, redistributive preferences, European Union, redistributive mechanisms, social justice.

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4

TAUSCH, FRANZISKA, JAN POTTERS, and ARNO RIEDL. "Preferences for redistribution and pensions. What can we learn from experiments?" Journal of Pension Economics and Finance 12, no. 3 (February 11, 2013): 298–325. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474747212000388.

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AbstractRedistribution is an inevitable feature of collective pension schemes and economic experiments have revealed that most people have a preference for redistribution that is not merely inspired by self-interest. However, little is known on how these preferences interact with preferences for different pension schemes. In this paper, we review the experimental evidence on preferences for redistribution and suggest some links to redistribution through pensions. For that purpose we distinguish between three types of situations. The first deals with distributional preferences behind a veil of ignorance. In the second type of situation, individuals make choices in front of the veil of ignorance and know their position. Finally, we discuss situations in which income is determined by interdependent rather than individual choices. In the closing sections of the paper, we discuss whether and how these experimental results speak to the redistribution issues of pensions. For example, do they argue for or against mandatory participation? Should we have less redistribution and more actuarial fairness? How does this depend on the type of redistribution involved?

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5

Jordan, Jason. "Political awareness and support for redistribution." European Political Science Review 10, no. 1 (February 23, 2017): 119–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773917000017.

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Traditional research on preferences for redistributive social policy suggest increasingly complex models of public opinion formation that envision individuals balancing normative concerns against sophisticated calculations of economic self-interest. This research largely ignores the large body of evidence demonstrating significant differences in levels of political awareness across the population that strongly influence the quality, structure, and determinants of political preferences. Analyzing public opinion data for 14 European countries reveals that large sections of the population do not appear to hold or express social policy preferences that are internally consistent or well-grounded in either their self-interests or ideological predispositions. At low levels of political awareness, little discernible connection exists between seemingly related preferences for redistribution, levels of social spending, left–right positioning, tolerance for inequality, or overall support for the welfare state. Moreover, income, a theoretically central causal variable, has no effect on attitudes toward redistribution when political awareness is low. These results pose a significant challenge to existing models of social policy preferences.

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6

Duman, Anil. "Subjective social class and individual preferences for redistribution." International Journal of Social Economics 47, no. 2 (November 6, 2019): 173–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijse-06-2019-0377.

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Purpose The recent increase in economic inequalities in many countries heightened the debates about policy preferences on income distribution. Attitudes toward inequality vary greatly across countries and numerous explanations are offered to clarify the factors leading to support for redistribution. The purpose of this paper is to examine the link between subjective social class and redistributive demands by jointly considering the individual and national factors. The author argues that subjective measures of social positions can be highly explanatory for preferences about redistribution policies. Design/methodology/approach The author uses data from 48 countries gathered by World Values Survey and empirically tests the impact of self-positioning into classes by multilevel ordered logit model. Several model specifications and estimation strategies have been employed to obtain consistent estimates and to check for the robustness of the results. Findings The findings show that, in addition to objective factors, subjective class status is highly explanatory for redistributive preferences across countries. The author also exhibits that there is interaction between self-ranking of social status and national context. The author’s estimations from the multilevel models verify that subjective social class has greater explanatory power in more equal societies. This is in contrast to the previous studies that establish a positive link between inequality and redistribution. Originality/value The paper contributes to the literature by introducing subjective social class as a determinant. Self-ranked positions can be very relieving about policy preferences given the information these categorizations encompass about individuals’ perceptions about their and others’ place in the society.

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7

Corneo, Giacomo, and Hans Peter Grüner. "Individual preferences for political redistribution." Journal of Public Economics 83, no. 1 (January 2002): 83–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0047-2727(00)00172-9.

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8

Keely, Louise C., and Chih Ming Tan. "Understanding preferences for income redistribution." Journal of Public Economics 92, no. 5-6 (June 2008): 944–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jpubeco.2007.11.006.

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9

Balcells, Laia, José Fernández-Albertos, and Alexander Kuo. "Preferences for Inter-Regional Redistribution." Comparative Political Studies 48, no. 10 (May 5, 2015): 1318–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414015581681.

