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1

ROHDENBURG, GÜNTER. "The Complexity Principle at work with rival prepositions." English Language and Linguistics 24, no. 4 (2020): 769–800. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1360674319000327.

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The present corpus-based study deals with eight sets of rivalling prepositions in verb-dependent prepositional phrases. The two or three members of these sets, though equivalent in specific uses, differ in terms of functional explicitness. For instance, in directional uses, into can be regarded as more explicit than in. The main objective is to demonstrate for each of these sets that, in line with the Complexity Principle, the more explicit items are favoured in more complex grammatical environments. The contexts under scrutiny include those produced by passivisation, Heavy NP Shift, object re
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2

Maling, Joan, and Annie Zaenen. "Preposition-Stranding and Passive." Nordic Journal of Linguistics 8, no. 2 (1985): 197–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0332586500001335.

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Various linguists working within the theory of Government and Binding (e.g. Hornstein & Weinberg (1981), Kayne (1981)) have attempted to provide a unified account of preposition-stranding. This article uses evidence from Icelandic to show that preposition-stranding is not a unified phenomenon. Although Icelandic freely allows preposition-stranding in wh-movement constructions, it lacks prepositional passives in which the prepositional object of an active verb corresponds to the grammatical subject of a passive verb. Various syntactic tests which distinguish between grammatical subjects and
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3

Takami, Ken-ichi. "Preposition stranding." Lingua 76, no. 4 (1988): 299–335. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0024-3841(88)90022-8.

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4

Almahammed, Yazan Shaker, Tun Nur Afizah Zainal Ariff, and Harison Hanisa Mohd Sidek. "The Acquisition of Preposition Stranding and Pied Piping in Interrogatives by Arab Jordanian EFL Speakers." International Journal of Linguistics 7, no. 4 (2015): 16. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/ijl.v7i4.8200.

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<p>The current study aimed primarily at investigating the acquisition of preposition stranding and pied piping by Jordanian EFL speakers. As secondary purposes, the study attempted to supply convincing accounts for the occurrence of preposition stranding and pied piping based on previous literature carried out on this area of language. The study also sought to show any instances of Null preposition phenomenon as acquiring preposition stranding and pied piping. In collecting the data needed for the study, grammaticality judgment and correction task was employed. The task consisted of 21 s
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5

NYKIEL, JOANNA. "Preposition stranding and ellipsis alternation." English Language and Linguistics 21, no. 1 (2016): 27–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1360674315000477.

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Ellipsis alternation refers here to the alternation between two kinds of ellipsis remnants whose correlates are prepositional phrases. One kind of remnant includes the preposition hosted by its correlate and the other doesn't. This alternation is now known to be cross-linguistically widespread although it was originally assumed to be banned in languages without preposition stranding under wh-movement. I argue that there is a nonsyntactic relationship between ellipsis alternation and preposition stranding that helps explain the availability and distribution of both types of remnants in terms of
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6

Bergh, Gunnar, and Aimo Seppänen. "Preposition stranding with wh-relatives: a historical survey." English Language and Linguistics 4, no. 2 (2000): 295–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1360674300000265.

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In the course of their history, English wh-relatives are known to have undergone a syntactic change in their prepositional usage: having originally occurred only with pied-piped prepositions, they came to admit preposition stranding as an alternative pattern. The present article presents an overview of this process, showing a modest beginning of stranding in Late Middle English, an increase in Early Modern English, and then a clear decrease in the written language of today, against a more liberal use in spoken English, standard as well as nonstandard. The drop in the incidence of stranding is
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7

Stanton, Juliet. "Wholesale Late Merger in Ā-movement: Evidence from Preposition Stranding." Linguistic Inquiry 47, no. 1 (2016): 89–126. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/ling_a_00205.

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To account for several asymmetries between A- and Ā-movement, Takahashi and Hulsey (2009) generalize the late merger option ( Lebeaux 1988 , Chomsky 1995 ) as wholesale late merger (WLM). In particular, allowing an NP to merge with a head D as late as (but no later than) its Case position explains why Ā but not A-movement displays Principle C reconstruction effects. In this article, I claim that WLM is also responsible for pervasive asymmetries within the class of Ā-extractions. The evidence comes from restrictions on English preposition stranding. I document a correlation between a prepositio
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8

Coopmans, Peter, and Rianne Schippers. "Preposition stranding in development." Linguistics in the Netherlands 25 (October 14, 2008): 75–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/avt.25.10coo.

