Journal articles on the topic 'President (2013-2017 : Park)'

After undergoing a series of mass demonstrations during the past three decades, including the 2016–2017 candlelight protests that led to the impeachment of President Park Geun-hye, many commentators in South Korea are confident that their country has become a land for what Karl Marx called “free men.” Korean citizens are portrayed as being ready to participate in voluntary political associations and collective actions and to pursue their interests in the public sphere. However, the data are showing the opposite to be true: citizen participation in public-sphere activities has substantially decreased since the mid-2000s, while the government has managed to improve or at least maintain its political responsiveness during the same period. Explaining the unnoticed background to this imbalance, this essay sheds light on the myth of the benefactor state in Korean democracy, arguing that this has emerged because neoliberalism has not only placed an increasing number of people in precarious positions but also neutralized them politically. The Korean government has capitalized on this situation to mythicize itself as a benefactor state that possesses an incomparable administrative capacity to take care of precarious people. By investigating the period of Park’s presidency (2013–2017) and the current rule of President Moon Jae-in (2017–), this essay shows how the myth of the benefactor state has emerged and created a unique cycle of Korean democracy.

Korea has long been recognized as host to an English ‘fever’ (Kim, 2013; J. K. Park, 2009; Shim & Park, 2008), the intensity of which is such that ‘the entire nation, from the president to average citizens, is emotionally and discursively invested in globalization and English language education’ (Lee, 2011: 146). Many universities have minimum TOEIC/TOEFL scores as a graduation requirement (J. S. Y. Park, 2009: 42), and of Koreans who took the TOEIC exam in 2016, more than eight out of ten were re-taking the test (Educational Testing Services, 2017). It was estimated that by 2006, Koreans were spending up to $752 million a year on English proficiency tests alone (Song, 2011: 38). The question of who is able to speak English is clearly not a trivial one.

Since 2014, Turkey has been moving towards a heightened sense of nationalism and populism especially after Recep Tayyip Erdogan became the first popularly elected President of Turkey in 2017. His nationalist rhetoric went up compared to when he became Prime Minister over a decade ago when the country was touted as a model of liberalism among Muslim countries. Rather than putting a damper on the party, government, or Erdogan himself, his conservative rhetoric has helped consolidate the government’s power, showcasing the shift in strategy by the Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi (AKP) during uncertain times. This article borrows from behavioural psychology the concept of the learning curve theory or the S-curve theory to examine this shift in AKP strategy. It is argued that after reaching a political peak with the Gezi Park protest in the summer of 2013, Erdogan is employing a different rhetorical approach—a populist one—to gain more political traction.

Resumen: La llegada al poder de Rafael Correa en el 2007 supuso diversos cambios en Ecuador, no sólo ideológicos sino también políticos, canalizados a través de una Asamblea Constituyente con el fin de ajustarse a los preceptos de la llamada “Revolución Ciudadana”. La nueva Carta Magna estableció un mayor número de controles sobre el Ejecutivo y creó nuevas funciones, como el Poder Electoral y de Transparencia y Control Social, que también girarían en torno a las decisiones del presidente de turno. Esto, combinado con la personalidad de Correa, generó un escenario de hiperpresidencialismo, amparado por elecciones populares que legitiman los cambios realizados por el Gobierno. En el caso ecuatoriano, lo que sucedió fue una disolución de la legalidad mediante la acción mediática, en el que la palabra del presidente no sólo fue regla de conducta, sino también una percepción de que la actividad pública no puede ser discutida, rebasando sus competencias constitucionalmente establecidas. El presente texto, busca explorar los mecanismos de existencia de un discurso decisionista en el periodo de gobierno 2013-2017 y sus consecuencias en la gobernabilidad democrática, para demostrar que la existencia de una autoridad que escape del poder del Estado sólo puede ser contenida por la norma y la fortaleza de las instituciones democráticas, capaces de mejorar la intensidad de la ciudadanía.Palabras clave: Hiperpresidencialismo, Rafael Correa, Ecuador, legalidad.Abstract: The arrival to power of Rafael Correa in 2007 involved various changes not only ideological but also political, channeled through a Constituent Assembly to conform to the precepts of the so-called "Citizen Revolution". The new Magna Carta established a greater number of executive controls and created new functions, such as the Electoral Power and Transparency and Social Control, which would also revolve around the decisions of the incumbent president. This, combined with the personality of Correa, generated a scenario of hyper-presidentialism, supported by popular elections that legitimize the changes made by the government. In the Ecuadorian case, what happened was a dissolution of legality through media action, in which the president's word was not only a rule of conduct, but also a perception that public activity cannot be discussed, exceeding its Constitutionally established competences. The present text, seeks to explore the mechanisms of existence of a decisionist discourse in the period of government 2013-2017 and its consequences in democratic governance, to demonstrate that the existence of an authority that escapes the power of the State can only be contained by the norm and the strength of democratic institutions, capable of improving the intensity of citizenship.Keywords: Hyperpresidencialism, Rafael Correa, Ecuador, Constitution, legality.

<p>Este trabalho tem o propósito de estimular o debate conjuntural sobre a política brasileira, considerando a existência de uma crise do lulismo enquanto fenômeno de representação política que culminou com o impeachment da presidenta Dilma Rousseff (PT) em agosto de 2016, a partir de vários fatores internos - levados à frente enquanto articulações de bastidores no âmbito das instituições - e fatores externos - através da realização de um conjunto de mobilizações de segmentos sociais de maior renda e escolaridade das grandes cidades brasileiras, levando a consequências mais amplas que o desfecho do impeachment diante de um ativismo societário que tende a gerar impactos de longo prazo. Sendo assim, busca-se apresentar o conceito de ciclo de protesto como instrumental analítico para interpretar uma “virada conservadora” na sociedade civil brasileira em torno de um projeto político neoliberal de ampla consequência para a construção democrática no país. Diferente das análises de caráter institucional predominantes na ciência política, o objetivo deste artigo reside na aproximação à perspectiva de compreender a democracia para além da ambiência eleitoral.</p>

A partir de 2005, la cifra de presidentas municipales se ha incrementado de forma sistemática, pero es el principio de la paridad de género lo que ha posibilitado un aumento sustantivo de alcaldesas. Se observa que de 2013 a 2015 la cifra crece en 52.1%; y en 2017, por primera vez en la historia del país, Querétaro y Quintana Roo llegan a tener 50% de presidentas municipales. No obstante, las alcaldesas gobiernan a menos de 16% de la población total del país. Por otro lado, los varones gobiernan mayoritariamente las capitales, lo que posibilita el acceso a mayores recursos. Las mujeres aun enfrentan obstáculos importantes por parte de los partidos políticos para ser postuladas; a pesar de ello, existe una tendencia a la pluralidad de género y partidista en los municipios y se busca transitar de una representación descriptiva a una sustantiva.

Gerir uma universidade comunitária no contexto atual da educação superior é um desafio para poucos. Com formação, mestrado e doutorado na área da engenharia e diante de uma trajetória de mais de 20 anos em cargos de gestão na Unochapecó, Claudio Alcides Jacoski fala em planejamento e organização para que o modelo de universidade comunitária possa sobreviver aos difíceis tempos do ensino no Brasil, onde a educação tornou-se mercadoria e é tratada como um agressivo negócio. Na contramão do sistema vigente, as universidade comunitárias não visam lucro e equilibram-se com recursos das mensalidades dos alunos para cumprirem a sua missão e seu papel social, que é trabalhar pelo desenvolvimento das regiões onde atuam, muito além do propósito das instituições privadas cujo objetivo de atuação está no retorno financeiro. A conversa com o Prof. Claudio Alcides Jacoski, Presidente da ACAFE, Reitor da Unochapecó e membro do Conselho Fiscal da ABRUC - Associação Brasileira das Universidades Comunitárias, aconteceu no dia 20 de dezembro de 2017 na sala da Reitoria da Unochapecó. Entre as preocupações apresentadas na entrevista está a sobrevivência, a longo prazo, desse modelo diferenciado de instituição de ensino superior, que nasceu da força e da mobilização das próprias comunidades e que, mesmo após o marco legal de 2013, ainda permanece sendo incompreendida pela sociedade e muita vezes deixada de fora de editais do Governo Federal.

El número de actores chinos en escenarios internacionales es cada vez mayor y su abanico de intereses también es creciente. Durante 2017 se fortalecieron dos de sus características esenciales: primero, la mundialización, están en prácticamente todo el planeta, segundo, sus campos de acción que, alentados por sus intereses, son multidimensionales. Durante el año pasado, trataron de posicionarse como una fuerza esencial para resolver problemas. Incluso, hacen todo lo necesario para involucrarse en escenarios de dominio tradicional de los poderes surgidos en la segunda posguerra. El mejor ejemplo de ello es la propuesta de Xi Jinping, presidente de China, compuesta de cuatro puntos¹ para el conflicto entre Palestina e Israel: lograr la existencia de dos Estados basados en las fronteras de 1967 y el este de Jerusalén como capital palestina, finalizar el levantamiento de nuevos asentamientos judíos y terminar con la violencia contra los civiles, alentar la cooperación internacional para promover medidas pacíficas, promover la paz entre Israel y Palestina mediante el desarrollo y la cooperación. La propuesta, una de las primeras en materia de política exterior hechas por Xi a su llegada al poder en 2013, fue presentada el año pasado como algo bienvenido por las partes involucradas; incluso Israel aceptaría una mayor influencia de Beijing, por lo menos en la versión del enviado especial chino para la región, Gong Xiaosheng.²

<p>Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis, mengetahui dan memahami perlindungan hukum perjanjian kemitraan pengadaan barang/jasa pemerintah pada jasa konstruksi sesuai dengan Peraturan Presiden No 16 Tahun 2018 tentang Pengadaan Barang/Jasa Pemerintah dan bagaimana kelemahan dan solusi atas pelaksanaan perjanjian kemitraan pengadaan barang/jasa pemerintah pada jasa konstruksi. Penelitian ini mengunakan metode pendekatan yuridis normatif. Hasil dari penelitian ini Perlindungan hukum dalam perjanjian kemitraan pengadaan barang/jasa pemerintah ini berarti dapat memberikan kepastian hukum bagi para pihak. Perlindungan hukum perjanjian kemitraan pengadaan barang/jasa pemerintah telah diatur dalam KUH Perdata, Undang-Undang No 2 Tahun 2017 tentang Jasa Konstruksi, Undang-Undang No 20 Tahun 2009 tentang UMKM dan Peraturan Pemerintah No 17 Tahun 2013 tentang Pelaksanaan Undang-Undang No 20 Tahun 2008 tentang UMKM, Perpres No 16 Tahun 2018 tentang Pengadaan Barang/Jasa Pemerintah dan Peraturan LKPP No 9 Tahun 2018 Tentang Pedoman Pelaksanaan Pengadaan Barang/Jasa Melalui Penyedia. Perlindungan tersebut berupa keharusan perjanjian kemitraan harus dibuat secara tertulis sebagai usaha untuk menghindari adanya perselisihan dan sengketa dan diakuinya perjanjian kemitraan sebagai bukti pengalaman pekerjaaan yang sangat bermanfaat bagi UMKM.</p><p> </p>