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10

Choi, Gwangeun. "Revisiting the redistribution hypothesis with perceived inequality and redistributive preferences." European Journal of Political Economy 58 (June 2019): 220–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2018.12.004.

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11

Tanninen, Hannu, Matti Tuomala, and Elina Tuominen. "Income Inequality, Government's Redistributive Preferences, and the Extent of Redistribution." FinanzArchiv 77, no. 2 (2021): 172. http://dx.doi.org/10.1628/fa-2021-0007.

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12

Kuhn, Andreas. "Inequality Perceptions, Distributional Norms, and Redistributive Preferences in East and West Germany." German Economic Review 14, no. 4 (December 1, 2013): 483–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0475.2012.00577.x.

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Abstract This paper analyzes differences in inequality perceptions, distributional norms, and redistributive preferences between East and West Germany. As expected, there are substantial differences with respect to all three of these measures. Surprisingly, however, differences in distributional norms are much smaller than differences with respect to inequality perceptions or redistributive preferences. Moreover, individuals from East Germany tend to be more supportive of state redistribution and progressive taxation and they are less likely to have a conservative political orientation. I finally show that a substantial part of these differences in political preferences can be explained by underlying differences in redistributive preferences.

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13

Bobzien, Licia. "Polarized perceptions, polarized preferences? Understanding the relationship between inequality and preferences for redistribution." Journal of European Social Policy 30, no. 2 (November 25, 2019): 206–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0958928719879282.

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When studying the relationship between inequality and preferences for redistribution, it is often assumed – either implicitly or explicitly – that individuals are informed about actual levels of inequality. Newer research, however, challenges this assumption and shows that perceived inequality differs from actual inequality. Empirically, these inequality perceptions are rather good predictors for preferences for redistribution. This article argues that individuals answer the standard question for measuring preferences for redistribution based on their inequality perceptions. I conduct a simple regression analysis based on two waves of the ISSP (1999 and 2009) and show that (1) inequality perceptions are systematically linked to socio-economic variables as well as to ideological beliefs rather than to actual inequality. Then, I disaggregate the variance in inequality perceptions to a part which is explainable by socio-economic and ideological determinants (the common control variables for explaining preferences for redistribution) and an unexplained part. I show that (2) the explained as well as the unexplained variance part is associated with preferences for redistribution. I argue that this finding makes considering inequality perceptions practically relevant since standard control variables do not fully account for variation in perceived inequality.

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14

Fleurbaey, Marc, and Erik Schokkaert. "Behavioral Welfare Economics and Redistribution." American Economic Journal: Microeconomics 5, no. 3 (August 1, 2013): 180–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/mic.5.3.180.

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Behavioral economics has shaken the view that individuals have welldefined, consistent, and stable preferences. This raises a challenge for welfare economics, which takes as a key postulate that individual preferences should be respected. We argue, in agreement with Bernheim (2009) and Bernheim and Rangel (2009), that behavioral economics is compatible with consistency of partial preferences, and explore how the Bernheim-Rangel approach can be extended to deal with distributive issues. We revisit some key results of the theory in a framework with partial preferences, and show how one can derive partial orderings of individual and social situations. (JEL D03, D63, D71, H23)

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15

Justino, Patricia, and Bruno Martorano. "Redistributive Preferences and Protests in Latin America." Journal of Conflict Resolution 63, no. 9 (February 12, 2019): 2128–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002719827370.

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This article analyzes the role of individual redistributive preferences on protest participation. The article focuses on Latin America, a region that has experienced substantial protests and demonstrations in the last decade, making use of individual-level data on redistributive preferences and protest participation collected across eighteen countries in 2010, 2012, and 2014. The results show evidence for an association between strong individual preferences for redistribution and participation in protests motivated by the low quality of services and institutions, failures to reduce corruption, and perceived lower standards of living. The results are robust to alternative estimators, samples, and model specifications and not affected by endogeneity concerns.

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16

White, Lawrence H. "WHAT ECONOMICS CAN AND CANNOT SAY ABOUT EGALITARIAN REDISTRIBUTION." Social Philosophy and Policy 34, no. 1 (2017): 56–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052517000036.