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9

Adejare, Roseline Abonego. "Preposition Pied Piping and Stranding in Academic and Popular Nigerian English Writing." International Journal of English Linguistics 11, no. 4 (2021): 40. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ijel.v11n4p40.

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This paper examined preposition pied piping and stranding in academic and popular Nigerian English writing with a view to determining their pattern of occurrence. Preposition placement has not been studied in Nigerian English and in specific genres. The 160 246-word relevant component of ICE-Nigeria was the sub-corpus used, and the Systemic Theory guided the study. Analysed using a multi-layered qualitative approach, the data comprised 112 cases of pied piping, 64 of stranding and 4 of doubling. Pied piping was dominant over stranding in Academic Writing (78 percent v 22 percent), and strandin
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10

ROBERGE, YVES. "On the distinction between preposition stranding and orphan prepositions." Bilingualism: Language and Cognition 15, no. 2 (2011): 243–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1366728911000289.

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Poplack, Zentz and Dion (PZD; Poplack, Zentz & Dion, 2011, this issue) examine the often unquestioned assumption that the existence of preposition stranding (PS) in Canadian French is linked to the presence of a contact situation with English in the North American context. Although this issue has been the topic of previous research from a syntactic perspective (Bouchard, 1982; Vinet, 1979, 1984), to my knowledge, it has never been explored using variationist sociolinguistic methods applied to a large corpus of spontaneous speech, with emphasis on code-switchers as potential agents of conta
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11

OTHEGUY, RICARDO. "Concurrent models and cross-linguistic analogies in the study of prepositional stranding in French in Canada." Bilingualism: Language and Cognition 15, no. 2 (2011): 226–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1366728911000290.

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Prepositions can be found with and without adjacent complements in many forms of popular spoken French. The alternation appears in main clauses (il veut pas payer pour ça ~ il veut pas payer pour “he doesn't want to pay for [it]”) and, though with a more restricted social and geographic distribution, in relative clauses (j'avais pas personne avec qui parler ~ j'avais pas personne à parler avec “I had no one to whom to talk ~ I had no one to talk to”). In main clauses, the variant lacking the adjacent complement is said to have an orphaned preposition (il veut pas payer pour); in relatives, it
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12

Rohdenburg, Günter. "Formal Asymmetries between Active and Passive Clauses in Modern English: The Avoidance of Preposition Stranding with Verbs Featuring Omissible Prepositions." Anglia 135, no. 4 (2017): 700–744. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ang-2017-0068.

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AbstractThis paper reports on the results of a corpus-based study that deals with a hitherto neglected kind of formal asymmetry between active and passive clauses involving two-place prepositional verbs like agree. These contrasts are found in the context of two satisfied conditions: a) The preposition in question is omissible, which holds for agree in present-day British English as in They agreed (on/upon/to/with) the proposal. b) Unlike active uses, passivization of relevant prepositional options necessarily results in preposition stranding as in The proposal has been agreed on/upon/to/with.
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김영선. "Prosodic Effects on Preposition Stranding." Korean Journal of English Language and Linguistics 8, no. 4 (2008): 547–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.15738/kjell.8.4.200812.547.

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14

Hildebrand, Joyce. "The Acquisition of Preposition Stranding." Canadian Journal of Linguistics/Revue canadienne de linguistique 32, no. 1 (1987): 65–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008413100012020.

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This study examines the acquisition of a familiar and widely studied syntactic phenomenon, preposition stranding, within the framework of transformational generative grammar. According to Chomsky’s theory of Universal Grammar (UG), children begin the acquisition task with an innate knowledge of universal principles of grammar. Many of these principles have open parameters with marked and unmarked options which must be set by children on the basis of their linguistic input. The marked setting entails the unmarked setting in that if a language allows the marked structures it will also allow the
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15

Nykiel, Joanna. "Preposition omission in English ellipsis." LSA Annual Meeting Extended Abstracts 3 (April 8, 2012): 22. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/exabs.v0i0.594.

