Academic literature on the topic 'Prepositional finite clause'
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Journal articles on the topic "Prepositional finite clause"
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Sujatna, Eva Tuckyta Sari, and Sri Wahyuni. "Nominal Group as Qualifier to ‘Someone’." English Language Teaching 10, no. 7 (June 21, 2017): 257. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/elt.v10n7p257.
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The paper titled Nominal Group as Qualifier to ‘Someone’ investigated types of qualifiers which are embedded to the head ‘someone’ in a nominal group. This research was conducted in the light of Systemic Functional Linguistics analysis. The data was analyzed, classified then described using descriptive qualitative method. This research produced four classifications of nominal group as qualifier, which were clauses, prepositional phrases, nominal groups, and linked independent element. The clause as qualifier is sub-classified into finite and non-finite clauses. Further sub-classification is conducted over finite clause into Full Relative Clause (FRC), Relative Clause with Preposition (RCP), and Contact Clause (CC). Further sub-classification over non-finite clause resulted in Operative Imperfective Non Finite Clause (OINFC), Receptive Imperfective Non Finite Clause (RINFC), and Operative Perfective Non Finite Clause (OPNFC). This research also found qualifiers which consisted of two or more linked non-embedding elements.
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Gunkel, Lutz, and Jutta Hartmann. "Remarks on prepositional object clauses in Germanic." Nordlyd 44, no. 1 (October 12, 2020): 69–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.7557/12.5244.
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This paper analyses the variation we find in the realization of finite clausal complements in the position of prepositional objects in a set of Germanic languages. The Germanic languages differ with respect to whether prepositions can directly select a clause (North Germanic) or not and instead need a prepositional proform (Continental West Germanic). Within the Continental West Germanic languages, we find further differences with respect to the constituent structures. We propose that German strong vs. weak prepositional proforms (e.g. drauf vs. darauf) differ with respect to their syntax, while this is not the case for the Dutch forms (ervan vs. daarvan). What the Germanic languages under consideration share is that the prepositional element can be covert, except in English. English shows only limited evidence for the presence of P with finite clauses in the position of prepositional objects generally, but only with a selected set of verbs. This investigation is a first step towards a broader study of the nature of clauses in prepositional object positions and the implications for the syntax of clausal complementation.
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Tallerman, Maggie. "Infinitival Clauses in Breton." Canadian Journal of Linguistics/Revue canadienne de linguistique 42, no. 1-2 (June 1997): 205–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000841310001687x.
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In Breton, lexical subjects occur both in finite clauses and infinitival clauses. Within the Principles and Parameters model, the question arises as to how infinitival subjects can be Case-licensed, since the finite Tense element associated with Case-licensing in finite clauses is absent from infinitival clauses. Infinitival subjects are, however, preceded by some prepositional element, and previous accounts have proposed that these are Case-markers, assigning abstract Case to the subjects. However, prepositional elements also occur in controlled infinitival clauses—which have the null subject PRO—yet lexical subjects and PRO are not interchangeable. In this article, it is proposed that the crucial property associated with the Case-licensing of lexical subjects in all Breton clause types is subject agreement. This occurs not only on finite verbs, but also on the prepositional elements in infinitival clauses, which are sometimes complementizers and sometimes AgrSP heads. Clauses containing PRO, however, lack subject agreement, and hence cannot license lexical subjects.
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Zhang, Niina Ning. "Sentence-final aspect particles as finite markers in Mandarin Chinese." Linguistics 57, no. 5 (September 25, 2019): 967–1023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ling-2019-0020.