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Abstract:I critically consider four purported economic-efficiency arguments for egalitarian redistribution of income or wealth. (1) Jeremy Bentham’s “greatest aggregate happiness” criterion has been used (by Bentham, John Stuart Mill, Alfred Marshall, A. C. Pigou, Abba Lerner, and more recently Richard Layard) to argue for wealth transfers toward the poor based on the supposition that they register higher happiness from a marginal dollar. Drawing from Vilfredo Pareto and Lionel Robbins, however, I argue that modern economic theory is not about individual happiness, let alone aggregate happiness, and therefore does not support (nor refute) any happiness-based case for wealth redistribution. (2) Theories based on a “social welfare function” misapply the economic way of thinking in a different way. (3) Other writers have framed redistribution as a public good, and public goods provision by the state as a voluntary collective means of satisfying individual preferences, thereby using modern economic theory to formulate a rationale for redistributive policies based on Pareto-efficiency. I criticize this rationale for resting on suppositions about actual preferences that are self-immunized against falsification. (4) James Buchanan made a related case for taxing inheritances based on the supposition that in constitutional deliberation behind a veil of ignorance we would agree to such a policy based on our preference for a certain kind of fairness. I find this argument non-economic, equally unfalsifiable, and no more plausible than alternative suppositions about our common preferences. The economic way of thinking does speak clearly, however, about how taxes on income or wealth discourage its production, the more so the higher the marginal tax rate.

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17

Alesina, Alberto, Stefanie Stantcheva, and Edoardo Teso. "Intergenerational Mobility and Preferences for Redistribution." American Economic Review 108, no. 2 (February 1, 2018): 521–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/aer.20162015.

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Using new cross-country survey and experimental data, we investigate how beliefs about intergenerational mobility affect preferences for redistribution in France, Italy, Sweden, the United Kingdom, and the United States. Americans are more optimistic than Europeans about social mobility. Our randomized treatment shows pessimistic information about mobility and increases support for redistribution, mostly for “equality of opportunity” policies. We find strong political polarization. Left-wing respondents are more pessimistic about mobility: their preferences for redistribution are correlated with their mobility perceptions; and they support more redistribution after seeing pessimistic information. None of this is true for right-wing respondents, possibly because they see the government as a “problem” and not as the “solution.” (JEL D63, D72, H23, H24, J31, J62)

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18

Le Garrec, Gilles. "Distributive Preferences, Social Norms and Redistribution." Revue d'économie politique 125, no. 5 (2015): 687. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/redp.255.0687.

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19

CHONG, ALBERTO, and MARK GRADSTEIN. "Imposed institutions and preferences for redistribution." Journal of Institutional Economics 14, no. 1 (April 28, 2017): 127–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1744137417000121.

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AbstractTo what extent do imposed institutions shape preferences? We consider this issue by comparing the market-versus-state attitudes of respondents from a capitalist country, Finland, and from an ex-communist group of Baltic countries, and by arguing that the period of communist rule can be viewed as an ‘experiment’ in institutional imposition. We find that, consistent with some earlier related work, citizens from ex-communist countries tend to be more supportive of state ownership than respondents from capitalist economies. However, they also favour increasing inequality and competition as the means to enhance incentives. We conclude that, in some important relevant dimensions, institutional imposition (which lasted for about 50 years) had a limited effect on preferences.

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20

Roth, Christopher, and Johannes Wohlfart. "Experienced inequality and preferences for redistribution." Journal of Public Economics 167 (November 2018): 251–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jpubeco.2018.09.012.

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21

Dahlberg, Matz, Karin Edmark, and Heléne Lundqvist. "Ethnic Diversity and Preferences for Redistribution." Journal of Political Economy 120, no. 1 (February 2012): 41–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/665800.

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22

Klor, Esteban F., and Moses Shayo. "Social identity and preferences over redistribution." Journal of Public Economics 94, no. 3-4 (April 2010): 269–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jpubeco.2009.12.003.

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23

SAVAGE, LEE. "Religion, partisanship and preferences for redistribution." European Journal of Political Research 59, no. 1 (May 16, 2019): 91–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1475-6765.12341.