Resumo: Nos dias atuais, percebemos que muitas são as dificuldades para a organização da juventude e a participação política nos espaços de poder e decisão existentes na sociedade. Em muitos dos espaços políticos os jovens não se sentem representados, nem tem oportunidades de defender seus interesses. Nesse contexto, percebe-se a ausência de formação política e oportunidades de participação do jovem na sociedade. Nessa perspectiva, esta pesquisa está pautada no levantamento de elementos da participação social, cultura política dos jovens e da trajetória de organização da Rede de Juventudes do Seridó que contribuem para a formação da consciência crítica dos jovens e favorecem o exercício do controle social e da promoção de políticas públicas voltadas para a juventude. Palavras-chave: Juventude; Participação Social; Rede de Juventudes. Abstract: Nowadays, we realize that there are many difficulties for the organization of youth and political participation in the spaces of power and decision in society. In many political spaces young people do not feel represented, nor do they have opportunities to defend their interests. In this context, one can perceive the lack of political formation and opportunities for youth participation in society. In this perspective, this research is based on the survey of elements of social participation, political culture of the young people and the organizational trajectory of the Youth Network of Seridó that contribute to the formation of the critical awareness of young people and favor the exercise of social control and promotion of public policies aimed at youth. Keywords: Youth; Social Participation; Youth Network REFERÊNCIAS ABNT – Associação Brasileira de Normas Técnicas. NBR 14724: Informação e documentação. Trabalhos Acadêmicos - Apresentação. Rio de Janeiro: ABNT, 2002. ABRAMO, Helena Wendel; BRANCO, Pedro Paulo Martoni. (Orgs). Retratos da Juventude Brasileira: análises de uma pesquisa nacional. São Paulo: Editora Fundação Perseu Abramo, 2005. ALBUQUERQUE, Alexandre Aragão de, Juventude, Educação e Participação Política. Paco Editorial. Jundiaí, 2012. ALMEIDA, Elmir de. Políticas públicas para jovens em Santo André In:_____. Revista pólis: estudos, formação e assessoria em políticas sociais. São Paulo: Pólis, n.35, 2000. p. 80. AMMANN. Safira Bezerra. Ideologia do desenvolvimento de comunidade no Brasil. Cortez. 6º edição. São Paulo. 2003. BORDENAVE, Juan E. Díaz. O que é participação. 8ª ed. São Paulo: Brasiliense, 1994. (Coleção primeiros passos; 95) BRASIL. Constituição (1988). Constituição Federal. República Federativa do Brasil. Brasília: Senado Federal, 1988. BRASIL. EMENDA CONSTITUCIONAL Nº 65, DE 13 DE JULHO DE 2010 Disponível em: http://www.planalto.gov.br/ccivil_03/constituicao/emendas/emc/emc6 5.htm (Acesso em 13 de dezembro de 2017). BRASIL. Estatuto da Juventude. LEI Nº 12.852, DE 5 DE AGOSTO DE 2013. Disponível em Andlt; http://www.planalto.gov.br/ccivil_03/_Ato20112014/2013/Lei/L12852.htmAndgt. (acesso em 10 de dezembro de 2017). BRASIL, FLASCO. Mapa da Violência: Os Jovens do Brasil. Disponível em: mapadaviolencia.org.br/mapa2014_jovens.php (acesso em 02/07/2017 às 18:22) BRASIL. Secretaria de Direitos Humanos da Presidência da República. Direito a participação em assuntos políticos. Brasília, 2013. CABRAL, João Francisco Pereira. "Participação, Imitação, Formas e Ideias em Platão"; Brasil Escola. Disponível em <http://brasilescola.uol.com.br/filosofia/participacao-imitacao-formasideias-platao.htm>. Acesso em 19 de dezembro de 2017.CARITAS BRASILEIRA. Quem somos e histórico. Disponível em: http://caritas.org.br/quem-somos-e-historico (acesso em 28/11/2017 às 10:17) CONCEITO.DE. Conceito de Participação. Disponível em: conceito.de/participacao (acesso em 25/11/2017 às 19:45) CONFERENCIA NACIONAL DOS BISPOS DO BRASIL. Fundo Nacional de Solidariedade. Disponível em: fns.cnbb.org.br/fundo/informativo/index (Acesso em 22/12/2017 às 21:45) FERRAREZI, Junior, Celso. Guia do trabalho científico: do projeto à redação final. São Paulo: Contexto, 2011. GIL, Antonio Carlos. Métodos e técnicas da pesquisa social. 6. ed. São Paulo: Atlas, 2011. GOHN, Maria da Glória. Conselhos Gestores: Participação sociopolítica. São Paulo, Cortez, 2007. Horkheimer, M.; Adorno, T.W.; Habermas, J. (1975). "Textos Escolhidos". Coleção "Os Pensadores". São Paulo: Abril Cultural.... - Veja mais em https://educacao.uol.com.br/disciplinas/filosofia/escola-de-frankfurtcritica-a-sociedade-de-comunicacao-de-massa.htm?cmpid=copiaecola (acesso em 03/12/2017 às 08:23) HOBSBAWM. E. A era dos extremos. O breve Século XX. São Paulo: Companhia das Letras. 1999 INSTITUTO BRASILEIRO DE GEOGRAFIA E ESTATÍSTICA. Censo demográfico 2010: população residente, resultados do universo segundo mesorregiões, microregiões, municípios, distritos, subdistritos e bairros: Rio Grande do Norte. [online]: IBGE, 2010. Disponível em: <http://www.ibge.com.br>. Acesso em: 03 dez. 2017. LAKATOS, Eva Maria. Metodologia do trabalho científico. 7. ed. São Paulo: Atlas, 2012 BIBLIOTECA PRESIDÊNCIA DA REPÚBLICA. Ex-Presidentes. Disponível em <biblioteca.presidencia.gov.br/presidencia/presidencia/expresidentes/luiz-inacio-lula-da-silva>. Acessado em 20 de novembro de 2017. MACHADO, Loiva Mara de Oliveira. Controle social da política de assistência social: caminhos e descaminhos. Edipucrs. Porto Alegre, 2012. MARTNELLI, Maria Lúcia, Pesquisa qualitativa: um instigante desafio. Veras Editora, São Paulo, 1999. NETO, José Paulo. Ditadura e serviço social: Uma análise do serviço social no Brasil. Cortez. São Paulo, 2011. PLATÃO. Sofista. Seleção de textos de José A. M. Pessanha. 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Este caso relata la crisis financiera de AD Retail, un holding que operaba en el sector del retail chileno. El holding AD Retail ha mostrado un deterioro en sus indicadores financieros desde finales del 2015, pero la situación se agudizó entre el 2017 y el 2018. Las consecuencias del estallido social que se detonó en octubre del 2019 en Chile intensificaron los problemas financieros de la compañía. El estallido social afectó los márgenes de la empresa y generó menores niveles de recaudación, lo que se tradujo en una liquidez insuficiente para cumplir con sus obligaciones de pago. Esto llevó al Directorio, el 24 de diciembre del 2019, a tomar la decisión de someterse de forma voluntaria a la ley de quiebras e iniciar una reestructuración de sus pasivos y activos, lo que permitiera la viabilidad de la compañía. Tras esta decisión, Pablo Turner, presidente del Directorio de AD Retail, percibía que acogerse a la ley de quiebras cambiaría el plan estratégico 2020-2022 que había sido aprobado en septiembre del 2019 y cuyo objetivo era volver a tener utilidades en el 2020. En particular, Turner se preguntaba, ¿por qué Dijon no había generado el valor corporativo esperado tras su adquisición en el 2013?, ¿por qué el holding no pudo hacer frente a los efectos causados por el estallido social?, ¿era el plan estratégico 2020-2022 acorde a la situación que estaba atravesando la compañía?, ¿qué alternativas tenía AD Retail para salir de la crisis financiera? Aunque su mayor preocupación era si el estallido social se extendería durante el 2020 y sus posibles consecuencias para la economía chilena, lo que llevó a preguntarse a Turner: ¿es la hora del cierre definitivo de AD Retail?.