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The availability of preposition omission in ellipsis is assumed to follow from the possibility of preposition stranding in corresponding non-elliptical clauses (Merchant 2001). To test this assumption I sampled 409 ellipsis remnants from three corpora of American English, and developed generalized mixed-effects models of preposition omission in ellipsis. The results show that preposition omission is, among others, sensitive to gradient constraints independently found to influence preposition placement in interrogative clauses, without being correlated with the possibility of preposition strand
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16

Nykiel, Joanna. "Elliptical constructions and underlying clefts." LSA Annual Meeting Extended Abstracts 2 (July 6, 2011): 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/exabs.v0i0.541.

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In this study, I argue that, contra previous accounts, the possibility of preposition omission in elliptical constructions, in particular under sluicing, is not syntactically motivated. Polish has no possibility of preposition stranding in non-elliptical interrogatives, and nor does it have acceptable cleft interrogatives that could underlie elided phrases without prepositions. However, manipulations of the complexity of elided phrases and/or their correlates influence the acceptability of preposition omission in three elliptical constructions. These results are not predicted on a transformati
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17

Phoocharoensil, Supakorn. "Acquisition of English Preposition Pied-piping and Preposition Stranding." International Journal of Communication and Linguistic Studies 15, no. 2 (2017): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.18848/2327-7882/cgp/v15i02/1-12.

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18

KAISER, GEORG A. "Preposition stranding and orphaning: The case of bare prepositions in French." Bilingualism: Language and Cognition 15, no. 2 (2011): 240–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s136672891100023x.

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In their keynote contribution, Poplack, Zentz & Dion (henceforth PZD; Poplack, Zentz & Dion, 2011, this issue) propose an interesting “scientific test of convergence” (under section heading: “Introduction”) which contains criteria to check whether a particular feature in a given language in contact with another one is due to language contact or not. This is a valiant endeavor with a laudable goal. It is valiant because the answer to this question requires a complex investigation of the languages at issue. It is laudable since it is commonly believed that a given feature of a language i
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19

Truswell, Robert. "Preposition stranding, passivisation, and extraction from adjuncts in Germanic." Linguistic Variation Yearbook 2008 8 (December 31, 2008): 131–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/livy.8.05tru.

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The crosslinguistic distribution of preposition stranding by A movement in pseudopassive constructions matches that of a marked A' phenomenon, namely extraction from Bare Present Participial Adjuncts. Moreover, both constructions show sensitivity to external factors of a sort that reanalysis-based theories of P-stranding are designed to capture, but which is not immediately predicted by P-stranding theories based on parametrisation of PP’s status as a bounding node or phase. However, an expanded version of Abels’ (2003) phase-based account of P-stranding, according to which the sensitivity of
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20

Kim,Sun-Woong. "On the Reparability of Preposition Stranding." Linguistic Research 27, no. 1 (2010): 137–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.17250/khisli.27.1.201004.006.

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21

Kim,Sun-Woong. "Preposition Stranding, Complementizers, and Phase Extension." Studies in Generative Grammar 17, no. 3 (2007): 251–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.15860/sigg.17.3.200708.251.

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22

Shin, Eun Young. "Learning Preposition Stranding Through Structural Priming." Journal of Mirae English Language and Literature 24, no. 4 (2019): 227–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.46449/mjell.2019.11.24.4.227.

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23

Engels, Eva. "Preposition stranding versus pied-piping: Negative Shift of prepositional complements in dialects of Faroese." Nordlyd 36, no. 2 (2009): pp. http://dx.doi.org/10.7557/12.232.

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<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; line-height: 14pt; margin: 0cm 14.2pt 0pt; mso-line-height-rule: exactly;"><span style="font-size: 11pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-GB;" lang="EN-GB"><span style="font-family: Cambria;">In Faroese, Negative Shift of a prepositional complement is subject to variation across dialects, as well as to variation across speakers of the same dialect as regards preposition stranding and pied-piping. In particular, Negative Shift of a prepositional complement is possible for all speakers in the presence of a main verb <em style="mso-bidi-f
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24

Günther, Christine. "Preposition Stranding vs. Pied-Piping—The Role of Cognitive Complexity in Grammatical Variation." Languages 6, no. 2 (2021): 89. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/languages6020089.

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Grammatical variation has often been said to be determined by cognitive complexity. Whenever they have the choice between two variants, speakers will use that form that is associated with less processing effort on the hearer’s side. The majority of studies putting forth this or similar analyses of grammatical variation are based on corpus data. Analyzing preposition stranding vs. pied-piping in English, this paper sets out to put the processing-based hypotheses to the test. It focuses on discontinuous prepositional phrases as opposed to their continuous counterparts in an online and an offline
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25

Algryani, Ali. "The Syntax of Sluicing in Omani Arabic." International Journal of English Linguistics 9, no. 6 (2019): 337. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ijel.v9n6p337.