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24

Di Gioacchino, Debora, and Alina Verashchagina. "Mass media and preferences for redistribution." European Journal of Political Economy 63 (June 2020): 101887. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2020.101887.

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25

Gualtieri, Giovanni, Marcella Nicolini, and Fabio Sabatini. "Repeated shocks and preferences for redistribution." Journal of Economic Behavior & Organization 167 (November 2019): 53–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jebo.2019.09.016.

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26

Schokkaert, Erik, and Tom Truyts. "Preferences for redistribution and social structure." Social Choice and Welfare 49, no. 3-4 (October 18, 2016): 545–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s00355-016-0996-6.

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27

Espinosa, Romain, Bruno Deffains, and Christian Thöni. "Debiasing preferences over redistribution: an experiment." Social Choice and Welfare 55, no. 4 (June 17, 2020): 823–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s00355-020-01265-z.

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28

Bastani, Spencer, and Jacob Lundberg. "Political preferences for redistribution in Sweden." Journal of Economic Inequality 15, no. 4 (December 2017): 345–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10888-017-9368-4.

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29

Holm, Joshua, and Benny Geys. "Social Identification and Redistribution in Heterogeneous Federations: Evidence From Germany and Belgium." Comparative Political Studies 51, no. 9 (September 13, 2017): 1177–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414017730081.

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Recent evidence of increasing income heterogeneity within developed countries has reignited debates concerning the redistribution of income and wealth. In this article, we contribute to this debate by assessing the role of individuals’ jurisdictional identification for their preferences toward intrafederation redistributive financial flows. Incorporating insights from social identity theory in a model of redistributive taxation, we show that federal, rather than local, identification can lead individuals to shift their redistribution preferences independent of their narrowly defined personal economic interests. Moreover, contrary to conventional wisdom, welfare state support will sometimes be decreasing in national identification. We empirically assess these predictions using individual-level data from the 2008 German General Social Survey (ALLBUS) and a 2013-2014 survey among Belgian local politicians. Our findings provide strong support for the model’s core predictions in both settings.

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30

Fatke, Matthias. "Inequality Perceptions, Preferences Conducive to Redistribution, and the Conditioning Role of Social Position." Societies 8, no. 4 (October 16, 2018): 99. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/soc8040099.

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Inequality poses one of the biggest challenges of our time. It is not self-correcting in the sense that citizens demand more redistributive measures in light of rising inequality, which recent studies suggest may be due to the fact that citizens’ perceptions of inequality diverge from objective levels. Moreover, it is not the latter, but the former, which are related to preferences conducive to redistribution. However, the nascent literature on inequality perceptions has, so far, not accounted for the role of subjective position in society. The paper advances the argument that the relationship between inequality perceptions and preferences towards redistribution is conditional on the subjective position of respondents. To that end, I analyze comprehensive survey data on inequality perceptions from the social inequality module of the International Social Survey Programme (1992, 1999, and 2009). Results show that inequality perceptions are associated with preferences conducive to redistribution particularly among those perceive to be at the top of the social ladder. Gaining a better understanding of inequality perceptions contributes to comprehending the absence self-correcting inequality.

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Kevins, Anthony, Alexander Horn, Carsten Jensen, and Kees van Kersbergen. "Yardsticks of inequality: Preferences for redistribution in advanced democracies." Journal of European Social Policy 28, no. 4 (February 13, 2018): 402–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0958928717753579.

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This article explores how preferences for redistribution among voters are affected by the structure of inequality. There are strong theoretical reasons to believe that some voter segments matter more than others, not least the so-called median-income voter, but surprisingly little attention has been paid to directly analysing distinct income groups’ redistributive preferences. In addition, while much of the previous literature has focused on broad levels of inequality, as measured by the Gini coefficient, it is likely that individuals respond to different types of inequality in different ways. To rectify this gap, we use data from the European Social Survey and Eurostat to examine the interactive effect of income deciles and various measures of inequality. Results suggest that inequality especially affects the middle-income groups – that is, the assumed median-income voters. Moreover, not all inequality matters equally: it is inequality vis-à-vis those around the 80th percentile that shapes redistributive preferences.

