Academic literature on the topic 'President (1983-1989 : Alfonsín)'

On May 1, 1989, María, a high school teacher from Buenos Aires, wrote a letter to President Raúl Alfonsín as he began his final months in office. The country was in the midst of a hyperinflation crisis and elections were set for just two weeks away. Earlier in the day, María had heard the president's last address to the congress, and she felt compelled to write him. “My friend,” she began, as she recounted how she and her husband, an adjunct university instructor, had worked hard over two decades of marriage, weathering continuous financial difficulties and the sensation of “always having to start over.” María emphasized that she had no political affiliations that would cloud her judgment, lest the president think she was writing to ask for political favors.

Resumen Sostenida particularmente durante la presidencia de Raúl Alfonsín (1983-1989), la “teoría de los dos demonios es considerada la memoria hegemónica-dominante referida a la última dictadura cívico-militar argentina (1976-1983). A su vez, el Informe de la Comisión Nacional sobre la Desaparición de Personas (CONADEP) el “Nunca Más”, suele ser considerado una expresión de dicha memoria. Según nuestra hipótesis, el “Nunca Más” no suscribe la “teoría de los dos demonios” sino una memoria diferente aunque no antitética. El objetivo del presente trabajo consiste en caracterizar ambos conjuntos de representaciones con el fin de señalar las diferencias entre ellos. Nuestro corpus de análisis incluye como fuentes primarias los escritos y declaraciones de Alfonsín relativos al tema así como también el Prólogo del “Nunca Más” presentado en 1984. Dado que la autoría de este último es atribuida a Ernesto Sabato, presidente de la CONADEP, también se consideran algunas declaraciones del mencionado autor. Dichas fuentes primarias son históricamente contextualizadas a partir del uso de fuentes secundarias, dentro de las cuales incluimos el estado del arte relativo a la “teoría de los dos demonios”. Concluimos que si bien el planteo de Alfonsín y el Prólogo original del “Nunca Más” coinciden en el rechazo a la violencia como medio de expresión política, Alfonsín pone en un plano de igualdad a dos actores: el guerrillerismo izquierdista y el golpismo, mientras que el Prólogo critica tres modalidades de violencia: la guerrilla, el terrorismo paraestatal de derecha, actor no mencionado por Alfonsín, y el terrorismo dictatorial. Between two demons and three violences: Alfonsín’s administration and the senses of the state terrorism memory in contemporary Argentina Abstract Particularly held during Raul Alfonsín’s presidency (1983 – 1989), “the theory of the two demons” is considered the dominant-hegemonic memory referred to the last Argentine civic-military dictatorship (1976 – 1983). In turn, the report of the National Commission on the Disappearance of Persons (CONADEP)- “Nunca Más” (Never Again) is usually considered an expression of the aforesaid memory. According to our hypothesis, “Nunca Más” does not subscribe to the “theory of the two demons” but to a different memory – though not antithetical. The aim of the current paper consists of characterizing both groups of representations in order to point out the differences between them. Our corpus of analysis includes as main sources Alfonsín’s documents and statements concerned with the issue, as well as the “Nunca Más” prologue, presented in 1984. Some statements of Ernesto Sabato, CONADEP’s president, are also considered due to the fact that the authorship of the latter work mentioned has been attributed to him. Such primary sources are historically contextualized from the use of secondary sources, which within we include the state of the art relative to “the theory of the two demons”. We conclude that even though Alfonsín’s proposal and the original “Nunca Más” prologue coincide in the rejection of violence as a means of political expression, Alfonsín places in an equal position two actors – the left-wing guerrilla and the coup – while the prologue criticizes 3 violence modalities: the guerrilla, the right-wing semi-official terrorism – actor not mentioned by Alfonsín – and the dictatorial terrorism.

