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1

1943-, Keene Judy, ed. Minister/Mayor. Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1987.

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Hormell, Sidney J. Memoirs of a diversified minister. Duarte, Calif: Sid Hormell, 2003.

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3

Vaneman, George. George Vaneman, Hancock County Presbyterian minister: His daybook and genealogy. Findlay, Ohio (P.O. Box 672, Findlay 45839): Hancock County Chapter OGS, 1988.

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A dream for South Central: The autobiography of an Afro-Americanized Korean Christian minister. [San Francisco, Calif.]: W.W. Lee, 1993.

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5

All are chosen: Faith confessions of a Presbyterian minister in Waco. Waco, TX: 1st Presbyterian Church, 1997.

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6

Wilson, Agnes Jackson. The life of the Rev. James Renwick Jackson, Presbyterian minister in Pennsylvania (1905-1953). Lewiston, N.Y: Edwin Mellen Press, 2005.

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7

Niekerk, Vida Van. Samuel Workman: The minister and his manse : an affectionate tribute to the Rev. Samuel Workman, B.A., B.D. Port Elizabeth: V. van Niekerk, 1990.

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8

Armour, J. B. Against the tide: A calendar of the papers of Rev. J.B. Armour, Irish Presbyterian Minister and home ruler, 1869-1914. [Belfast]: PRONI, 1985.

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9

1841-1928, Armour J. B., and Northern Ireland. Public Record Office., eds. Against the tide: A calendar of the papers of Rev. J.B. Armour, Irish Presbyterian minister and home ruler : 1869-1914. Belfast: PRONI, 1985.

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10

Agony in the garden: The story of a gay minister. Sacramento, CA: OutWrite Pub., 1995.

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11

C, Dahmann Donald, ed. The 1805 diary of the Rev. Dr. James Muir: Minister of the Old Presbyterian Meeting House in Alexandria, Virginia. Westminster, Md: Heritage Books, 2011.

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12

MacGregor, James. Letter from the Reverend Mr. James M'Gregor, Minister at Pictou, Nova Scotia, to the General Associate Synod, April 30th, 1793. Paisley [Scotland]: Printed by John Neilson, 1987.

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Blaisdell, Russell Lloyd. Memoires of Russell Lloyd Blaisdell: U.S. Air Force Chaplain (Colonel), Minister, Presbyterian Church (U.S.A.), Representative, New York State Department of Social Services. Black Mountain, NC: R. Blaisdell, 2003.

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14

Witherow, Thomas. The autobiography of Thomas Witherow 1824-1890: The boy from Aughlish, near Dungiven, who became Presbyterian minister of Maghera and then first professor of church history in Magee College, Londonderry. Draperstown: Ballinascreen Historical Society, 1990.

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15

Cameron, Neil. Ministers and men of the Free Presbyterian Church. Settle: Settle Graphics, 1993.

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16

The minutes of the Antrim ministers' meetings, 1654-8. Dublin: Four Courts, 2012.

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17

An ministir gaelach Uilliam Mac Néill (1774-1821): Agus an oidhreacht a dF̕hág sé againn. Béal Feirste: Coiscéim, 1992.

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18

Haire, James. The shorter catechism: What it means : explanatory notes for ministers and Sunday school teachers. Belfast: Board of Education, Presbyterian Church in Ireland, 1993.

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19

Presbyterian Church of Canada in Connection with the Church of Scotland. Interim act anent calling and settling of ministers. [S.l: s.n., 1985.

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20

Walkington, Douglas. Ministers of the Presbyterian Church in Canada, 1875 - 1925 : ministerial summary from acts and proceedings of the General Assembly. [Kirkland, Que.]: D. Walkington, 1987.

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21

Matthew, Stewart. Caring for God's people: A handbook for elders and ministers on pastoral care. Edinburgh: Saint Andrew Press, 1995.

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22

Matthew, Stewart. Caring for God's people: A handbook for elders and ministers on pastoral care. Edinburgh: Saint Andrew Press, 1989.

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23

Adair, Vivienne. Women of the burning bush: The report of a survey of women ministers in the Presbyterian Church of New Zealand after 25 years of ordination. Wellington (Box 9040, Wellington): The Church, 1991.

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24

Regenvanu, Sethy John. Laef blong mi: From village to nation : an autobiography. Suva, Fiji: Institute of Pacific Studies, University of the South Pacific, 2004.