e4175116Abstract The article aims at bringing to the debate the polysemy of the concept of training needs and the relation between the conceptions of teacher education and the instruments used to map or diagnose these needs. Prompted by the following inquiries: what has been provided as theoretical references on training needs to researchers of the theme? What concepts of training needs, and based on what conceptions of teacher education, are presented in 10 years of production on the theme in the national scenario? What are the comprehensions of these researchers about the training needs of beginning teachers in basic education? For this, as methodological procedures, first it were conducted studies of theorists who could contribute for the comprehension of the object, followed by the analysis of articles, theses and dissertations available in data bases, selected through the criterions listed in a protocol of systematic review. The results show that the productions of theorists adopted for the comprehension of concepts about training needs contributed for deepening knowledge on the object. The systematic literature review pointed out the absence of the conception of the term training needs in most of the analyzed productions, as well as the prevalence of an understanding of need as lack of knowledge resulting from the initial teacher education and linked to the challenges and personal tensions of the daily routine of the profession and of the period of initiation. The results also show the pertinence of the constitution of collaborative training environments, as well as of the elaboration, by the school networks, of induction programs.ResumoO artigo apresenta como objetivo trazer ao debate a polissemia do conceito de necessidades formativas e a relação entre as concepções de formação e os instrumentos utilizados para fazer o levantamento ou diagnóstico dessas necessidades. Partiu-se dos seguintes questionamentos: o que se tem disponibilizado enquanto referenciais teóricos sobre necessidades formativas a pesquisadores do tema? Quais conceitos de necessidades formativas, e baseados em quais concepções de formação, são apresentados em dez anos de produção sobre o tema no cenário nacional? Quais as compreensões desses pesquisadores sobre as necessidades formativas de professores iniciantes na educação básica? Para tanto, como procedimentos metodológicos, realizou-se primeiramente estudos de teóricos que pudessem contribuir para a compreensão do objeto, seguido da análise de artigos, dissertações e teses disponibilizados em bases de dados, selecionados a partir de critérios elencados em um protocolo de revisão sistemática. Como resultados, aponta-se que as produções de teóricos adotadas para a compreensão de conceitos sobre necessidades formativas contribuíram para aprofundar conhecimentos sobre o objeto. A revisão sistemática de literatura apontou a ausência da conceituação do termo necessidades formativas na maioria das produções analisadas, bem como a prevalência de um entendimento de necessidade como falta de conhecimentos advindos da formação inicial e ligados aos desafios e tensões próprias do cotidiano da profissão e do período de iniciação. Os resultados mostram também, a pertinência da constituição de espaços formativos colaborativos, bem como da elaboração, pelas redes de ensino, de programas de indução.Palavras-chave: Iniciação de professores, Levantamento de necessidades, Pesquisa educacional, Revisão de literatura.Keywords: Beginners, Training needs, Educacional research, Literature reviews.ReferencesAFANASIEV, Viktor Griegorievich. Fundamentos da Filosofia. Rio de Janeiro: Civilização Brasileira, 1968.BANDEIRA, Hilda Maria Martins. Necessidades formativas de professores iniciantes na produção da práxis: realidade e possibilidades. 2014. 248 f. 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(online), Brasília, v. 96, n. 243, p. 343-358, maio/ago. 2015.LIMA, Mary Gracy e Silva. Desenvolvimento profissional do docente iniciante egresso do curso de Pedagogia: necessidades e perspectivas do tornar-se professor. 2014. 171f. Tese (Doutorado em Educação) – Programa de Pós-Graduação em Educação, Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, São Paulo, 2014.MARCELO GARCIA, Carlos. Profesores principiantes y programas de inducción a la práctica docente. Enseñanza & Teaching: Revista interuniversitaria de didáctica, Salamanca, n. 6, p. 61-80, 1988.MARCELO GARCIA, Carlos. Formação de professores: para uma mudança educativa. Porto: Porto, 1999.MARCELO GARCIA, Carlos. Desenvolvimento Profissional Docente: passado e futuro. Sísifo: Revista de Ciências da Educação, Lisboa, n. 8, p. 7-22, jan./abr. 2009.MARCELO GARCIA, Carlos; VAILLANT, Denise. Políticas y programas de inducción en la docencia en Latinoamérica. 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The text analyzes the production of knowledge in Brazil, considering the determinants of the process of economic globalization. It explains the current trends and tensions present in the international scenario and in the policies and actions in the field of Higher Education, with emphasis on the production of knowledge, considering the changes that have occurred in recent years. It seeks to reflect on the perspectives of training, research and science in Brazil in a scenario of economic crisis and neoliberal reforms that reduce public spending and the role of the State in Brazil, but which favor the action of large economic groups in terms of the expansion of Higher Education. The text is structured in three parts, which seek to highlight: a) the understanding of the process of structuring postgraduate and knowledge production in Brazil, considering historical elements and current indicators; b) the examination of the production of knowledge in the light of the determinants of the process of capital restructuring; c) the current government policy, which has been redefining research, postgraduate and knowledge production and which is based on a (dis) regulation that favors expansion in the private sector, especially in the postgraduate field. Thus, the study highlights the economic determinants that affect the production of knowledge in a globalized economy; recent changes in the legal basis, which benefit the expansion of the private sector; the development crisis experienced in public universities and the processes of subordination of work and academic management, as well as the loss of autonomy in the production of knowledge.ResumoO texto analisa a produção do conhecimento no Brasil, considerando os determinantes do processo de globalização econômica. Explicita as tendências e tensões atuais presentes no cenário internacional e nas políticas e ações no campo da Educação Superior, com ênfase na produção do conhecimento, considerando as mudanças ocorridas nos últimos anos. Procura refletir sobre as perspectivas da formação, da pesquisa e da ciência no Brasil em um cenário de crise econômica, de reformas neoliberais, que reduzem os gastos públicos e o papel do Estado no Brasil, mas que favorecem a ação dos grandes grupos econômicos e financeiros em termos da expansão da Educação Superior. O texto está estruturado em três partes, que buscam evidenciar: a) a compreensão do processo de estruturação da pós-graduação e da produção do conhecimento no Brasil, considerando elementos históricos e indicadores atuais; b) o exame da produção do conhecimento à luz dos determinantes do processo de reestruturação do capital; c) a atual política governamental, que vem redefinindo a pesquisa, a pós-graduação e a produção do conhecimento e que tem por base uma (des)regulamentação que favorece a expansão no setor privado, sobretudo no âmbito da pós-graduação. O estudo destaca, pois, os determinantes econômicos que afetam a produção do conhecimento numa economia globalizada; as alterações recentes na base legal, que beneficiam a expansão do setor privado; a crise de fomento vivenciada nas universidades públicas e os processos de subordinação do trabalho e da gestão acadêmica, bem como a perda da autonomia na produção do conhecimento.Palavras-chave: Educação superior. Pós-graduação. Produção do conhecimento.Keywords: Higher education. Postgraduate studies. Knowledge production.ReferencesAMARAL, Nelson Cardoso. Com a PEC 241/55 (EC 95) haverá prioridade para cumprir as metas do PNE (2014-2024)? Revista Brasileira de Educação, v. 22, p. 1, 2017a.AMARAL, Nelson Cardoso. PEC 241/55: A "morte" do PNE (2014-2024) e o poder de diminuição dos recursos educacionais. In: CHAVES, Vera L. J.; AMARAL, Nelson Cardoso (orgs.). Políticas de financiamento da educação superior num contexto de crise. 1ed. São Paulo: Mercado de Letras, 2017b, p. 47-69.AZEVEDO, Mário Luiz Neves de. Internacionalização ou transnacionalização da educação superior: entre a formação de um campo social global e um mercado de ensino mundializado. Crítica Educativa (Sorocaba/SP), Vol.1, n.1, p. 56-79, jan./jun. 2015.BARREYRO, Gladys Beatriz. A avaliação da educação superior em escala global: da acreditação aos rankings e os resultados de aprendizagem. Avaliação: Revista da Avaliação da Educação Superior, v. 23, p. 5-22, 2018.BIANCHETTI, Lucídio; SGUISSARDI, Valdemar. Da Universidade à Commoditycidade - Ou de como e quando, se a educação/formação é sacrificada no altar do mercado, o futuro da universidade se situaria em algum lugar do passado. 1. ed. Campinas, SP: Mercado das Letras, 2017. v. 1. 124p.BIANCHETTI, Lucídio; SGUISSARDI, Valdemar. (Orgs.). Dilemas da Pós-Graduação: gestão e avaliação. Campinas: Autores Associados, 2009.BOURDIEU, P. O campo científico. In: ORTIZ, R. Pierre Bourdieu. Col. Grandes Cientistas Sociais. São Paulo: Ática, 1983, p. 122-155.BRASIL. Conselho Federal de Educação. Parecer CFE no 977/1965, aprovado em 3 dez. 1965. Revista Brasileira de Educação. n.30, p. 162-173. Disponível em: http://www.scielo.br/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S1413-24782005000300014. Acesso em: 02 de jan 2018.BRASIL. Conselho Nacional de Educação. Resolução CNE/CES n. 7, de 11 de dezembro de 2017. Estabelece normas para o funcionamento de cursos de pós-graduação stricto sensu. Disponível em: <http://portal.mec.gov.br/docman/dezembro-2017-pdf/78281-rces007-17-pdf/file>. Acesso em: 10 jan. 2018.BRASIL. Decreto n. 19.851, de 11 de abril de 1931. Dispõe sobre o ensino superior no Brasil. Disponível em: <http://www2.camara.leg.br/legin/fed/decret/1930-1939/decreto-19851-11-abril-1931-505837-publicacaooriginal-1-pe.html>. Acesso em: 10 jan. 2018.BRASIL. Decreto n. 9.057, de 25 de maio de 2017. 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Disponível em: < http://www2.camara.leg.br/legin/fed/lei/1960-1969/lei-5540-28-novembro-1968-359201-publicacaooriginal-1-pl.html>. Acesso em: 08 jan. 2018.BRASIL. Ministério da Educação. Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES). Portaria Capes n. 131, de 28 de junho de 2017. Dispõe sobre o mestrado e doutorado profissionais. Disponível em: <http://www.capes.gov.br>. Acesso em: 12 jan. 2018.BRASIL. Ministério da Educação. Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES). Portaria n. 61, de 22 de março de 2017. Define critérios de concessão de bolsas a alunos matriculados nos Programas de Mestrado Profissional em rede da Capes. Disponível em: <https://www.capes.gov.br/images/stories/download/legislacao/24032017-PORTARIA-Nº-61-DE-22-DE-MARCO-DE-2017.pdf>. Acesso em: 12 jan. 2017.BRASIL. Ministério da Educação. Portaria n. 389, de 23 de março de 2017. Dispõe sobre o mestrado e doutorado profissional no âmbito da pós-graduação stricto sensu. Disponível em: <https://capes.gov.br/images/stories/download/legislacao/24032017-PORTARIA-No-389-DE-23-DE-MARCO-DE-2017.pdf>. Acesso em: 10 jan. 2018.BRASIL. Ministério da Educação. Portaria n. 11, de 20 de junho de 2017. Estabelece normas para o credenciamento de instituições e a oferta de cursos superiores a distância, em conformidade com o Decreto no 9.057, de 25 de maio de 2017. Disponível em: <http://portal.mec.gov.br/index.php?option=com_docman&view=download&alias=66431-portaria-normativa-11-pdf&category_slug=maio-2017-pdf&Itemid=30192>. Acesso em: 10 jan. 2018.CALDERÓN, Adolfo Ignácio; FRANÇA, Carlos Marshal. Rankings acadêmicos na educação superior: tendências da literatura ibero-americana. Avaliação: Revista da Avaliação da Educação Superior, v. 23, p. 448-466, 2018.CHAVES, Vera L. J.; REIS, L. F.; GUIMARÃES, A. R. Dívida pública e financiamento da educação superior no Brasil. Acta Scientiarum. Education (Online), v. 40, p. 37668, 2018.CHAVES, Vera Lúcia Jacob. 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Políticas, gestão e direito a educação superior: novos modos de regulação e tendências em construção. Acta Scientiarum. Education (Online), v. 40, e37669, p. 1-11, 2018.MOROSINI, Marília Costa. Estado do conhecimento sobre internacionalização da educação superior – conceitos e práticas. Educar, Curitiba, n. 28, p. 107-124, 2006.OLIVEIRA, João F. A Pós-Graduação e a pesquisa no Brasil: processos de regulação e de reconfiguração da formação e da produção do trabalho acadêmico. Práxis Educativa (Impresso), v. 10, p. 343-363, 2015.OLIVEIRA, João F.; ALVES, Miriam Fábia. Pós-Graduação no Brasil: do Regime Militar aos dias atuais. Revista Brasileira de Política e Administração da Educação, v. 30, n. 2, p. 351-376, mai./ago. 2014.OLIVEIRA, J. F.; FONSECA, M. A pós-graduação brasileira e seu sistema de avaliação. In: OLIVEIRA, J. F.; CATANI, A. M.; FERREIRA, N. S. C. (Orgs.). Pós-graduação e avaliação: impactos e perspectivas no Brasil e no cenário internacional. 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The reflections presented in this article are part of the results produced by the research “Policies, Management and the Right to Higher Education: new modes of Regulation and trends under construction”, linked to the Universitas-Br Network, developed by Thematic Axis 7, whose research focuses on Rural Higher Education. The article provides analysis on teacher forming policies, focusing on the setbacks imposed on such policies, based on the approval of the “new” National Curriculum Guidelines for Initial Teacher Forming for Basic Education and the institution of the Common National Base for Education. Initial Forming of Teachers of Basic Education, especially in the field of the degree in Rural Education. The research method is anchored in historical and dialectical materialism through the categories of totality, historicity and mediation, in the field of teacher education policies in Brazil. Bibliographic studies of Resolutions No. 02/2015 and No. 02/2019 and the manifests of national scientific entities of teacher education were carried out. The results reveal dismantles and setbacks in the field of teacher forming policies, with the dissemination of skills pedagogy in the approval of Resolution No. 2/2019, which ignores the implementation of critical and emancipatory projects in the field of initial and continuing teacher forming. The Ministry of Education and the National Council of Education take measures to deconstruct policies aimed at rural, indigenous and quilombola subjects and threaten the continuity of the the degree in Rural Education Courses, which provokes a return to diverse and plural subjects in the guarantee of their rights.ResumoAs reflexões apresentadas neste artigo integram parte dos resultados produzidos pela pesquisa “Políticas, Gestão e Direito à Educação Superior: novos modos de Regulação e tendências em construção”, ligada à Rede Universitas-Br, desenvolvida pelo Eixo Temático 7, cuja investigação centra-se na Educação Superior do Campo. O artigo traz análises sobre as políticas de formação docente, com foco nos retrocessos impostos a tais políticas, especialmente às Licenciaturas em Educação do Campo, a partir da aprovação das “novas” Diretrizes Curriculares Nacionais para a Formação Inicial de Professores para a Educação Básica e a instituição da Base Nacional Comum para a Formação Inicial de Professores da Educação Básica. O método da pesquisa se ancora no materialismo histórico e dialético por meio das categorias totalidade, historicidade e mediação no campo das políticas de formação de professores no Brasil. Realizou-se estudos bibliográficos das Resoluções Nº 02/2015 e Nº 02/2019 e dos manifestos das entidades científicas nacionais da formação docente. Os resultados revelam desmontes e retrocessos no campo das políticas de formação de professores, com a disseminação da pedagogia das competências na aprovação da Resolução Nº 2/2019, que buscam deslegitimar a implementação de projetos críticos e emancipatórios no campo da formação inicial e continuada de professores. O Ministério da Educação e o Conselho Nacional de Educação tomam medidas que desconstroem políticas direcionadas aos sujeitos do campo, indígenas e quilombolas e ameaçam a continuidade dos cursos de Licenciatura em Educação do Campo, o que provoca uma r-existência dos sujeitos diversos e plurais na garantia de seus direitos.Palavras-chave: Formação de professores, Políticas públicas, Educação superior do campo, Licenciatura em Educação do Campo.Keywords: Teacher forming, Public policy, Higher education, Rural education.ReferencesAGUIAR, Márcia Ângela da S; DOURADO, Luiz Fernandes. BNCC e formação de professores: concepções, tensões, atores e estratégias. Revista Retratos da Escola, Brasília, v. 13, n. 25, p. 33-37, jan./mai. 2019. Disponível em: http//www.esforce.org.br. Acesso em 03. Jun, 2019.ANFOPE. A Anfope repudia a aprovação pelo CNE da Resolução que define as novas Diretrizes Curriculares para Formação Inicial de Professores da Educação Básica e Institui a Base Nacional Comum para a Formação Inicial de Professores da Educação Básica (BNC-Formação), [página online], 2019b. Disponível em: http://www.anfope.org.br/anfope-repudia-a-aprovacao-pelo-cne-da-resolucao-quedefine-as-novas-diretrizes-curriculares-para-formacao-inicial-de-professores-da-educacao-basica-einstitui-a-base-nacional-comum-para-a-formacao-in/. Acessado em 03/12/2019.ANFOPE. A ANFOPE se posiciona em defesa da Resolução 02/215 e pede arquivamento do parecer que propõe a sua alteração, [página online], 2019a. Disponível em: http://www.anfope.org.br/anfope-seposiciona-em-defesa-da-resolucao-02-215-e-pede-arquivamento-do-parecer-que-propoe-a-sua-alteracao/. Acessado em: 03/12/2019.ANFOPE. A ANFOPE se posiciona em defesa da Resolução 02/215 e pede arquivamento do parecer que propõe a sua alteração, [página online], 2019a. Disponível em: http://www.anfope.org.br/anfope-seposiciona-em-defesa-da-resolucao-02-215-e-pede-arquivamento-do-parecer-que-propoe-a-sua-alteracao/. Acessado em: 03/12/2019.ANFOPE. Documento Final do XIII Encontro Nacional da Anfope, 2016. Campinas, SP: Associação Nacional pela Formação dos Profissionais da Educação (ANFOPE), [página online], 2016. Texto digitado.ANFOPE. Reunião da Comissão Bicameral do Conselho Nacional de Educação sobre a Formação Inicial e Continuada de Professores, [página online]. Brasília, 2018. Disponível em: https://www.anfope.org.br/wpcontent/uploads/2018/05/ANFOPE-CNE-9abr-2018-.pdf. Acessado em: 03/12/2019.ANFOPE; et al. Contra a descaracterização da Formação de Professores. Nota das entidades nacionais em defesa da Resolução 02 /2015. [página online], 2019. Acessado em: 03/12/2019.ANJOS, Maura Pereira dos. A institucionalização da Licenciatura em Educação do Campo na Unifesspa: avanços e contradições. 2020, 330p. Tese de Doutorado em Educação. Programa de Pós-Graduação em Educação da Universidade de Brasília - UnB, Brasília - DF, 2020.BAZZO, Vera; SCHEIBE, Leda. De volta para o futuro... retrocessos na atual política de formação docente. Revista Retratos da Escola, Brasília, v. 13, n. 27, p. 669-684, set./dez. 2019. Disponível em: <http://retratosdaescola.emnuvens.com.br/rde>BRASIL, Ministério da Educação. Decreto Nº 8.752, de 09 de maio de 2016. Dispõe sobre a Política Nacional de Formação dos Profissionais da Educação Básica. Diário Oficial da União, 10 de maio de 2016.BRASIL, Ministério da Educação. Lei Nº 5.692, 11 de agosto de 1971. Fixa Diretrizes e Bases para o ensino de 1º e 2º graus, e da outras providências. Diário Oficial da União. Brasília, 1971.BRASIL, Ministério da Educação. Plano Nacional de Educação (PNE). 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Educação contra a barbárie: por escolas democráticas e pela liberdade de ensinar. 1. ed. São Paulo: Boitempo, 2019.COGRAD. Manifestação – diretrizes curriculares nacionais para a formação de professores. 2019. Disponível em: http://apub.org.br/wp-content/uploads/2019/11/Manifestac%CC%A7a%CC%83oCOGRAD-DCNs-frmac%CC%A7a%CC%83o-de-professores.pdf. Acessado em: 03/12/2019.COSTA, Maria da Conceição dos Santos; FARIAS, Maria Celeste Gomes de Farias e SOUZA, Michele Borges de. A Base Nacional Comum Curricular (BNCC) e a Formação de Professores no Brasil: retrocessos, precarização do trabalho e desintelectualização docente. Movimento - Revista de Educação, Niterói, ano 6, n.10, p. 91-120, jan./jun. 2019. Disponível em: https://periodicos.uff.br/revistamovimento/article/view/32665. Acesso em: 14. maio, 2020.DOURADO, Luiz Fernandes e TUTTMAN, Malvina Tania. Dossiê temático - Formação do Magistério da Educação Básica nas universidades brasileiras: institucionalização e materialização da CNE CP nº 02/2015 In: Revista Formação em Movimento. Associação Nacional de Formação dos Profissionais da Educação. v. 1, nº 02, p. 197-217, jul/dez. 2019. Disponível em: http://costalima.ufrrj.br/index.php/FORMOV/issue/view/108/DA: Acesso em: 20.dez.2019.DOURADO, Luiz Fernandes. Diretrizes Curriculares Nacionais para a formação inicial e continuada dos profissionais do magistério da educação básica: concepções e desafios. Educação & Sociedade, Campinas, v. 36, nº. 131, p. 299-324, abr.-jun., 2015.EVANGELISTA, Olinda; FIERA, Letícia; TITTON, Mauro. [Debate] Diretrizes para formação docente é aprovada na calada do dia: mais mercado. Universidade à esquerda: jornal independente e socialista. Online. Publicado 14/11/2019.FERNANDES, Bernardo Mançano. 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The rights of the peasantry are a target for the attack of Bolsonaro’s project. Part of these attacks attempt to destroy the National Education Program on Agrarian Reform - Pronera. It is assumed that this attempt is associated with the results achieved by this policy, which are going against the political-economic interests that sustain Bolsonaro’s government. This work aims at reflecting on possible differentials in the knowledge production processes generated in higher education courses, training of educators and agricultural sciences linked to Pronera, as well as the potential of this process to intervene in the transformation of social reality, contributing to the materialization of the peasant’s territorial project, centred on land decentralization, agroecology and food sovereignty. Reports from the II National Survey of Education in Agrarian Reform were analysed and bibliographic research was carried out in the Coordination of Improvement of Higher-Level Personnel (Capes) Thesis Catalogue, between 1998 to 2019. Out of the 48 researches on educator training and 24 on agricultural sciences linked to Pronera found, 12 studies on the performance of graduates in schools and 5 on their performance in organizing the production of settlements were selected for analysis with the intention of capturing the relationship between theory and practice. The researches found relevant insertion of the graduates in the schools of the settlements, with considerable changes in their school organization and pedagogical work, as well as changes in the productive processes towards an agroecological transition linked to the social struggles to transform the countryside.ResumoOs direitos do campesinato têm sido alvo constante de ataques do bolsonarismo. Parte desses ataques pretende destruir o Programa Nacional de Educação na Reforma Agraria (Pronera). Cogita-se que essa tentativa associa-se aos resultados produzidos pelo Pronera, que caminham em direção contrária aos interesses político-econômicos que sustentam o bolsonarismo. Este artigo objetiva refletir sobre possíveis diferenciais nos processos de produção do conhecimento gerados nos cursos superiores vinculados ao Pronera, na Formação de Educadores e nas Ciências Agrárias, e sobre as potencialidades desse processo para intervir na transformação da realidade social, contribuindo com a materialização do projeto territorial camponês, centrado na desconcentração fundiária, agroecologia e soberania alimentar. Foram analisados relatórios da II Pesquisa Nacional de Educação na Reforma Agrária e realizada pesquisa bibliográfica no Catálogo de Teses da Capes, entre 1998 e 2019. Localizaram-se 48 pesquisas sobre formação de educadores e 24 sobre Ciências Agrárias, vinculadas ao Pronera. Após leitura dos resumos e conclusões, priorizou-se a análise de pesquisas sobre a atuação dos egressos nas escolas (12 trabalhos) e na organização da produção dos assentamentos (5 trabalhos), intencionando captar a relação entre a teoria e a prática promovida por tais processos formativos. As pesquisas encontraram relevante inserção dos egressos nas escolas dos assentamentos, com alterações em sua organização escolar e trabalho pedagógico, além de mudanças nos processos produtivos em direção à transição agroecológica em assentamentos onde atuam egressos das Ciências Agrárias, apontando a existência de um processo de produção do conhecimento diferenciado nos cursos vinculados às lutas sociais para transformação do campo.Palavras-chave: Pronera, Educação Superior, Produção do conhecimento, Práxis.Keywords: Pronera, Higher Education, Knowledge production, Praxis.ReferencesALMEIDA, Viviane Aparecida Ribeiro de. 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II PNERA: Relatório da II Pesquisa Nacional sobre a Educação na Reforma Agrária. Brasília, 2015. Disponível em: http://www.ipea.gov.br/portal/images/stories/PDFs/relatoriopesquisa/150618_relatorio_ii_pesquisa%20nacional.pdf. Acesso em: 7 maio 2020.IPEA - Instituto de Pesquisa Econômica Aplicada. II Pesquisa Nacional sobre Educação na Reforma Agrária: repercussões no estado do Pará (regiões sul e sudeste). Relatório de Pesquisa. Rio de Janeiro, 2016a. Disponível em: https://www.ipea.gov.br/portal/images/stories/PDFs/relatoriopesquisa/relatorio_pnera_sul_sudeste_web.pdf. Acesso em: 7 maio 2020.IPEA - Instituto de Pesquisa Econômica Aplicada. II Pesquisa Nacional sobre Educação na Reforma Agrária: avaliação de ações no Maranhão. Relatório de Pesquisa. Rio de Janeiro, 2016b. Disponível em: https://www.ipea.gov.br/portal/images/stories/PDFs/relatoriopesquisa/160902_relatorio_pnera_maranhao.pdf. Acesso em: 7 maio 2020.IPEA - Instituto de Pesquisa Econômica Aplicada. II Pesquisa Nacional sobre Educação na Reforma Agrária: uma análise sobre o estado da Paraíba (1998-2011). Relatório de Pesquisa. Rio de Janeiro, 2016c. Disponível em: https://www.ipea.gov.br/portal/images/stories/PDFs/relatoriopesquisa/160725_relatorio_pnera_paraiba.pdf. Acesso em: 7 maio 2020.IPEA - Instituto de Pesquisa Econômica Aplicada. II Pesquisa Nacional de Educação na Reforma Agrária: repercussões no estado do Ceará. Relatório de Pesquisa. Rio de Janeiro, 2016d. Disponível em: http://repositorio.ipea.gov.br/handle/11058/7463. Acesso em: 7 maio 2020IPEA - Instituto de Pesquisa Econômica Aplicada. II Pesquisa Nacional de Educação na Reforma Agrária: estado de Minas Gerais. Relatório de Pesquisa. Rio de Janeiro, 2016e. Disponível em: http://www.ipea.gov.br/portal/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=28543. Acesso em: Acesso em: 7 maio 2020.IPEA - Instituto de Pesquisa Econômica Aplicada. II Pesquisa Nacional sobre Educação na Reforma Agrária: pesquisa qualitativa no estado do Paraná. Relatório de Pesquisa. Rio de Janeiro, 2016f. Disponível em: http://repositorio.ipea.gov.br/bitstream/11058/7417/1/RP_II%20Pesquisa%20-%20Paran%C3%A1_2016.pdf. Acesso em: 7 maio 2020.KUHN, Ednizia Ribeiro Araújo. Análise da política de Educação do Campo no Brasil: meandros do Pronera e do Pronacampo. 2015. 287 f. Tese (Doutorado em Geografia) - Instituto de Geociências, Universidade Federal da Bahia, Salvador, 2015.LEHER, Roberto. Movimentos sociais, padrão de acumulação e crise da universidade. In: REUNIÃO NACIONAL DA ANPED. GT11 - Política da Educação Superior, 37., Florianópolis, 2015. Anais eletrônicos [...]. Florianópolis: ANPED, out. 2015. 16 p. Disponível em: http://37reuniao.anped.org.br/wp-content/uploads/2015/02/Trabalho-de-Roberto-Leher-para-o-GT11.pdf. Acesso em: 20 jun. 2020.LEHER, Roberto. Autoritarismo contra a universidade: o desafio de popularizar a defesa da educação pública. São Paulo: Fundação Rosa Luxemburgo; Expressão Popular, 2019. 232 p.LEVITSKY, Steven; ZIBLATT, Daniel. Como as democracias morrem. Rio de Janeiro: Zahar, 2018.LIMA, Lucileide Paz Ferreira de. A 1ª turma do curso de Licenciatura em Pedagogia do Pronera da UFPB (2007-2011): contribuições para o desenvolvimento dos assentamentos. 2013. 197 f. Dissertação (Mestrado em Educação) - Centro de Educação, Universidade da Paraíba, João Pessoa, 2013.MANCEBO, Deise; SILVA JÚNIOR, João dos Reis; SCHUGURENSKY, Daniel. A educação superior no Brasil diante da mundialização do capital. Educ. em Rev. [online]. Belo Horizonte, v. 32, n. 4, p. 205-225, out.-dez. 2016. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/312149699_A_educacao_superior_no_Brasil_diante_da_mundializacao_do_capital. Acesso em: 5 maio 2020.MANCEBO, Deise. Políticas, gestão e direito à Educação Superior: novos modos de regulação e tendências em construção. In: MOLINA, Mônica Castagna; HAGE, Salomão Mufarrej (org.). Licenciaturas em Educação do Campo: resultados da pesquisa sobre os riscos e potencialidades de sua expansão. Florianópolis: LANTEC /CED/UFSC, 2019. p. 28-43.MARTINS, José de Souza. O poder invisível. Valor Econômico. Caderno Eu &. São Paulo, ano 21, n. 1018. p. 3, 12 jun. 2020.MOLINA, Mônica Castagna. A contribuição do PRONERA na Construção de Políticas Públicas de Educação do Campo e Desenvolvimento Sustentável. 2003. 202 f. Tese (Doutorado em Desenvolvimento Sustentável) Centro de Desenvolvimento Sustentável, Universidade de Brasília, Brasília, 2003.MOLINA, Mônica Castagna et al. Posfácio. In MOLINA, Mônica Castagna et al. (org.). Práticas contra-hegemônicas na formação dos profissionais das Ciências Agrárias: reflexões sobre o Programa Residência Agrária. Volume II. Brasília: Editora Universidade de Brasília, 2017, 476 p.MORAES, Valdirene Manduca de. A organização dos espaços e tempos educativos no trabalho dos egressos do curso de pedagogia para educadores do campo. 2011. 146 f. Dissertação (Mestrado em Educação) – Universidade Tuiuti do Paraná, Curitiba, 2011.OLIVEIRA, Ariovaldo Umbelino de. A mundialização da agricultura brasileira. In: COLÓQUIO INTERNACIONAL DE GEOCRÍTICA, 12., Bogotá, 2012. Actas [...]. Barcelona: Geocrítica, 2012. v. 1, p. 1-15.OLIVEIRA, João Ferreira de: FERREIRA, Adriano de Melo; MORAES, Karine Nunes. A política e a cultura de inovação na educação superior no Brasil. In: CATANI, Afrânio Mendes; OLIVEIRA, João Ferreira de (org.).Educação superior e produção do conhecimento: utilitarismo, internacionalização e novo contrato social. Campinas, SP: Mercado de Letras, 2015. p. 127-164.REZENDE, Janaína Ribeiro de. Os sentidos da formação em Pedagogia da Terra: o caso das militantes do MST no estado de São Paulo. 2010. 117 f. Dissertação (Mestrado em Educação) – Centro de Educação e Ciências Humanas, Univ. Federal de São Carlos, São Carlos, SP, 2010.SÁ, Laís Mourão; MOLINA, Mônica Castagna. Políticas de Educação Superior no Campo. In: MOLINA, Mônica Castagna. Educação do Campo e Pesquisa II: questões para reflexão. Organizadora. – Brasília: MDA/MEC, 2010.SADER, Emir. Prefácio. In: MÉSZÁROS, István. A educação para além do capital. 2. ed. São Paulo: Boitempo, 2008.SANTOS, Clarice Aparecida dos. Pronera, educação técnico-profissional e Reforma Agrária Popular: um estudo na perspectiva do projeto formativo vinculado aos processos produtivos dos camponeses. 2016. 202 f. Tese (Doutorado em Políticas Públicas e Formação. Humana) – Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro. Faculdade de Educação. Rio de Janeiro, 2016.SANTOS, Clarice Aparecida dos. Residência Agrária e projeto educativo dos camponeses. In: MOLINA, Mônica Castagna et all (orgs.) Práticas contra-hegemônicas na formação dos profissionais das Ciências Agrárias: reflexões sobre o Programa Residência Agrária. Volume II. Brasília: Editora Universidade de Brasília, 2017. 476 p.SANTOS, Franciele Soares dos. Formação de educadores militantes no MST: a experiência do curso Pedagogia da Terra na Unioeste/PR. 2009. 144 f. Dissertação (Mestrado em Educação) – Centro de Ciências da Educação, Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina, Florianópolis, 2009.SANTOS, Thatyanne Krause Lima de Brito. Educação do Campo e participação: análise da produção do conhecimento dos quilombolas egressos do primeiro curso de Pedagogia do Campo/UFPB. 2015. Dissertação (Mestrado em Educação) – Centro de Educação, Universidade Federal da Paraíba, João Pessoal, 2015.SCALABRIN, Rosemeri. Diálogos e aprendizagens na formação em agronomia para assentados: Tese (Doutorado em Educação) - Centro de Ciências Sociais Aplicadas, Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte, Natal, 2011.SEMERARO, Giovanni. Filosofia da práxis e (neo)pragmatismo. Rev. Bras. Educ. [online]. Rio de Janeiro, n. 29, p. 28-39, maio/ago. 2005. Disponível em: https://www.scielo.br/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S1413-24782005000200003&lng=pt&tlng=pt. Acesso em: 15 maio 2020.SILVA, Paula da. Pedagogia da Terra na UFSCar: uma análise acerca da proposta metodológica e das práticas educativas da turma Helenira Resende. 2013. 148 f. Dissertação (Mestrado em Educação) – Programa de Pós-Graduação em Educação, Universidade Federal de São Carlos, São Carlos, 2013.SILVA JR., João dos Reis; SGUISSARDI, Valdemar. Novas faces da Educação Superior no Brasil: reforma do Estado e mudanças na produção. 2. ed. São Paulo: Cortez; Bragança Paulista/SP: EDUSF, 2001.SIMPLÍCIO, Antonia Vanderlúcia de Oliveira. Egressos do curso Pedagogia da Terra e suas práticas educativas: um estudo de caso no Assentamento 25 de Maio, Madalena, Ceará. 2011. 151 f. 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Agroecologia: uma contribuição camponesa à emancipação humana e à restauração revolucionária da relação metabólica sociedade-natureza. In: MOLINA, Mônica Castagna et al. (org.). Práticas contra-hegemônicas na formação dos profissionais das Ciências Agrárias: reflexões sobre o Programa Residência Agrária. Volume II. Brasília: Editora Universidade de Brasília, 2017.476 p.TEIXEIRA, Rafael de Oliveira. O curso de Pedagogia da Terra da Universidade Federal de São Carlos: uma análise a partir do olhar de um grupo de graduados da primeira turma. 2015. 193 f. Dissertação (Mestrado em Ciências) – Faculdade de Filosofia, Ciência e Letras, Universidade de São Paulo, Ribeirão Preto/SP, 2015.VASCONCELOS, Gilvânia de Oliveira Silva de. Desafios da educação crítica nas Ciências Agrárias: possibilidades e limites na versão Residência Agrária UFPB. 2015. 228 f. Tese (Doutorado em Educação) – Centro de Educação, Universidade Federal da Paraíba (UFPB), João Pessoa, 2015.VÁZQUEZ, Adolfo Sánchez. Filosofia da práxis. Buenos Aires: Clacso; São Paulo: Expressão Popular, 2007.ZART, Laudemir Luiz. Produção social do conhecimento na experiência do Curso de Agronomia dos Movimentos Sociais do Campo (Camosc): interação da Unemat e de Movimentos Sociais do Campo. 2012. 397 f. Tese (Doutorado em Política Científica e Tecnologia) – Instituto de Geociências, Universidade Estadual de Campinas (Unicamp), Campinas/SP, 2012.e4539138