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This study examines the syntax of sluicing in Omani Arabic to uncover its morpho-syntactic properties and underlying source. It also attempts to account for the apparent preposition stranding (p-stranding) effects displayed by Omani Arabic sluicing, which indicates that the language is a counterexample to the p-stranding generalisation (Merchant, 2001). The paper concludes that sluicing exists in the language and it is derived from regular wh-questions by wh-movement and TP ellipsis at PF. Furthermore, Omani Arabic displays pseudo-sluicing (i.e., an elliptical cleft wh-question), which can als
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26

Deane, Paul, and Ken-Ichi Takami. "Preposition Stranding: from Syntactic to Functional Analyses." Language 71, no. 3 (1995): 657. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/416269.

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Almeida, Diogo A. de A., and Masaya Yoshida. "A Problem for the Preposition Stranding Generalization." Linguistic Inquiry 38, no. 2 (2007): 349–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/ling.2007.38.2.349.

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28

Šarić, Anja. "PREPOSITION STRANDING UNDER SLUICING IN SERBO-CROATIAN." ZBORNIK ZA JEZIKE I KNJIŽEVNOSTI FILOZOFSKOG FAKULTETA U NOVOM SADU 5, no. 5 (2015): 33. http://dx.doi.org/10.19090/zjik.2015.5.33-43.

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U radu se predlaže analiza izostavljanja predloga u posebnim oblicima elipse u srpskohrvatskom jeziku. Srpskohrvatski ne dozvoljava izostavljanje predloga u upitnim rečenicama, ali ga opciono dopušta u nekim oblicima elipse. U radu su dati primeri i predložena je analiza ovakvih konstrukcija. Diskursno povezani zaostaci upitnih reči se opciono mogu javiti bez predloga, dok oni diskurno nepovezani ne mogu. Predlaže se da se kod ove vrste elipse diskurno povezani i nepovezani elementi izvode različito što rezultira posebnim ponašanjem u pogledu mogućnosti izostavljanja predloga.
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POPLACK, SHANA, LAUREN ZENTZ, and NATHALIE DION. "Phrase-final prepositions in Quebec French: An empirical study of contact, code-switching and resistance to convergence." Bilingualism: Language and Cognition 15, no. 2 (2011): 203–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1366728911000204.

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In this study, we investigate whether preposition stranding, a stereotypical non-standard feature of North American French, results from convergence with English, and the role of bilingual code-switchers in its adoption and diffusion. Establishing strict criteria for the validation of contact-induced change, we make use of the comparative variationist framework, first to situate stranding with respect to the other options for preposition placement with which it coexists in the host language grammar, and then to confront the variable constraints on stranding across source and host languages, co
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Algryani, Ali. "Clausal Ellipsis in Jibbali: The Case of Sluicing." International Journal of English Linguistics 10, no. 6 (2020): 361. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ijel.v10n6p361.

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This study investigates the syntax of sluicing in Jibbali from a generative perspective to identify its morphological and syntactic properties. It also seeks to provide an explanation for the preposition stranding sluices that seem to violate of the Preposition Stranding Generalization (PSG) posited by Merchant (2001). The study concludes that sluicing exists in Jibbali and that it results from an overt wh-movement operation plus IP ellipsis at PF. Furthermore, it is argued that Jibbali sluicing allows for two sources of clausal ellipsis, referred to herein as sluicing and pseudosluicing. Both
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ELSIG, MARTIN. "Benchmark varieties and the individual speaker: Indispensable touchstones in studies on language contact." Bilingualism: Language and Cognition 15, no. 2 (2011): 230–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1366728911000228.

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The authors of ‘Phrase-final prepositions in Quebec French: An empirical study of contact, code-switching and resistance to convergence’, Poplack, Zentz & Dion (2011, this issue), henceforth cited as PZD, make a strong case for showing that, in spite of surface similarities, preposition stranding in Canadian French relative clauses cannot be qualified as a case of grammatical convergence due to language contact with English, but that it rather turns out to be a result of analogical extension of a native French strategy, preposition orphaning, to a new context. The application of a particul
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Pascual y Cabo, Diego. "Preposition Stranding in Spanish as a Heritage Language." Heritage Language Journal 12, no. 2 (2015): 186–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.46538/hlj.12.2.4.