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25

A history of the Newtown Presbyterian Church, 1734-1900, Newtown, Bucks County, Pennsylvania: Including all gravestones-names and epitaphs, also, lists of ministers and elders. Doylestown, [Pa.]: Bucks County Genealogical Society, 1994.

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26

Oakes, Kenneth Allan. The Understanding Series, a pastoral care educational program designed to help elders, ministers, and members of the Presbyterian Church in Canada in their ministry to people with life threatening illnesses. [s.n: s.l.], 1996.

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27

Ken, Lawson, ed. Caring for God's people: A handbook for elders and ministerson pastoral care. Edinburgh: Saint Andrew Press, 1995.

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28

George Vaneman : Hancock County Presbyterian Minister. 1988. Findlay, OH: Hancock Co. Chptr of the O.G.S.,Box 672, 1988.

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29

Eull, Dunlop, ed. Buick's Ahoghill: Ahoghill, part one : a filial account (1901) of Seceders in the mid-antrim village where Rev. Frederick Buick was minister of the Second Presbyterian (now Trinity) congregation from 1835 to 1908 with additional material on the local history, including details of the Moores, Raphaels, and other families of note. Ballymena, Co. Antrim, Northern Ireland: Mid-Antrim Historical Group, 1987.

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30

"The Kirk" on union of Presbyterians in New Brunswick: Criticised in a series of letters : by Rev. James Bennet, minister of St. John Presbyterian church, and a letter of a "self reliant layman". [Saint John, N.B.?: s.n.], 1985.

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31

Lim, Hee-Kuk. Legacy and Portrait of Early Church History in Korea: Scholar Minister Yi Won-Young. Lang AG International Academic Publishers, Peter, 2013.

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32

Legacy and Portrait of Early Church History in Korea: Scholar Minister Yi Won-Young. Lang AG International Academic Publishers, Peter, 2013.

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33

Grass, Tim. Restorationists and New Movements. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199683710.003.0007.

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Presbyterians and Congregationalists arrived in colonial America as Dissenters; however, they soon exercised a religious and cultural dominance that extended well into the first half of the nineteenth century. The multi-faceted Second Great Awakening led within the Reformed camp by the Presbyterian James McGready in Kentucky, a host of New Divinity ministers in New England, and Congregationalist Charles Finney in New York energized Christians to improve society (Congregational and Presbyterian women were crucial to the three most important reform movements of the nineteenth century—antislavery, temperance, and missions) and extend the evangelical message around the world. Although outnumbered by other Protestant denominations by mid-century, Presbyterians and Congregationalists nevertheless expanded geographically, increased in absolute numbers, spread the Gospel at home and abroad, created enduring institutions, and continued to dominate formal religious thought. The overall trajectory of nineteenth-century Presbyterianism and Congregationalism in the United States is one that tracks from convergence to divergence, from cooperative endeavours and mutual interests in the first half the nineteenth century to an increasingly self-conscious denominational awareness that became firmly established in both denominations by the 1850s. With regional distribution of Congregationalists in the North and Presbyterians in the mid-Atlantic region and South, the Civil War intensified their differences (and also divided Presbyterians into antislavery northern and pro-slavery southern parties). By the post-Civil War period these denominations had for the most part gone their separate ways. However, apart from the southern Presbyterians, who remained consciously committed to conservatism, they faced a similar host of social and intellectual challenges, including higher criticism of the Bible and Darwinian evolutionary theory, to which they responded in varying ways. In general, Presbyterians maintained a conservative theological posture whereas Congregationalists accommodated to the challenges of modernity. At the turn of the century Congregationalists and Presbyterians continued to influence sectors of American life but their days of cultural hegemony were long past. In contrast to the nineteenth-century history of Presbyterian and Congregational churches in the United States, the Canadian story witnessed divergence evolving towards convergence and self-conscious denominationalism to ecclesiastical cooperation. During the very years when American Presbyterians were fragmenting over first theology, then slavery, and finally sectional conflict, political leaders in all regions of Canada entered negotiations aimed at establishing the Dominion of Canada, which were finalized in 1867. The new Dominion enjoyed the strong support of leading Canadian Presbyterians who saw in political confederation a model for uniting the many Presbyterian churches that Scotland’s fractious history had bequeathed to British North America. In 1875, the four largest Presbyterian denominations joined together as the Presbyterian Church in Canada. The unifying and mediating instincts of nineteenth-century Canadian Presbyterianism contributed to forces that in 1925 led two-thirds of Canadian Presbyterians (and almost 90 per cent of their ministers) into the United Church, Canada’s grand experiment in institutional ecumenism. By the end of the nineteenth century, Congregationalism had only a slight presence, whereas Presbyterians, by contrast, became increasingly more important until they stood at the centre of Canada’s Protestant history.
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34

Hannon, Howard. Agony in the Garden: The Story of a Gay Minister. OutWrite Pub., 1996.