Inclusion is part of the promotion and exercise of citizenship, and consequently promotes the warranty of rights to all for full social participation, in a fair and egalitarian manner. Considering the several legal mechanisms created to guarantee the equality of rights and the primordial role of education in establishing the inclusion movement, this study aimed to understand through the vision of students with disabilities the educational inclusion in the public university state of the interior of São Paulo (Brazil). The study had as participants five students. In order to reach the objectives, instrument was used to collect data, a semi-structured. The results suggest that the institution does not have an effective culture of accessibility, some barriers were evidenced, such as the lack of identification in the institutional documents of the real type of deficiency that the student; support actions that the institution takes too long to offer or offers through different means than what was requested by the students, and the architectural accessibility of the campus that is not sufficient for all students to have autonomy. However, it is verified that FCL has advanced in the process of inclusion of students with disabilities, as there are some actions by the institution towards an inclusive university. It is possible to observe advances and limits in the process of inclusion of institution.ResumoA inclusão faz parte da promoção e o exercício da cidadania, e consequentemente promove a garantia de direitos a todos para a plena participação social, de forma justa e igualitária. Tendo em vista os diversos mecanismos criados para garantir a igualdade de direitos e o papel primordial da educação para o movimento de inclusão, esse estudo teve como objetivo compreender por meio da visão de alunos com deficiência a inclusão em uma universidade pública do interior do estado de São Paulo. O estudo teve cinco alunos participantes. Para alcançar os objetivos foi utilizada para a coleta de dados uma entrevista semiestruturada. Os resultados sugerem que a instituição não possui uma cultura efetiva de inclusão, algumas barreiras foram evidenciadas, como a falta de identificação nos documentos institucionais do tipo real de deficiência do aluno; ações de suporte que a instituição demora a oferecer ou oferece por meios diferentes do que foi solicitado pelos alunos, e a acessibilidade arquitetônica do campus que não é suficiente para que todos os alunos tenham autonomia. No entanto, verifica-se que a Faculdade de Ciências e Letras tem avançado no processo de inclusão de alunos com deficiência, porque existem algumas ações por parte da instituição que caminham para uma universidade inclusiva. É possível constatar avanços e limites no processo de inclusão da instituição.Palavras-chave: Inclusão, Aluno com deficiência, Educação superior.Keywords: Inclusion, Student with disabilities, Higher education.ReferencesALMEIDA, J.G. A; BELLOSI, T.C; FERREIRA, E.L. Evolução da matrícula de pessoas com deficiência na educação superior brasileira: subsídios normativos e ações institucionais para acesso e permanência. Revista Ibero-Americana de Estudos em Educação. Araraquara, v.10 n.esp., p. 643-660, 2015.ANACHE, A. A.; ROVETTO, S. S. M.; OLIVEIRA, R. A. D. Desafios da implantação do atendimento educacional especializado no Ensino Superior. Revista Educação Especial. Santa Maria, v. 27, n.49, p. 299-312, maio/ago. 2014.BARDIN, L. Análise de conteúdo. 70. ed. Lisboa: Casagraf - artes gráficas Unipessoal, 2002. 280 p.BOGDAN, R.; BIKLEN, S. Investigação qualitativa em educação: uma introdução à teoria e aos métodos. Porto: Porto Editora, 1994. 336 p.BOURDIEU, P. Razões Práticas: Sobre a teoria da ação. 9 ed. Campinas: Papirus. 1996. 225 p.BRASIL. Ministério da Justiça. Decreto nº 3.298, de 20 de dezembro de 1999. Dispõe sobre a política nacional para integração da pessoa portadora de deficiência, consolida as normas de proteção, e dá outras providências. Diário Oficial da União, Brasília, p. 10, 21 dezembro 1999.BRASIL. Ministério da Educação. Secretaria de Educação Especial. Lei Nº. 10.436, de 24 de abril de 2002. Dispõe sobre a Língua Brasileira de Sinais – LIBRAS e dá outras providências. Diário Oficial da União, Brasilia, 24 de abril. 2002.BRASIL. Secretaria de Educação Especial. Portaria nº 3.284, de 7 de novembro de 2003. Dispõe sobre requisitos de acessibilidade de pessoas portadoras de deficiências, para instruir os processos de autorização e de reconhecimento de cursos, e de credenciamento de instituições. Diário Oficial da União, Brasília, DF, 11 novembro. 2003.BRASIL. Ministério da Educação. Secretaria de Educação Especial. Decreto n°5.626, de 22 de dezembro de 2005. Regulamenta a Lei n. 10.436, de 24 de abril de 2002, que dispõe sobre a Língua Brasileira de Sinais – Libras, e o art. 18 da Lei n. 10.098, de 19 de dezembro de 2000. Diário Oficial da União, Brasilia, 23 de dez. 2005. Disponível em: <http://www.planalto.gov.br/ccivil_03/_ato2004-2006/2005/decretod5626.htm>. Acesso em: 06 set. 2016.BRASIL. Ministério da Educação. Secretaria de Educação Especial. Saberes e práticas da inclusão: dificuldades acentuadas de aprendizagem – deficiência múltipla. Brasília: MEC/SEESP, 2004.BRASIL. Secretaria de Educação Superior. Edital nº 2. Programa Incluir. Diário Oficial da União, Brasília, DF, seção 3, p. 39-40, 17 maio 2005. Disponível em:<http://portal.mec.gov.br/sesu/index.php?option=content&task=view&id=557&Itemid=303> Acesso em: 24 agos. 2015.BRASIL. Ministério da Educação. Política Nacional de Educação Especial na perspectiva da educação Inclusiva. Brasília:MEC/SEESP, 2008. Disponível em: <http://peei.mec.gov.br/arquivos/politica_nacional_educacao_especial.pdf>. Acesso em 20 ago. 2015.BRASIL. Decreto nº 6.571, de 17 de setembro de 2008. Dispõe sobre o atendimento educacional especializado, regulamenta o parágrafo único do art. 60 da Lei no 9.394, de 20 de dezembro de 1996, e acrescenta dispositivo ao Decreto nº 6.253, de 13 de novembro de 2007. Diário Oficial da União, Brasília, DF, 18 set. 2008b.BRASIL. A educação especial na perspectiva da inclusão escolar: transtornos globais do desenvolvimento. Brasília: Ministério da Educação, Secretaria de Educação Especial- MEC, v. 9. (Fascículo IX. qxd). 2010.BRASIL. Decreto nº 7.611, de 17 de novembro de 2011. Dispõe sobre a educação especial, o atendimento educacional especializado e da outras providencias. Diário Oficial da União, Brasília, DF , 18 nov. 2011. Disponível em: <http://www.planalto.gov.br/ccivil_03_Ato2011-2014/2011/Decreto/D7611.htm#art11>. Acesso em 23 ago. 2016.BRASIL. Lei nº 13.146, de 06/07/2015. Institui a Lei Brasileira de Inclusão da Pessoa com Deficiência (Estatuto da pessoa com Deficiência). 2015b. Disponível em:<http://www.planalto.gov.br/ccivil_03/_Ato2015-2018/2015/Lei/L13146.htm> Acesso em: 19 ago. 2015.CALDAS, R. F. L. Fracasso escolar: reflexões sobre uma história antiga, mas atual. Psicologia: Teoria e Prática, São Paulo, v.7, n.1, p.21-33. 2005.CASTRO, S. F. Ingresso e permanência de alunos com deficiência em universidades públicas brasileiras. 2011. 278f. Tese (Doutorado em Educação Especial)- Centro de Educação e Ciências Humanas, Universidade Federal de São Carlos UFSCar, São Carlos, 2011.CHAHINI, T.H.C. Atitudes sociais e opiniões de professores e alunos da Universidade Federal do Maranhão em relação à inclusão de alunos com deficiência na educação superior. 2010. 132f. Tese (Doutorado em Educação) – Faculdade de Filosofia e Ciências, Universidade Estadual Paulista, Marília, 2010.CIANTELLI, A. P. C.; LEITE L. P. Ações Exercidas pelos Núcleos de Acessibilidade nas Universidades Federais Brasileiras. Revista Brasileira de Educação Especial, Marília, v. 22, n. 3, p. 413-428, jul./set., 2016.CORRÊA, P.M. Acessibilidade no ensino superior: instrumento para avaliação, satisfação dos alunos com deficiência e percepção de coordenadores de cursos. 2014. 281 f. Tese (Doutorado em Educação) – Faculdade de Filosofia e Ciências, Universidade Estadual Paulista, Marília, 2014.FERREIRA, L, R, C. Experiências vivenciadas por alunos com deficiência visual em instituições de ensino superior na cidade de Uberlândia (MG). 2010. 141f. Dissertação (Mestrado em Educação)- Faculdade de Educação, Universidade Federal de Uberlândia, Uberlândia, 2010.FERREIRA, G.; CABRAL FILHO, A. V. Movimentos Sociais e o Protagonismo das Pessoas com Deficiência. SER Social, v. 15, n. 32, p. 93-116, 30 set. 2013. Disponível em: https://periodicos.unb.br/index.php/SER_Social/article/view/13036 Acesso em: 10 out. 2017.IDEA. Federal Register, v71, n156, 2006. Disponível em: <http://idea.ed.gov/download/finalregulations.pdf>.Acesso em: 27 fev. 2017.LODI, A. C. B.; LACERDA, C. B. F. A inclusão escolar bilíngue de alunos surdos: princípios, breve histórico e perspectivas. In: LODI, A. C. B.; LACERDA, C. B. F. Uma escola duas línguas: letramento em língua portuguesa e língua de sinais nas etapas iniciais de escolarização. Porto Alegre: Mediação, 2009, p. 01-11.MANZINI, E, J. Acessibilidade: um aporte na legislação para o aprofundamento do tema na área da educação. In: BAPTISTA, C, R.; CAIADO, K, R. M.; JESUS, D, M. (Org.). Educação Especial: Diálogo e Pluralidade. Porto Alegre: Ed. Mediação, 2008. p. 281-289.MAZZONI, A, A. Deficiência X Participação: Um desafio para as universidades. 2003. 245f. Tese (Doutorado em Engenharia de Produção) – Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina, Florianópolis, 2003.MARQUES, L. D. S.; GOMES, C. Concordâncias/discordâncias acerca do processo inclusivo no Ensino Superior: um estudo exploratório. Revista Educação Especial, Santa Maria, v. 27, n. 49, p. 313-326. maio/ago. 2014. Disponível em: <http://dx.doi.org/10.5902/1984686X8842>. Acesso em: 02 set. 2015.MENDES, E.G. A radicalização do debate sobre inclusão escolar no Brasil. Revista Brasileira de Educação, Rio de Janeiro, v.11, n.33, p. 387-405, set./dez. 2006.MIRANDA, W, T, S. Inclusão no ensino superior: das políticas públicas aos programas de atendimento e apoio às pessoas com necessidades educacionais especiais. 2014. 183 f. Tese (Doutorado em Educação). Programa de Pós Graduação em Educação, Faculdade de Filosofia e Ciências, da Universidade Estadual Paulista, Júlio de Mesquita Filho, Marília, 2014.MOREIRA, L.C. Políticas inclusivas no Ensino Superior: da implementação à concretização. In: MENDES, G. E.; ALMEIDA, M. A. (Orgs). Dimensões pedagógicas nas práticas de inclusão escolar. Marília: ABPEE, 2012. p. 97-108.ROSSETO, E. Sujeitos com deficiência no Ensino Superior: vozes e significados. 2009. 238 f. Tese (Doutorado em Educação) – Faculdade de Educação, Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul, Porto Alegre, 2009.SANTANA, E.S. Atitudes de estudantes universitários frente a alunos com deficiência na UNESP de Presidente Prudente. 2013. 188 f. Tese (Doutorado em Educação) – Faculdade de Filosofia e Ciência, Universidade Estadual Paulista, Marília, 2013.VITALINO, C. R.; VALENTE S., M., P. A formação de professores reflexivos como condição necessária para inclusão de alunos com necessidades educacionais especiais. In: VITALINO, C. R. Formação de professores para a inclusão de alunos com necessidades educacionais especiais. Londrina: EDUEL, 2010.p. 34-48.e3627098