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32

Levanon, Asaf. "Labor Market Insiders or Outsiders? A Cross-National Examination of Redistributive Preferences of the Working Poor." Societies 8, no. 3 (August 31, 2018): 72. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/soc8030072.

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Prior research on attitudes toward redistribution documents an association between one’s policy preferences and socioeconomic position, as well as an impact of welfare policy on the mean level of support for redistribution. Building on both traditions, the current paper aims to expand our understanding of the sources of public support for welfare policies by examining the role that social policy plays in shaping the policy preferences of the working poor. Building on the distinction between labor market insiders and outsiders, this paper examines whether preferences by the working poor more closely resemble those of non-poor workers or those of non-working poor individuals. Results from this study show that the degree of support for redistribution among the working poor is notably closer to the average degree reported by non-working poor individuals than the mean level reported by non-poor workers. Moreover, utilizing cross-national data from 31 countries in 13 different time-points between 1985 and 2010, the paper documents a much smaller preference gap between non-poor workers and the working poor and a higher overall level of support for redistribution in countries providing a greater degree of employment protection.

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33

Dallinger, Ursula. "Ungleichheit, Sozialstaat und demokratische Repräsentation: Marktkorrigierende Politik durch den Medianwähler?" Zeitschrift für Sozialreform 63, no. 4 (December 20, 2017): 483–515. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zsr-2017-0021.

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AbstractPolitical economy of redistribution and comparative social policy research view the median voter as the political force, which demands marketregulating social policy in periods of increased income disparities and to which governments – to be re-elected – must respond. However, government responsiveness has been questioned, especially the responsiveness for political demands of low-income households. Are even the preferences of the median voter only selectively addressed through politics? If the median voter is actually influential, its redistributive preferences should explain the outcome of government action, e.g. size of redistribution. Is this true? Based on a pooled dataset with observations between 1980 and 2012 for 13 OECD-countries it is shown that the political position of the median voter alone has no impact. Rather mediating political factors like a proportional electoral system and left parties with wider welfare programs provide for broader representation and more redistribution.

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34

Steele, Liza G., and Nate Breznau. "Attitudes toward Redistributive Policy: An Introduction." Societies 9, no. 3 (June 28, 2019): 50. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/soc9030050.

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We provide an overview of the field of preferences for redistribution research, including divergent terminological and theoretical approaches. We review the different uses of public attitudes, policy preferences and public opinion. We outline the theoretical roles of material interests, values and opinion-policy endogeneity. We also introduce and summarize the original research presented in this Special Issue. Among the key contributions of the Special Issue to the subfield are novel explorations of how socialization affects preferences for redistribution; an examination of how perceptions about inequality translate into policy preferences; a call for more research into the links between taxation and social policy preferences; explanations for the paradox of low levels of support for redistribution in the famously-generous Nordic countries; and new insights into class-specific policy preferences as well as the roles of immigration and diversity in determining such preferences.

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35

Olivera, Javier. "Preferences for redistribution after the economic crisis." Economics and Business Letters 3, no. 3 (October 4, 2014): 137. http://dx.doi.org/10.17811/ebl.3.3.2014.137-145.

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36

Kim, Taesim. "Fair Inequality?: System Justification and Redistribution Preferences." Peace Studies 28, no. 1 (April 30, 2020): 129–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.21051/ps.2020.04.28.1.129.

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37

Fuguitt, Glenn V., and David L. Brown. "Residential Preferences and Population Redistribution: 1972-1988." Demography 27, no. 4 (November 1990): 589. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2061572.

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38

Chavanne, David. "Headwinds, Tailwinds, and Preferences for Income Redistribution." Social Science Quarterly 99, no. 3 (February 7, 2018): 851–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ssqu.12477.

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39

Quattrociocchi, Jeff. "Group income and individual preferences for redistribution." Canadian Journal of Economics/Revue canadienne d'économique 51, no. 4 (October 29, 2018): 1386–418. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/caje.12358.

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40

Boadway, Robin, Maurice Marchand, Pierre Pestieau, and Maria del Mar Racionero. "Optimal Redistribution with Heterogeneous Preferences for Leisure." Journal of Public Economic Theory 4, no. 4 (October 2002): 475–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1097-3923.00106.