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35

To the congregation of the MacNab Street Presbyterian Church, Hamilton: Infamous conduct of Robert Hops, Alexander McKenzie, Donald McLellan and others, your elde[rs] virtually headed by David Inglis, your minister ... [S.l: s.n., 1986.

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36

Sermon by the Reverend G. Smellie, minister of the Canada Presbyterian Church, Fergus, Ont., Dominion of Canada: Preached on Sabbath, the 13th of December, 1868, being the twenty-fifth anniversary of his settlement. [Guelph, Ont.?: s.n.], 1994.

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37

Kennedy, Thomas C. Quakers. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199683710.003.0004.

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Unitarianism and Presbyterian Dissent had a complex relationship in the nineteenth century. Neither English Unitarians nor their Presbyterian cousins grew much if at all in the nineteenth century, but elsewhere in the United Kingdom the picture was different. While Unitarians failed to prosper, Presbyterian Dissenting numbers held up in Wales and Ireland and increased in Scotland thanks to the Disruption of the Church of Scotland. Unitarians were never sure whether they would benefit from demarcating themselves from Presbyterians as a denomination. Though they formed the British and Foreign Unitarian Association, its critics preferred to style themselves ‘English Presbyterians’ and Presbyterian identities could be just as confused. In later nineteenth-century Scotland and Ireland, splinter Presbyterian churches eventually came together; in England, it took time before Presbyterians disentangled themselves from Scots to call themselves the Presbyterian Church of England. While Unitarians were tepid about foreign missions, preferring to seek allies in other confessions and religions rather than converts, Presbyterians eagerly spread their church structures in India and China and also felt called to convert Jews. Missions offered Presbyterian women a route to ministry which might otherwise have been denied them. Unitarians liked to think that what was distinctive in their theology was championship of a purified Bible, even though other Christians attacked them as a heterodox bunch of sceptics. Yet their openness to the German higher criticism of the New Testament caused them problems. Some Unitarians exposed to it, such as James Martineau, drifted into reverent scepticism about the historical Jesus, but they were checkmated by inveterate conservatives such as Robert Spears. Presbyterians saw their adherence to the Westminster Confession as a preservative against such disputes, yet the Confession was increasingly interpreted in ways that left latitude for higher criticism. Unitarians started the nineteenth century as radical subversives of a Trinitarian and Tory establishment and were also political leaders of Dissent. They forfeited that leadership over time, but also developed a sophisticated, interventionist attitude to the state, with leaders such as H.W. Crosskey and Joseph Chamberlain championing municipal socialism, while William Shaen and others were staunch defenders of women’s rights and advocates of female emancipation. Their covenanting roots meant that many Presbyterians were at best ‘quasi-Dissenters’, who were slower to embrace religious voluntaryism than many other evangelical Dissenters. Both Unitarians and Presbyterians anguished about how to reconcile industrial, urban capital with the gospel. Wealthy Unitarians from William Roscoe to Henry Tate invested heavily in art galleries and mechanics institutes for the people but were disappointed by the results. By the later nineteenth century they turned to more direct forms of social reform, such as domestic missions and temperance. Scottish Presbyterians also realized the importance of remoulding the urban fabric, with James Begg urging the need to tackle poor housing. Yet neither these initiatives nor the countervailing embrace of revivalism banished fears that Presbyterians were losing their grip on urban Britain. Only in Ireland, where Home Rule partially united the Protestant community in fears for its survival, did divisions of space and class seem a less pressing concern.
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38

Smith, Gary Scott, and P. C. Kemeny, eds. The Oxford Handbook of Presbyterianism. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190608392.001.0001.