Compete ao Ministro Presidente do Supremo Tribunal Federal a apreciação de “questões urgentes” (art. 13, VIII, RISTF), nos períodos de recesso e nas férias coletivas dos ministros (janeiro e julho). Durante este breve momento, as normas acima referidas ampliam a competência decisória da Presidência do Tribunal, permitindo-lhe conhecer e decidir as mais diversas questões, bem como concentram todas as resoluções na pessoa de quem esteja no exercício da função neste período excepcional (Presidente ou Vice-Presidente). Mas como descrever o comportamento deste relevante ator jurídico-político durante este período, diante dos diversos modelos explicativos da denominada Política Judicial (Judicial Politics)? Para responder a esta pergunta, emprega-se uma metodologia exploratória e descritiva, com exposição das normas que regulam o papel do Presidente do Tribunal e suas atividades durante o recesso (modelo legal-institucional), com discussão – a partir de decisões tomadas (casos) – das suas possibilidades de interação com os demais atores políticos (modelo estratégico). Trata-se de análise de caso qualitativa, que aborda decisões tomadas durante os recessos de 2011, 2013, 2015, 2017 e 2018, abrangendo a Presidência de quatro Ministros do STF. Referida análise justifica-se pelo objetivo de compreender como é construída a concepção de urgência, para efeitos de atuação do Ministro Presidente durante o período excepcional. Conclui-se que, no puzzle da formação da agenda decisória judicial, o desenho normativo do Tribunal assegura ao Presidente instrumentos processuais que viabilizam uma ampla gama de possibilidades decisórias, explicativas da inserção deste ator específico no concerto entre os poderes da República e suas relações com a sociedade.