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41

Busemeyer, M. R. "Education Funding and Individual Preferences for Redistribution." European Sociological Review 29, no. 6 (January 7, 2013): 1122–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/esr/jcs085.

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42

Steele, Liza, and Krystal Perkins. "The Effects of Perceived Neighborhood Diversity on Preferences for Redistribution: A Pilot Study." Societies 8, no. 3 (September 10, 2018): 82. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/soc8030082.

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A substantial literature exists within sociology and political science positing a negative link between racial/ethnic heterogeneity and a host of social goods issues. Recent large-scale meta-analyses, however, have established that the effect of racial/ethnic heterogeneity on social policy attitudes may be more salient at the local or even neighborhood level. In extending this work, we examined how racial/ethnic heterogeneity affects attitudes about redistribution within one of the most diverse and ethnically heterogeneous cities in the world, New York City. Specifically, we assessed the effects of perceived neighborhood racial/ethnic heterogeneity on preferences for redistribution and social policies among members of majority and minority groups. A diverse sample of New York City residents recruited through Amazon Mechanical Turk (mTurk) responded to a series of questions regarding their perceptions of the diversity of their neighborhood before indicating their social policy preferences. We found that neighborhood racial/ethnic heterogeneity was associated with greater support for redistribution and social policies. The only evidence of a negative association with support for redistribution or social policies was for black and white respondents living in majority white neighborhoods. Together, these data suggest that perceptions of racial/ethnic heterogeneity on redistributive and social policy attitudes may be a function of one’s group status. Implications for the existing research are discussed. In particular, we believe this work offers new insights into the relationship between racial/ethnic heterogeneity and social policy preferences.

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Demel, Simona, Abigail Barr, Luis Miller, and Paloma Ubeda. "Commitment to Political Ideology is a Luxury Only Students Can Afford: A Distributive Justice Experiment." Journal of Experimental Political Science 6, no. 1 (May 21, 2018): 33–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/xps.2018.14.

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AbstractUsing a political-frame-free, lab-in-the-field experiment, we investigate the associations between employment status, self-reported political ideology, and preferences for redistribution. The experiment consists of a real-effort task, followed by a four-player dictator game. In one treatment, dictator game initial endowments depend on participants’ performance in the real-effort task, i.e., they are earned, in the other, they are randomly determined. We find that being employed or unemployed is associated with revealed redistributive preferences, while the political ideology of the employed and unemployed is not. In contrast, the revealed redistributive preferences of students are strongly associated with their political ideologies. The employed and right-leaning students redistribute earnings less than windfalls, the unemployed, and left-leaning students make no such distinction.

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Alesina, Alberto, and Stefanie Stantcheva. "Diversity, Immigration, and Redistribution." AEA Papers and Proceedings 110 (May 1, 2020): 329–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/pandp.20201088.

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This paper provides a simple conceptual framework that captures how different perceptions, attitudes, and biases about immigrants or minorities can shape preferences for redistribution and reviews the empirical evidence on the effects of increasing racial diversity and immigration on support for redistribution.

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Fernández-Albertos, José, and Alexander Kuo. "Income Perception, Information, and Progressive Taxation: Evidence from a Survey Experiment." Political Science Research and Methods 6, no. 1 (December 18, 2015): 83–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/psrm.2015.73.

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Are individuals accurately informed about their place in the income distribution? Despite the importance of accurate information about one’s placement in the income distribution for many models of redistribution, this assumption remains untested. We present survey data and an embedded experiment where we inform some individuals their true place in the income distribution. We then assess the impact of such information on tax progressivity preferences. We find that individuals have considerable error regarding their self-placement in the income distribution. Revealing to individuals their true placement affects progressivity preferences for individuals who learn they are poor, and for individuals whose prior is that they are poor. These results have implications for information assumptions of redistribution models of comparative political economy and contribute to our understanding of tax preferences, an understudied dimension of redistribution preferences.

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Monusova, G. "What Shapes the Perception of Income Inequality." World Economy and International Relations 60, no. 1 (2016): 53–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2016-60-1-53-67.