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Previous research examining heritage speaker bilingualism has suggested that interfaceconditioned properties are likely to be affected by crosslinguistic influence (e.g., Montrul & Polinsky, 2011; White, 2011). It is not clear, however, whether the core syntax can also be affected to the same degree (e.g., Cuza, 2013; Depiante & Thompson, 2013). Departing from Cuza’s (2013) and Depiante and Thompson’s (2013) research, the present study seeks to determine the extent to which this is possible in the case of Spanish as a heritage language. With this goal in mind, a total of thirty-three S
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Castillo, Concha. "The Ban on Preposition Stranding in Old English." Studia Neophilologica 77, no. 1 (2005): 2–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00393270510034823.

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Alaowffi, Nouf, and Bader Alharbi. "Preposition stranding under sluicing: Evidence from Hijazi Arabic." Journal of Language and Linguistic Studies 17, no. 2 (2021): 941–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.52462/jlls.65.

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Yáñez-Bouza, Nuria. "Daily jottings: Preposition placement in English diaries and travel journals from 1500 to 1900." Folia Linguistica 37, no. 1 (2016): 281–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/flih-2016-0009.

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Abstract This paper explores register variation in diaries and travel journals during the early and late Modern English periods (1500–1900), based on the case study of preposition placement, specifically preposition stranding (which I refer to) and preposition pied piping (to which I refer). Findings show that diaries and travel journals in general have a similar frequency of stranded and pied-piped prepositions, but that sharp differences emerge in their diachronic evolution. The trends suggest that the two registers generally follow the same historical drift towards oral styles previously ob
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Polomska, Margaret. "A case for 'acquisitional strategies': some methodological observations on investigation into second language learners' initial state'." Interlanguage studies bulletin (Utrecht) 4, no. 2 (1988): 110–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026765838800400202.

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This article reports on a pilot investigation into initial assumptions of second language learners in the methodological framework of 'acquisitional strategies'.2 Its focus is predominantly methodological, but experimental data is used to illustrate the approach. Acquisitional strategies constitute an elaboration of recent applications of the parameter setting model of grammar to the investigation of second language learners' initial state in that in this framework markedness and parameter setting interact with cognitive and psycholinguistc factors. Acquisitional strategies are understood as a
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MATSUMOTO, YOSUKE. "ON THE HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT OF PREPOSITION STRANDING IN ENGLISH." ENGLISH LINGUISTICS 30, no. 1 (2013): 151–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.9793/elsj.30.1_151.

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SUGISAKI, KOJI, and WILLIAM SNYDER. "THE ACQUISITION OF PREPOSITION STRANDING AND THE COMPOUNDING PARAMETER." ENGLISH LINGUISTICS 19, no. 2 (2002): 291–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.9793/elsj1984.19.291.

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Gadet, Françoise, and Mari Jones. "Variation, Contact and Convergence in French Spoken Outside France." Journal of Language Contact 2, no. 1 (2008): 238–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/000000008792525372.

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AbstractThis article focuses on syntactic phonemena observed in situations of language contact in the French-speaking world, where French finds itself in (usually unfavorable) competition with English. A number of cases are examined where a superficial analysis might conceivably point to a change caused by transfer from English: more specifically, in the verb system (auxiliaries, the subjunctive), the use of clitic pronouns, adjective position (preposed or postposed), certain infinitival constructions, prepositions (including preposition stranding), the use of relative pronouns and que-deletio
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최동익. "Pied-piping and Preposition Stranding in Terms of Optimality Theory." Korean Journal of English Language and Linguistics 8, no. 2 (2008): 251–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.15738/kjell.8.2.200806.251.

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Yoon, Junghyo. "Preposition Stranding in the EFL Acquisition of Embedded Wh-questions." Journal of Linguistic Studies 24, no. 3 (2019): 89–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.21291/jkals.2019.24.3.5.

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Sugisaki, Koji, and William Snyder. "The Parameter of Preposition Stranding: A View From Child English." Language Acquisition 13, no. 4 (2006): 349–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1207/s15327817la1304_4.