Desde as “Marchas de 2013” às Eleições Presidenciais de 2018, passando pelo Impeachment de Dilma Rousseff e a prisão do ex-presidente Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, “crise” é uma das palavras recorrentes na mídia e nas ruas. Esses eventos e suas impactantes consequências foram motivados como soluções para, assim declaradas, “crise política”, crise de representatividade”, “crise das instituições”. Contudo, supostas soluções para crises surtem efeitos inesperados e, em muitos casos, podem alimentar profecias autorrealizáveis. Talvez, esta seja a condição daquilo que há, aproximadamente, dois anos é chamado de “crise do Estado Democrático de Direito”. É a respeito dessa “crise”, bem como de uma de suas narrativas, que trata o livro Estado Pós-democrático: neo-obscurantismo e gestão dos indesejáveis, do juiz de direito Rubens Roberto Rebello Casara. A bem da verdade, Casara declara não haver uma crise do Estado Democrático de Direito no país, mas uma manipulação do conceito e de uma narrativa sobre as recentes condições políticas e jurídicas nacionais para camuflar a situação real: o estado de exceção. Rubens R. R. Casara é juiz de direito do Tribunal de Justiça do Rio de Janeiro. Professor no Programa de Pós-graduação Strictu Sensu em Saúde Pública da Escola Nacional de Saúde Pública Sergio Arouca/Fundação Oswaldo Cruz. O livro Estado Pós-democrático: neo-obscurantismo e gestão dos indesejáveis foi publicado pela editora Civilização Brasileira em 2017. Pela mesma editora, Casara publicou recentemente Sociedade sem Lei: pós-democracia, personalidade autoritária, idiotização e barbárie (2018)