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Abstract In Mandarin Chinese, sentence-final aspect particles ne, le, and laizhe may occur in some types of embedded clauses, but not in other types, such as the complement of a control verb, a raising verb, lai ‘come’ and qu ‘go’, a non-epistemic modal, and the prepositional complementizer dui ‘to’. These latter types of clauses systematically show properties of nonfinite clauses in other languages. They are intrinsically embedded, ban pro-drop, their clause boundaries may be invisible for binding, and they disallow a speaker-oriented adverb and an epistemic modal. The restrictions on the distribution of the particles indicate that they are used in finite clauses only, although the language has no tense or case marker. The paper argues that finite clauses show speaker-oriented properties whereas nonfinite ones do not; instead, nonfinite clauses exhibit higher-clause-oriented properties. Identifying the role of speaker in the finiteness distinction reveals the capacity of finite clauses, whether or not the capacity is marked overtly.
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Gast, Volker. "I gave it him — on the motivation of the ‘alternative double object construction’ in varieties of British English." Ditransitivity 14, no. 1 (March 16, 2007): 31–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/fol.14.1.04gas.
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Three ditransitive constructions can be found in varieties of British English: (i) the ‘prepositional object construction’, where the recipient is encoded as a prepositional phrase (gave it to him); (ii) the ‘canonical double object construction’, where the recipient precedes the theme (gave him it); and (iii) the ‘alternative double object construction’, where the theme precedes the recipient (gave it him). The last of these constructions is typically found in (north)western varieties of British English when both objects are pronominal, and most of the relevant varieties have a ‘canonical’ ordering (REC > TH) when the theme is non-pronominal. Consequently, there seems to be an ‘inconsistency’ in the clause structure of the varieties in question. Using comparative and historical evidence, this article addresses the question of how this inconsistency can be explained. The ‘paradigmatic mismatch’ under discussion is shown to be a remnant of Old English clause structure which can also be observed in other verb second languages such as Modern German. It is argued to result from a tendency for both verb positions (finite/left and non-finite/right) to attract direct objects. This tendency is regarded as an effect of performance preferences in natural language discourse.
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ALDEZABAL, I., M. ARANZABE, K. GOJENOLA, M. ORONOZ, K. SARASOLA, and A. ATUTXA. "Application of finite-state transducers to the acquisition of verb subcategorization information." Natural Language Engineering 9, no. 1 (March 2003): 39–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1351324903003097.
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This paper presents the design and implementation of a finite-state syntactic grammar of Basque that has been used with the objective of extracting information about verb subcategorization instances from newspaper texts. After a partial parser has built basic syntactic units such as noun phrases, prepositional phrases, and sentential complements, a finite-state parser performs syntactic disambiguation, determination of clause boundaries and filtering of the results, in order to obtain a verb occurrence together with its associated syntactic components, either complements or adjuncts. The set of occurrences for each verb is then filtered by statistical measures that distinguish arguments from adjuncts.
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Williams, Ian A. "Towards a target-oriented model for quantitative contrastive analysis in translation studies." Languages in Contrast 6, no. 1 (June 23, 2006): 1–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/lic.6.1.02wil.
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This paper describes the design of a 192-text Spanish-English specialized corpus of biomedical research articles (RAs) divided into three 64-text subcorpora (English texts, their corresponding Spanish translations, and Spanish comparable texts) for use in quantitative contrastive analysis. The paper also presents an exploratory study analysing theme–rheme structure in these subcorpora. Two definitions of theme were used: Halliday’s ideational theme and preverbal theme (i.e., all clause constituents before the finite verb of the main clause). The study adopted a target-oriented approach and assessed the acceptability of the translated texts with regard to the statistical norm of the comparable native-speaker Spanish subcorpus. Statistically significant differences were found for marked theme and its different syntactic manifestations (prepositional phrase adjunct and subordinate clauses) and there was evidence of a different thematic distribution within the semantic category person (researcher, patient, first person). The most striking results were found for different measures of theme length, suggesting a consistent information overload in the thematic zone in the whole RA and in the individual rhetorical sections except for the Introduction. The translated texts occupy a kind of no-man’s land half-way between the source articles and the independently created Spanish RAs. A refined three-stage model of the study design is proposed for future target-oriented quantitative and qualitative research into translation.