This article seeks to demonstrate the need to incorporate the international component of political strategy into analysis of the behaviour of democratising elites, a standpoint that too often has been neglected in democratisation theory. It explores a little-known aspect of Argentina's foreign policy that took place under the stewardship of the transitional democratic administration of President Raúl Alfonsín (1983-1989). Specifically, it reveals that the first-freely elected administration that followed the Procesco military dictatorship articulated and implemented a strategy that aimed at defending and promoting democratic values in relation to Argentina's Southern Cone and Andean neighbours. Argentine bilateral relations with Brazil, Uruguay, Paraguay, Bolivia, and Chile are analysed through this analytical standpoint. It is argued that the Alfonsín government pursued such a policy out of a blend of fear for its own perpetuation and principled beliefs about the value of democracy as a mode of governance.

En este artículo, en primer lugar, se comentan las perspectivas de diversos autores que destacan la efectividad de los presidentes como comunicadores públicos como una de las variables relevantes para la predicción del desempeño presidencial. En el segundo apartado, se proponen algunos posibles indicadores para la medición de dicha variable. Tercero, se presentan los resultados obtenidos mediante una exploración empírica en la que los indicadores propuestos fueron aplicados a comunicaciones políticas pronunciados por cuatro presidentes argentinos: Raúl Alfonsín (1983-1989), Carlos Menem (1989-1995 y 1995-1999), Fernando de la Rúa (1999-2001) y Néstor Kirchner (2003-2007). En el apartado final, se discute la utilidad de la variable para la evaluación y predicción del desempeño presidencial.

Argentines Fervently hoped that the transition from authoritarianism to democracy would reverse decades of economic decline and return their country to the path of modernization. Raúl Alfonsín and his Radical party assumed office in December 1983 confident of reconciling democratization with rapid development and social justice. This optimism was soon shattered, the victim of a succession of failed stabilization plans. Finally, a catastrophic economic collapse led to a convincing victory by Peronist Carlos Menem in the May 1989 presidential contest.Carlos Menem assumed the presidency on 8 July 1989 in the midst of raging hyperinflation: from August 1988 through July 1989, consumer prices had risen 3,610% and wholesale prices had skyrocketed 5,062%. Menem responded with neoliberal, “free-market” reforms designed to restructure radically the beleaguered Argentine economy along the lines of the so-called “Washington Consensus.”

El interés de este artículo es debatir el rol de los consejos de investigaciones en los Sistemas Públicos de Investigación (SPI), tomando al CONICET de la Argentina como estudio de caso. En primer lugar, en un período que abarca el gobierno del presidente Raúl Alfonsín con el retorno de la democracia, ¿cuál ha sido el modelo de gobernanza interna adoptado y los cambios en la autoridad relativa dentro del CONICET, en el SPI de la Argentina durante el período de 1983-1989? En segundo lugar, en el marco de la aparición de nuevos actores en la Secretaria de Ciencia y Técnica (SECYT), ¿cómo los cambios en la gobernanza del SPI y en particular del CONICET alteraron la composición y poder relativo de la cultura burocrática y académica? La metodología incluye el análisis de documentos oficiales y entrevistas realizadas a informantes claves del período.

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This work will study the 1976-1989 period with the aim to understand why Argentina is in this chaotic path since the lost decade . We will focus on Alfonsín constitutional government and take a look at the previous military administrations, from General Videla to General Bignone that left behind a complicated future for the nation, a huge public debt and a non-productive economy
Este trabalho resenha o período compreendido entre 1976 e 1989, para possibilitar uma explicação possível da profunda crise na qual a Argentina se encontra desde o período da década perdida . Estuda a economia argentina , especificamente o governo de Raúl Alfonsin o primeiro governo constitucional após a ditadura e o período imediatamente anterior, comprendido entre 1976 e 1983, condição sine qua non dado que condicionou o governo democrático, limitando o desempenho e a evolução do país. Destaca o surgimento da pesada carga herdada como consequência da dívida externa. Esta pesada carga constituída tanto pelos empréstimos de fato contraídos (junto com os correspondentes juros contratados) quanto pela estatização de grande parte da dívida. Destaca também os motivos pelos quais o processo de consolidação democrático defrontou-se com tantas dificuldades encerrando-se emoldurado numa crise tão profunda, ainda que ocorresse a entrega de poder de um presidente constitucional para outro, escolhido num contexto de vigência plena de mecanismos de representação política e de respeito às liberdades políticas