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Presbyterianism has a rich, robust, resilient history. Since Presbyterianism began in Scotland in the early 1560s, its adherents have spread to Europe, North America, Asia, Africa, Latin America, Australia, and New Zealand. In some locales and eras, Presbyterians have flourished; in others, they have struggled; in still others, they have experienced both triumphs and defeats. The essays in this handbook explain the historical roots and development, challenges and problems, and successes and failures of Presbyterians all over the world. During their history, Presbyterians have developed a distinctive theology, style of worship, and polity. As a body influenced by John Calvin and other Swiss Reformers, Presbyterianism has emphasized the sovereignty of God, the election of individuals for salvation and service, and the necessity of continual reform to remain faithful to the Scriptures and to adapt the gospel message to various cultural settings. Presbyterian worship has centered around the preaching of God’s word, typically based on the exposition of Scriptural passages, and the celebration of the sacraments of communion and baptism. Presbyterian polity establishes three officers—pastors (teaching elders), ruling elders, and deacons—to lead the church and a series of graded courts to govern their ministry. Differences over doctrine, polity, liturgy, and social issues, as well as ethnic, racial, class, and gender issues, regional factors, and personal conflicts have often produced controversy and even schism among Presbyterians. Presbyterians have also adopted differing theological positions based on their understanding of Scripture, natural theology, philosophy, and life experiences. Throughout their history, Presbyterians have often had an influence in society that exceeds their numbers because of their generally high levels of education, wealth, and status. This continues to be true today for the world’s thirty-three million Presbyterians who belong to hundreds of denominations in more than seventy-five nations.
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39

A sermon preached on the occasion of the death of the Rev. Robert McGill, D.D., Minister of St. Paul's Church, Montreal. Montreal: H. Ramsay, 1985.

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40

McBurney, Charles. Reformed Presbyterian ministers, 1950-1993. Crown & Covenant Publications (RPCNA), 1994.

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41

Erskine Presbyterian Church, Hamilton, Canada: Semi-jubilee, 1880-1905 : brief histories of the Church, its ministers and organizations. [Hamilton, Ont.?: s.n., 1994.

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42

Tudor, Keith. The Book of Evan: The work and life of Evan McAra Sherrard. resourceBOOKS, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/toab.2.

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In many ways Evan McAra Sherrard was a Renaissance man: a master of not one but several trades - agriculture, education, ministry, and psychotherapy - and he liked the fact that he had several strings to his bow. He described his "basic sense of identity" as "a healing minister of religion" and that "my personal competence is as a psychotherapist". To many - family, friends, colleagues, trainees, supervises, and clients - he was compassionate, open hearted, thoughtful, and generous. Evan was intstrumental in setting up the Cameron Centre in Dunedin in the 1960s, the Human Development Team within Presbyterian Support Services in Auckland in the late 1970s, and the Psychotherapy Programme at Auckland Institute (now University) of Technology in the late 1980s. More broadly, he was hugely influentual in the practice, professions and organisation of transactional analysis, psychodrama, psychotherapy, and counselling in New Zealand. This book brings together Evan's mostly unpublished writings in these various fields of interest, together with contributions from some 40 people, including his family, who represent the breadth and depth of influence that Evan's work and life had - and continues to have today.
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43

Brown, Stewart J. Protestant Dissent in Scotland. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198702245.003.0008.

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The revolution of 1688–9 brought the re-establishment of a Presbyterianism within the national Church of Scotland, after a period of Episcopacy. The decline in state interest in enforcing religious uniformity created space for the growth and diversification of Dissent. Some Presbyterians refused to acknowledge the legitimacy of the post-Revolution state and withdrew from the parish structures. Episcopalians also found themselves dissenters from the Presbyterian Establishment after 1688. The Church of Scotland itself experienced a series of secessions during the eighteenth century. Concerns about orthodoxy and disquiet about the ways in which lay patrons were appointing ministers, often without consulting congregations, were crucial. Scottish Dissent was strengthened by the Evangelical Revival and both Whitefield and Wesley preached extensively in Scotland. As in Ireland, other Dissenting groups were small in number and mainly originated from the period of Cromwellian occupation. Scottish religion became more diverse and dynamic across this period.
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44

Shoemaker, Stephen P. Unitarians, Shakers, and Quakers in North America. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199683710.003.0011.