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Rohdenburg, Günter. "The Replacement of Direct Objects and Directly Linked Gerunds by Prepositional ones after shirk, refrain and lack in Modern English, with Special Reference to Clause Negation." Anglia 138, no. 4 (2020): 561–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ang-2020-0049.

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AbstractIn most Eastern European languages, clause negation typically triggers the replacement of a “direct” case such as the accusative by a less direct one like the genitive. In English, the contrast is – with several verbs – partially paralleled by that between directly linked complements and their prepositional counterparts. This corpus-based paper explores the relevant behaviour of three verbs which possess an intrinsic negative semantics: shirk, refrain (in earlier stages of Modern English), and lack. It is found that negated clauses definitely promote a) prepositional objects with all t
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신은영, Taegoo Chung, and 윤정회. "Preposition Pied-piping, Stranding, Doubling, & Dropping in Korean EFL Learners’ Interlanguage." English Language and Linguistics 23, no. 2 (2017): 89–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.17960/ell.2017.23.2.004.

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van Buren, Paul, and Michael Sharwood Smith. "The acquisition of preposition stranding by second language learners and parametric variation." Interlanguage studies bulletin (Utrecht) 1, no. 1 (1985): 18–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026765838500100103.

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This paper discusses the application of Government Binding Theory to second language acquisition in the context of a project which is looking into the acquisition of preposition stranding in English and Dutch. The bulk of the discussion focuses on the theoretical problems involved. Firstly, the potential value of Government Binding Theory in principle is considered both in terms of the formulation of linguistic questions per se and also in terms of more specifically acquisitional questions having to do with the speed and order of acquisition. Secondly, some results in the pilot studies conduct
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Leung, Tommi. "The Preposition Stranding Generalization and Conditions on Sluicing: Evidence from Emirati Arabic." Linguistic Inquiry 45, no. 2 (2014): 332–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/ling_a_00158.

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Yáñez-Bouza, Nuria. "The ‘Glaring’ Place of Prepositions." Historiographia Linguistica 38, no. 3 (2011): 255–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/hl.38.3.01yan.

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Summary This paper offers new insights into the 18th-century normative tradition, with special reference to the stigmatisation of preposition stranding. It brings to light the role of Scottish codifiers in contrast to English codifiers: works written by Scots contain more critical comments on the use of end-placed prepositions both quantitatively (in terms of frequency) and qualitatively (more semantic nuances and more condemnatory epithets). The semantic analysis of the data rules out the hypothesis that Scottish authors might have been particularly sensible towards this construction because
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Tseng, Jesse. "Directionality and the Complementation of Dutch Adpositions." Adpositions of Movement 18 (December 31, 2004): 167–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/bjl.18.09tse.

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The syntactic realization of Dutch PPs is the result of an interaction of several factors. These include: the form of the complement (full NP or pronoun) and its semantics (animate or inanimate), the spatial semantics of the PP (directional or locative), and idiosyncratic lexical properties associated with particular prepositions. This paper presents a non-transformational approach to Dutch PP syntax that assumes multiple lexical entries for each adposition to produce the wide variety of PP structures observed. The lexical entries are systematically organized in an inheritance hierarchy with t
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White, Lydia. "Markedness and Second Language Acquisition." Studies in Second Language Acquisition 9, no. 3 (1987): 261–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0272263100006689.

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In this paper, various definitions of markedness are discussed, including the difference in the assumptions underlying psychological and linguistic approaches to markedness. It is proposed that if one adopts a definition derived from theories of language learnability, then the second language learner's prior linguistic experience may predispose him or her towards transferring marked structures from the first language to the second, contrary to usual assumptions in the literature that suggest that second language learners will avoid marked forms. To test this hypothesis, adult and child learner
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Wei, Ting-Chi. "Fragment answers in Mandarin Chinese." International Journal of Chinese Linguistics 3, no. 1 (2016): 100–131. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ijchl.3.1.04wei.

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The derivational differences of the fragment answers in Mandarin Chinese lie in whether a fragment moves or not. Under the movement and ellipsis analysis (Merchant 2004), fragment answer to wh-question moves to SpecFocP, followed by TP ellipsis. In contrast, fragment answer to yes-no question or for correction is a base-generated structure, [pro copula fragment]. The analysis is supported not only by the existence of the copular verb and the fragment answers to questions involving the passive constructions and preposition stranding but also by cross-linguistic evidence.
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