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Gentens, Caroline, and Juhani Rudanko. "The Great Complement Shift and the role of understood subjects: The case of fearful." Folia Linguistica 53, no. 1 (April 26, 2019): 51–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/flin-2019-2004.
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Abstract This article reports on a corpus-based study of diachronic change and constructional competition in the system of English complementation, with a focus on variation in non-finite complements of the adjective fearful. Fearful occurs with prepositional (of -ing) subject-controlled gerunds and with to-infinitives, which can further be distinguished into subject extraposition, subject control, and tough-constructions. Recent decades show a drastic decline of the to-infinitival patterns, concomitant to the loss of one of the senses of fearful. We examine the diachronic distribution and competition of the two construction pairs that show functional overlap, i.e. tough-constructions and extraposition constructions on the one hand, and infinitival and gerundial subject-control patterns on the other. This allows us to show the import of the ‘Great Complement Shift’ in the face of constructional attrition and to investigate new principles motivating the choice for either the to-infinitival or the gerundial subject-control construction. More specifically, the study provides further evidence for the ‘Choice Principle’, which involves the (lack of) agentivity of the understood subject in the event described by the lower clause. In this way, the study adds new explanatory factors and descriptive insights to our knowledge of the broader diachronic change known as the Great Complement Shift.
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KWABENA, SYLVESTER, and Abraham Okrah. "Exploring the Syntax of the Mo/Deg Adjective phrase." JOURNAL OF ADVANCES IN LINGUISTICS 6, no. 2 (September 16, 2015): 906–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.24297/jal.v6i2.2951.
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This study is largely syntactic and descriptive, and it explores the structure of the Mo/Deg adjective phrase. It, thus, provides answers to the question, What is the nature of the Mo/Deg adjective phrase? Data was gathered from thirty-five (35) literate native Mo/Deg speakers who were also very skilful in English language using purposive sampling as the ability to speak and write well in both English and Mo/Deg was crucial. Short simple English sentences which have the structure of the adjective were designed and given to the respondents to rewrite in Mo/Deg.This was done to observe the nature of the adjective structure in the language. Some of the sentences were also given to some staff of the Mo/Deg project of the Ghana Institute of Linguistics, Literacy and Bible Translation (GILLBT) to translate into Mo/Deg because they are ones considered to have deeper formal knowledge of the language. This was to make sure that the correct and acceptable order of the linguistic items in the adjective phrase in the Mo/Deg language was obtained. The translations comprised the data which were analysed using the Systemic Grammar concept of the adjectival group (phrase). The results showed that the Mo/Deg adjective phrase has place for the headword (H) and the qualifier (Q) but does not have a modifier (M). It further found out that the qualifier function in the adjective phrase in the language may be realised by the adverb, the prepositional phrase, and the finite clause. The paper, thus, concluded that the adjective phrase in Mo/Deg language is quite a complex one though without a modifier.
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Faarlund, Jan Terje. "A cluster of changes: Norwegian word order." Oslo Studies in Language 12, no. 1 (June 29, 2021): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.5617/osla.8902.
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Among the syntactic changes that can be observed in the transition from Old Norwegian to Modern Norwegian are the following word order changes: loss of OV order, object shift from a VP containing a verb (non-finite verb or any verb in a subordinate clause), preverbal preposition, and topicalization of a bare head. The fact that these changes all seemto occurat the same timeis not accidental. Old Norwegian was arguably a VO language, like Modern Norwegian, but unlike Modern Norwegian, OV order was also possible.It can be shown that it is possible to derive sentences with object shift with a verb in VP, sentences with preverbal prepositions, and with topicalized heads only from an OV structure. Therefore, when the OV order was no longer available, the other three structures could no longer be derived.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Prepositional finite clause"
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Delicado, Cantero Manuel. "The Syntax Of Spanish Prepositional Finite Clauses In A Historical And Crosslinguistic Perspective." The Ohio State University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1229634198.