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The American Revolution inspired new movements with a longing to restore what they believed was a primitive and pure form of the church, uncorrupted by the accretions of the centuries. Unlike most Canadians, Americans were driven by the rhetoric of human equality, in which individual believers could dispense with creeds or deference to learned ministers. This chapter argues that one manifestation of this was the Restorationist impulse: the desire to recover beliefs and practices believed lost or obscured. While that impulse could be found in many Protestant bodies, the groups classified as ‘Restorationist’ in North America emerged from what is today labelled the Stone-Campbell movement. They were not known explicitly as Restorationists as they identified themselves as ‘Christian Churches’ or ‘Disciples of Christ’ in a bid to find names that did not separate them from other Christians. The roots of this movement lay in the Republican Methodist Church or ‘Christian Church’ founded by James O’Kelly on the principle of representative governance in church and state. As its ‘Christian’ title implied, the new movement was supposed to effect Christian unity. It was carried forward in New England by Abner Jones and Elias Smith who came from Separate Baptist congregations. Smith was a radical Jeffersonian republican who rejected predestination, the Trinity, the divinity of Christ, and original sin as human inventions and would be rejected from his own movement when he embraced universalism. The Presbyterian minister Barton W. Stone was the most important advocate of the Christian movement in Kentucky and Tennessee. Stone was a New Light Presbyterian who fell out with his church in 1803 because he championed revivals to the displeasure of Old Light Presbyterians. With other ministers he founded the Springfield Presbytery and published an Apology which rejected ‘human creeds and confessions’ only to redub their churches as Christian Churches or Churches of Christ. Stone’s movement coalesced with the movement founded by Alexander Campbell, the son of an Ulster Scot who emigrated to the United States after failing to effect reunion between Burgher and Anti-Burghers and founded an undenominational Christian Association. Alexander embraced baptism by immersion under Baptist influence, so that the father and son’s followers were initially known as Reformed (or Reforming) Baptists. The increasing suspicion with which Baptists regarded his movement pushed Alexander into alliance with Stone, although Campbell was uneasy about formal terms of alliance. For his part, Stone faced charges from Joseph Badger and Joseph Marsh that he had capitulated to Campbell. The Stone-Campbell movement was nonetheless successful, counting 192,000 members by the Civil War and over a million in the United States by 1900. Successful but bifurcated, for there were numerous Christian Churches which held out from joining the Stone-Campbell movement, which also suffered a north–south split in the Civil War era over political and liturgical questions. The most buoyant fraction of the movement were the Disciples of Christ or Christian Churches of the mid-west, which shared in the nationalistic and missionary fervour of the post-war era, even though it too in time would undergo splits.
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45

The Presbyterian Church in Canada Saint John's church, corner of Alma and Victoria Sts., Moncton, New Brunswick: Dedication programme, November 21-25, 1915 : Rev T. Porter Drumm, B.D., minister. Moncton [B.B.]: Times Print., 1996.

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46

Ministers and Elders. The Birth of Presbyterianism. Kachere Series, 2007.

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47

Seligmann, Matthew S. Prayers. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198759973.003.0005.

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The Edwardian Navy had a pronounced Anglican ethos. Three quarters of its sailors were members of the Church of England, as were all of its chaplains. If there was, thus, ample spiritual provision for the conformist majority, the religious needs of the non-conformist minority were less well catered for. Such discrimination was becoming increasingly unsustainable in the more pluralist era of the early twentieth century. Consequently, in the run-up to 1914, the Admiralty enhanced provision for Presbyterian, Methodist, and Catholic sailors, who were afforded ever-greater access to their clergy when ashore. However, the naval leadership consistently refused to allow non-Anglican clergy to minister aboard its warships. With the outbreak of war, there was considerable pressure to change this. It was accepted that those who might fight and die deserved a priest of their choice. Accordingly, Churchill introduced reforms that broadened the religious character of the Navy for ever.
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48

Williams, S. C. Gender. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199683710.003.0020.