Diante do desafio representado aos EUA pela ascensão de Hugo Chávez à presidência da Venezuela, analisa-se o histórico da política externa dos Estados Unidos da América (EUA) para a Venezuela desde o início dos anos 2000. O objetivo é verificar as mudanças e as continuidades da política externa dos EUA para a Venezuela conforme as mudanças de governo estadunidense e o contexto político venezuelano no período recente. Para tanto, a análise compreende os governos de George W. Bush (2001-2009) e Barack H. Obama (2009-2017). Nesse ínterim, o trabalho situa a política dos respectivos governos a três conjunturas venezuelanas: a tentativa de golpe de Estado contra Hugo Chávez em 2002, a consolidação do discurso antiestadunidense do governo chavista e a eclosão da crise generalizada instaurada na Venezuela após a morte de Chávez em 2013.Palavras-chave: Estados Unidos, Política Externa, Venezuela. ABSTRACTIn face of the challenge posed to the US by the rise of Hugo Chávez to Venezuela's presidency, this study aims to analyze the historical pattern of US foreign policy toward Venezuela since early 2000s. It seeks to verify shifts and continuities of US foreign policy toward Venezuela considering US government changes and Venezuelan political context. Therefore, the analysis comprises George W. Bush’s (2001-2009) and Barack H. Obama’s (2009-2017) administrations. Through this period, the research encompasses three different Venezuelan contexts: the Coup D’état attempt in 2002, the consolidation of Chávez’s government and his anti-American discourse e the outbreak of the crisis after Chávez’s death in 2013.Keywords: United States, Foreign Policy, Venezuela. Recebido em: 14 jan. 2020 | Aceito em: 23 jan. 2020.

O presente trabalho tem o objetivo de analisar como as ideias de criminalização da política defendida nas manifestações de 2013 reverberou nas produções literárias dos estudantes de um colégio estadual no sudoeste baiano. Neste estudo, tomou-se como objeto de pesquisa a influência das manifestações de 2013 nas produções estudantis. Para tanto, foi usado os referenciais de Souza (2016, 2017, 2018) quando afirma que as manifestações de 2013 foi o início do cerco ideológico que resultaram no impedimento da presidenta eleita. O estudo identificou a existência de um elo de influências entre as manifestações e as ideias defendidas pelos estudantes. Identificou-se que os alunos foram vítimas da violência simbólica ao fazerem a defesa das ideias da elite financeira influenciados pela cobertura jornalística realizada pela grande mídia. Além disso, percebeu-se que os estudantes, na luta de classes, se colocaram a favor daqueles que queriam interromper a ascensão social de sua classe. Dessa forma, percebe-se a importância deste estudo visto que à medida que o estudante compreende a dinâmica de manipulação em que está inserido poderá ser capaz de desenvolver a consciência crítica e superar a ideologia da opressão, da consciência ingênua e acrítica.

El Tribunal Constitucional, con su Sentencia núm. 108/2017, de 21 de septiembre, ha declarado inconstitucional la Ley del Parlamento de Cataluña 8/2015, de 10 de junio, de creación del municipio de Medinyà. Se trata de una localidad de la provincia de Girona que ha luchado desde la década de 1970 por su segregación municipal, llegando incluso a tramitarse un expediente singularmente convulso que acabó siendo denegado en 2003 por carecer la población de suficientes habitantes. Su creación mediante ley fue concebida entonces como la única posibilidad para satisfacer las aspiraciones de Medinyà. Sin embargo, interpuesto recurso por el Presidente del Gobierno, el Tribunal Constitucional llega a la conclusión de que la Ley de creación del municipio de Medinyà incurre en un vicio insalvable de inconstitucionalidad mediata al no respetar el mínimum demográfico que para la constitución de nuevos municipios contempla la normativa básica del Estado sobre régimen local desde su reforma de 2013. El razonamiento del Tribunal es muy claro, pero su pronunciamiento no despeja en absoluto las dudas que genera el modo cómo tendrá que cumplirse.

Ecuador desde el 2007 y hasta el 24 de mayo de 2021, estará gobernado por un proyecto político denominado: La Revolución Ciudadana (Alianza País-Listas 35), partido que ha sufrido una serie de discrepancias y el distanciamiento del presidente L. Moreno. Este artículo usa los postulados del Análisis del Discurso, relacionados con las estructuras semánticas, compuestas de complejidad léxica, uso de superlativos y tendencias ideológicas para analizar los mensajes emitidos por Rafael Correa Delgado (2006-2009-2013) y Lenin Moreno Garcés (2017), considerando tres momentos: 1. Campaña electoral, 2. Plan de gobierno y 3. Toma del poder. Sistematiza las promesas usadas en el discurso según los tres momentos mencionados, para luego analizar de manera cronológica y cualitativa las ofertas que lograron cristalizarse durante el ejercicio del poder presidencial. Existe un cambio progresivo del discurso público, debido a dos variantes, la primera asegurar la permanencia en el poder y la segunda, justificar la situación de crisis del país, pero en cualquiera de los casos siempre está conectada con el discurso populista. En el discurso de Rafael Correa se identifica una estrategia definida ideológicamente. Mientras que Lenin Moreno tiende a improvisar, usando un discurso variable, sin conceptos concretos, ni estratégicos.