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The recent economic and sociological literature pays a lot of attention to the issue of income inequality and to preferences for the redistribution. This paper discusses various approaches which pretend to explain what shapes perceptions of income inequality and finally affects preferences for the redistribution. If people in a given country perceive the level of income inequality as too high and unacceptable, they may support various redistributive policies and measures. However, this does not always happen. Perceptions of inequality and preferences for redistribution vary across countries as well as across individuals within countries. The paper overviews existing theoretical and empirical studies and provides their synthesis. In its empirical section, the paper tests a few most frequently mentioned hypotheses. For this, it uses large cross-country data sets from the International Social Survey Program (ISSP) and the European Social Survey (ESS) covering 34 and 25 countries, respectively. One of the main findings is that the public attitude towards inequality depends little on the actual level of inequality. What appears to be more important is whether the society provides functioning escalators to individuals for moving up the socio-economic ladder and whether individuals have recently experienced actual upward mobility. What also matters is whether this mobility is considered by public fair and legitimate. This means that is driven by hard work (and is meritocratic) but not by pure luck, or connections, or bribes (is structural). Therefore, the perception of inequality and redistributive demands are largely shaped by dominant views on fairness, social mobility and trust to the state. If individuals see for themselves feasible prospects for advancement and can achieve more in a way they consider fair, they are more likely to tolerate the income inequality and their redistributive claims tend to become weaker. This brings to the forefront the issue of quality of state institutions and institutional environment. The corruption as a measure of the institutional quality emerges a very strong predictor for larger support to redistributive policies.

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McCall, Leslie, and Lane Kenworthy. "Americans' Social Policy Preferences in the Era of Rising Inequality." Perspectives on Politics 7, no. 3 (August 19, 2009): 459–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592709990818.

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Rising income inequality has been a defining trend of the past generation, yet we know little about its impact on social policy formation. We evaluate two dominant views about public opinion on rising inequality: that Americans do not care much about inequality of outcomes, and that a rise in inequality will lead to an increase in demand for government redistribution. Using time series data on views about income inequality and social policy preferences in the 1980s and 1990s from the General Social Survey, we find little support for these views. Instead, Americans do tend to object to inequality and increasingly believe government should act to redress it, but not via traditional redistributive programs. We examine several alternative possibilities and provide a broad analytical framework for reinterpreting social policy preferences in the era of rising inequality. Our evidence suggests that Americans may be unsure or uninformed about how to address rising inequality and thus swayed by contemporaneous debates. However, we also find that Americans favor expanding education spending in response to their increasing concerns about inequality. This suggests that equal opportunity may be more germane than income redistribution to our understanding of the politics of inequality.

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Einstein, Katherine Levine, and David M. Glick. "Mayors, Partisanship, and Redistribution: Evidence Directly from U.S. Mayors." Urban Affairs Review 54, no. 1 (November 28, 2016): 74–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1078087416674829.

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Policymakers and scholars are increasingly looking to cities to address challenges including income inequality. No existing research, however, directly and systematically measures local political elites’ preferences for redistribution. We interview and survey 72 American mayors—including many from the nation’s largest cities—and collect public statements and policy programs to measure when and why mayors prioritize redistribution. While many of the mayors’ responses are consistent with being constrained by economic imperatives, a sizable minority prioritize redistributive programs. Moving beyond the question of whether mayors support redistribution, we find that partisanship explains much of the variation in a mayor’s propensity for redistribution. Moreover, the impact of partisanship very rarely varies with institutional and economic contexts. These findings suggest that national political debates may be shaping local priorities in ways contrary to conventional views, and that they may matter even more than other recent findings conclude.

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Alesina, Alberto, and Eliana La Ferrara. "Preferences for redistribution in the land of opportunities." Journal of Public Economics 89, no. 5-6 (June 2005): 897–931. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jpubeco.2004.05.009.

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Gärtner, Manja, Johanna Mollerstrom, and David Seim. "Individual risk preferences and the demand for redistribution." Journal of Public Economics 153 (September 2017): 49–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jpubeco.2017.06.009.

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