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Ministerial training throughout the nineteenth century was dogged by persistent uncertainties about what Dissenters wanted ministers to do: were they to be preachers or scholars, settled pastors or roving missionaries? Sects and denominations such as the Baptists and Congregationalists invested heavily in the professionalization of ministry, founding, building, and expanding ministerial training colleges whose pompous architecture often expressed their cultural ambitions. That was especially true for the Methodists who had often been wary of a learned ministry, while Presbyterians who had always nursed such a status built an impressive international network of colleges, centred on Princeton Seminary. Among both Methodists and Presbyterians, such institution building could be both bedevilled and eventually stimulated by secessions. Colleges were heavily implicated not just in the supply of domestic ministers but also in foreign mission. Even exceptions to this pattern such as the Quakers who claimed not to have dedicated ministers were tacitly professionalizing training by the end of the century. However, the investment in institutions did not prevent protracted disputes over how academic their training should be. Many very successful Dissenting entrepreneurs, such as Charles Haddon Spurgeon, Thomas Champness, William Booth, and Adoniram Judson Gordon, offered unpretentious vocational training, while in colonies such as Australia there were complaints from Congregationalists and others that the colleges were too high-flying for their requirements. The need to offer a liberal education, which came to include science, as well as systematic theological instruction put strain on the resources of the colleges, a strain that many resolved by farming out the former to secular universities. Many of the controversies generated by theological change among Dissenters centred on colleges because they were disputes about the teaching of biblical criticism and how to resolve the tension between free inquiry and the responsibilities of tutors and students to the wider denomination. Colleges were ill-equipped to accommodate theological change because their heads insisted that theology was a static discipline, central to which was the simple exegesis of Scripture. That generated tensions with their students and caused numerous teachers to be edged out of colleges for heresy, most notoriously Samuel Davidson from Lancashire Independent College and William Robertson Smith from the Aberdeen Free Church College. Nevertheless, even conservatives such as Moses Stuart at Andover had emphasized the importance of keeping one’s exegetical tools up to date, and it became progressively easier in most denominations for college teachers to enjoy intellectual liberty, much as Unitarians had always done. Yet the victory of free inquiry was never complete and pyrrhic in any event as from the end of the century the colleges could not arrest a slow decline in the morale and prospects of Dissenting ministers.
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49

Fasti of Seceder ministers ordained or installed in Ireland: 1746-1948. [Belfast]: Presbyterian Historical Society of Ireland, 2005.

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50

Ledger-Lomas, Michael. Ministers and Ministerial Training. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199683710.003.0021.

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Protestant Dissent was assailed by Anglo-Catholics in England and by the Mercersburg Theologians in the United States for its fissiparous tendencies, sectarian nature, and privileging of emotional conversionism over apostolic order and objective, sacramental religion. Yet this chapter argues that personal conversion was essential to the faith of Dissent and the key to its spirituality, worship, and congregational life. Whether conversion was gradual or instantaneous, it remained the point of entry into the Christian life and the full privileges of church membership. Spurred by the preaching of the gospel and sometimes, but not always, accompanied by the application of the divine law, the earlier underpinning of conversionism in Calvinism gave way to an emphasis on human response. Popular in both the United States and Great Britain, the ‘new measures’ of the Presbyterian evangelist Charles Finney, in which burdened souls were called forward to ‘the anxious bench’ and prayerfully incited to undergo the new birth, brought thousands into the churches. However, in more liberal circles especially, conversion had by the end of the century become less of a crisis of guilt and redemption than a smooth progression towards spiritual fullness. Although preaching was often linked, especially in the first part of the century, with revivalist exuberance, it remained a mainstay of congregational life. Mainly expository and practical with a view of building up congregants in the faith, it was accompanied by hymn singing, scriptural readings, public prayers, and the two sacraments or ‘ordinances’ of baptism and the Lord’s Supper. Sermons tended to become shorter as the century progressed, from an hour or so to thirty or forty minutes, while the ‘long prayer’, invariably offered by the minister, tended to be didactic in tone. From mid-century onwards, there was a move towards more rounded worship, though congregations would sit (or sometimes stand) for prayer, but not kneel. The liturgical use of the church year with congregational recitation of the Lord’s Prayer became slowly more acceptable. Communion, either monthly or quarterly, was usually a Zwinglian memorial of Christ’s atoning sacrifice. The impact of the temperance movement during the latter part of the century dictated the use of non-alcoholic rather than fermented wine in the Lord’s Supper, while in a reaction to Anglican sacerdotalism, baptism too, whether believers’ baptism or paedo-baptism, progressively lost its sacramental character. Throughout the century, Dissenters sang. In the absence of an externally imposed prayer book or a standardized liturgy, hymns provided them with both devotional aids and a collective identity. Unaccompanied at first, hymn singing, inspired mostly by the muse of Isaac Watts, Charles Wesley, and, in Wales, William Williams, became more disciplined, eventually with organ accompaniment. Even while moving towards a more sophisticated, indeed bourgeois mode, Dissent maintained a vibrant congregational life which prized a simple, biblically based spirituality.
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