Full textBooks on the topic "Prepositional finite clause"
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Noonan, Máire. Dutch and German R-pronouns and P-stranding. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198778264.003.0010.
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This chapter explores the fine structure of R-pronouns, spatial PPs, and P-stranding constructions. The guiding hypothesis and theoretical backdrop is that an extended clausal structure is generalized to all categories, including adpositions, (P). The empirical evidence comes from a comparison of the morphosyntactic distribution of the ‘r’ in German and Dutch so-called R-pronouns (locative pronouns) and P-stranding constructions, and from complex spatial PPs in Colloquial German. The chapter argues that a comparative approach to these closely related Germanic languages warrants the decomposition of function words into parts not traditionally recognized as morphemes. The morphemes making up locative pronouns (e.g. Dutch daar ‘there’) and place adpositions (e.g. German auf ‘on’) are shown to pronounce different parts of the clausal structure. A ramification of the analysis is that P-stranding in Dutch and German is in fact the stranding of a remnant phrase that contains the R-pronoun by a projection containing the preposition.
Book chapters on the topic "Prepositional finite clause"
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Faarlund, Jan Terje. "The finite clause." In The Syntax of Mainland Scandinavian, 155–208. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198817918.003.0006.
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The topic of this chapter is the T-domain. The specifier of TP is the subject position. The finite verb never appears in T on the surface. In subordinate clauses it remains in V; in main clauses it moves on to C. There is an obligatory subject requirement for all finite, non-imperative clauses. In cases where no argument raises to SpecTP, a non-referential element is used to fill the subject role. There are two kinds of passives, a periphrastic one with an auxiliary and the perfect participle, or one derived from the reflexive form of the verb. The passive subject may be any nominal complement, including the complement of some prepositions, stranding the preposition. Sentence adverbials are left-adjoined to VP. By object shift an unstressed pronoun is shifted across the sentence adverbial if no other material intervenes. Negated objects cannot occur in VP, and have to be replaced by the negation above VP.
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Faarlund, Jan Terje. "The independent sentence." In The Syntax of Mainland Scandinavian, 209–36. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198817918.003.0007.
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The topic of this chapter is the C-domain and the main clause. In main clauses the finite verb moves to C. By topicalization, a phrase of any lexical category is obligatorily moved to SpecCP, preceding the finite verb, in declarative main clauses. The verb is thus in second position; Mainland Scandinavian is a V2 language. Complements of prepositions can be topicalized, stranding the preposition. Among possible topicalizations, besides nominal and adverbial categories, are also verb phrases. Topicalization out of noun phrases and across clause boundaries is frequent. By topic doubling, a left-dislocated phrase may be resumed by a pronoun or an adverbial in the following topic position. In sentence questions, SpecCP is empty, and in phrasal questions SpecCP is filled by the interrogative phrase. Imperative sentences usually lack an overt subject.
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Faarlund, Jan Terje. "The verb phrase." In The Syntax of Mainland Scandinavian, 79–154. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198817918.003.0005.
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The verb phrase is headed by a verb, which may be an auxiliary verb with a grammatical function, a copula, or a lexical verb. Lexical verbs are avalent, transitive, intransitive, ergative, or unaccusative. The verb may have from zero to three arguments, and in addition various adjuncts. The verb always precedes its complements in base structure (VO), and complements may belong to any phrasal category. A crucial concept is that of the small clause (SC), consisting of a predicate word (non-finite verb, adjective, preposition) with possible complements, and a DP functioning as a SC subject. With intransitive and possibly with unaccusative verbs, the SC subject is the surface subject; with transitive verbs it is the object. The verbal particle is a special type of intransitive preposition. The indirect object is generated as the specifier of a lower VP. Free adjuncts, whether predicate or adverbial, are right-adjoined to VP.