In light of an ongoing debate over the authorship of the Redfern address (was it then Prime Minister Paul Keating or his speechwriter, Don Watson, who was responsible for this historic piece?), the authors of this article consider notions of ownership, authorship, and acknowledgement as they relate to the crafting, delivery, and reception of historical political speeches. There is focus, too, on the often-remarkable partnership that evolves between speechwriters and those who deliver the work. We argue that by drawing on the expertise of an artist or—in the case of the article at hand—speechwriter, collaboration facilitates the ‘translation’ of the politician’s or patron’s vision into a delivered reality. The article therefore proposes that while a speech, perhaps like a commissioned painting or sculpture, may be understood as the product of a highly synergistic collaboration between patron and producer, the power-bearer nonetheless retains essential ‘ownership’ of the material. This, we argue, is something other than the process of authorship adumbrated above. Leaving aside, for the present, the question of ownership, the context in which a speech is written and given may well intensify questions of authorship: the more politically significant or charged the context, the greater the potential impact of a speech and the more at stake in terms of its authorship. In addition to its focus on the latter, this article therefore also reflects on the considerable cultural resonance of the speech in question and, in so doing, assesses its significant impact on Australian reconciliation discourse. In arriving at our conclusions, we employ a method assemblage approach including analogy, comparison, historical reference, and interview. Comprising a range of investigative modalities such as those employed by us, John Law argues that a “method assemblage” is essentially a triangulated form of primary and secondary research facilitating the interrogation of social phenomena that do not easily yield to more traditional modes of research (Law 7). The approach is all the more relevant to this article since through it an assessment of the speech’s historical significance may be made. In particular, this article extensively compares the collaboration between Keating and Watson to that of United States President John F. Kennedy and Special Counsel and speechwriter Ted Sorensen. As the article reveals, this collaboration produced a number of Kennedy’s historic speeches and was mutually acknowledged as a particularly important relationship. Moreover, because both Sorensen and Watson were also key advisers to the leaders of their respective nations, the comparison is doubly fertile.On 10 December 1992 then Prime Minister Paul Keating launched the International Year of the World’s Indigenous People by delivering an address now recognised as a landmark in Australian, and even global, oratory. Alan Whiticker, for instance, includes the address in his Speeches That Shaped the Modern World. Following brief instruction from Keating (who was scheduled to give two orations on 10 December), the Prime Minister’s speechwriter and adviser, Don Watson, crafted the speech over the course of one evening. The oration that ensued was history-making: Keating became the first of all who held his office to declare that non-Indigenous Australians had dispossessed Aboriginal people; an unequivocal admission in which the Prime Minister confessed: “we committed the murders” (qtd. in Whiticker 331). The impact of this cannot be overstated. A personal interview with Jennifer Beale, an Indigenous Australian who was among the audience on that historic day, reveals the enormous significance of the address:I felt the mood of the crowd changed … when Keating said “we took the traditional lands” … . “we committed [the murders]” … [pauses] … I was so amazed to be standing there hearing a Prime Minister saying that… And I felt this sort of wave go over the crowd and they started actually paying attention… I’d never in my life heard … anyone say it like that: we did this, to you… (personal communication, 15 Dec. 2016)Later in the interview, when recalling a conversation in the Channel Seven newsroom where she formerly worked, Beale recalls a senior reporter saying that, with respect to Aboriginal history, there had been a ‘conservative cover up.’ Given the broader context (her being interviewed by the present authors about the Redfern Address) Beale’s response to that exchange is particularly poignant: “…it’s very rare that I have had these experiences in my life where I have been … [pauses at length] validated… by non-Aboriginal people” (op. cit.).The speech, then, is a crucial bookend in Australian reconciliation discourse, particularly as an admission of egregious wrongdoing to be addressed (Foye). The responding historical bookend is, of course, Kevin Rudd’s 2008 ‘Apology to the Stolen Generations’. Forming the focal point of the article at hand, the Redfern Address is significant for another reason: that is, as the source of a now historical controversy and very public (and very bitter) falling out between politician and speechwriter.Following the publication of Watson’s memoir Recollections of a Bleeding Heart, Keating denounced the former as having broken an unwritten contract that stipulates the speechwriter has the honour of ‘participating in the endeavour and the power in return for anonymity and confidentiality’ (Keating). In an opinion piece appearing in the Sydney Morning Herald, Keating argued that this implied contract is central to the speech-writing process:This is how political speeches are written, when the rapid business of government demands mass writing. A frequency of speeches that cannot be individually scripted by the political figure or leader giving them… After a pre-draft conference on a speech—canvassing the kind of things I thought we should say and include—unless the actual writing was off the beam, I would give the speech more or less off the printer… All of this only becomes an issue when the speechwriter steps from anonymity to claim particular speeches or words given to a leader or prime minister in the privacy of the workspace. Watson has done this. (Keating)Upon the release of After Words, a collection of Keating’s post-Prime Ministerial speeches, senior writer for The Australian, George Megalogenis opined that the book served to further Keating’s argument: “Take note, Don Watson; Keating is saying, ‘I can write’” (30). According to Phillip Adams, Keating once bluntly declared “I was in public life for twenty years without Don Watson and did pretty well” (154). On the subject of the partnership’s best-known speech, Keating claims that while Watson no doubt shared the sentiments invoked in the Redfern Address, “in the end, the vector force of the power and what to do with it could only come from me” (Keating).For his part, Watson has challenged Keating’s claim to being the rightfully acknowledged author of the Redfern Address. In an appearance on the ABC’s Q&A he asserted authorship of the material, listing other famous historical exponents of his profession who had taken credit for their place at the wheel of government: “I suppose I could say that while I was there, really I was responsible for the window boxes in Parliament House but, actually, I was writing speeches as speechwriters do; as Peggy Noonan did for Ronald Reagan; as Graham Freudenberg did for three or four Prime Ministers, and so on…” (Watson). Moreover, as Watson has suggested, a number of prominent speechwriters have gone on to take credit for their work in written memoirs. In an opinion piece in The Australian, Denis Glover observes that: “great speechwriters always write such books and have the good sense to wait until the theatre has closed, as Watson did.” A notable example of this after-the-era approach is Ted Sorensen’s Counselor in which the author nonetheless remains extraordinarily humble—observing that reticence, or ‘a passion for anonymity’, should characterise the posture of the Presidential speechwriter (131).In Counselor, Sorensen discusses his role as collaborator with Kennedy—likening the relationship between political actor and speechwriter to that between master and apprentice (130). He further observes that, like an apprentice, a speechwriter eventually learns to “[imitate] the style of the master, ultimately assisting him in the execution of the final work of art” (op. cit., 130-131). Unlike Watson’s claim to be the ‘speechwriter’—a ‘master’, of sorts—Sorensen more modestly declares that: “for eleven years, I was an apprentice” (op. cit., 131). At some length Sorensen focuses on this matter of anonymity, and the need to “minimize” his role (op. cit.). Reminiscent of the “unwritten contract” (see above) that Keating declares broken by Watson, Sorensen argues that his “reticence was [and is] the result of an implicit promise that [he] vowed never to break…” (op. cit.). In implying that the ownership of the speeches to which he contributed properly belongs to his President, Sorensen goes on to state that “Kennedy did deeply believe everything I helped write for him, because my writing came from my knowledge of his beliefs” (op. cit. 132). As Herbert Goldhamer observes in The Adviser, this knowing of a leader’s mind is central to the advisory function: “At times the adviser may facilitate the leader’s inner dialogue…” (15). The point is made again in Sorensen’s discussion of his role in the writing of Kennedy’s Profiles in Courage. In response to a charge that he [Sorensen] had ghost-written the book, Sorensen confessed that he might have privately boasted of having written much of it. (op. cit., 150) But he then goes on to observe that “the book’s concept was his [Kennedy’s], and that the selection of stories was his.” (op. cit.). “Like JFK’s speeches”, Sorensen continues, “Profiles in Courage was a collaboration…” (op. cit.).Later in Counselor, when discussing Kennedy’s inaugural address, it is interesting to note that Sorensen is somewhat less modest about the question of authorship. While the speech was and is ‘owned’ by Kennedy (the President requested its crafting, received it, edited the final product many times, and—with considerable aplomb—delivered it in the cold midday air of 20 January 1961), when discussing the authorship of the text Sorensen refers to the work of Thurston Clarke and Dick Tofel who independently conclude that the speech was a collaborative effort (op. cit. 227). Sorensen notes that while Clarke emphasised the President’s role and Tofel emphasised his own, the matter of who was principal craftsman will—and indeed should—remain forever clouded. To ensure that it will permanently remain so, following a discussion with Kennedy’s widow in 1965, Sorensen destroyed the preliminary manuscript. And, when pressed about the similarities between it and the final product (which he insists was revised many times by the President), he claims not to recall (op. cit. 227). Interestingly, Robert Dallek argues that while ‘suggestions of what to say came from many sources’, ‘the final version [of the speech] came from Kennedy’s hand’ (324). What history does confirm is that both Kennedy and Sorensen saw their work as fundamentally collaborative. Arthur Schlesinger Jr. records Kennedy’s words: “Ted is indispensable to me” (63). In the same volume, Schlesinger observes that the relationship between Sorensen and Kennedy was ‘special’ and that Sorensen felt himself to have a unique facility to know [Kennedy’s] mind and to ‘reproduce his idiom’ (op.cit.). Sorensen himself makes the point that his close friendship with the President made possible the success of the collaboration, and that this “could not later be replicated with someone else with whom [he] did not have that same relationship” (131). He refers, of course, to Lyndon Johnson. Kennedy’s choice of advisers (including Sorensen as Special Counsel) was, then, crucial—although he never ceded to Sorensen sole responsibility for all speechwriting. Indeed, as we shortly discuss, at critical junctures the President involved others (including Schlesinger, Richard Goodwin, and Myer Feldman) in the process of speech-craft and, on delivery day, sometimes departed from the scripts proffered.As was the case with Keating’s, creative tension characterised Kennedy’s administration. Schlesinger Jr. notes that it was an approach practiced early, in Kennedy’s strategy of keeping separate his groups of friends (71). During his Presidency, this fostering of creative tension extended to the drafting of speeches. In a special issue of Time, David von Drehle notes that the ‘Peace’ speech given 10 June 1963 was “prepared by a tight circle of advisers” (97). Still, even here, Sorensen’s role remained pivotal. One of those who worked on that speech (commonly regarded as Kennedy’s finest) was William Forster, Director of the Arms Control and Disarmament Agency. As indicated by the conditional “I think” in “Ted Sorensen, I think, sat up all night…”, Forster somewhat reluctantly concedes that while a group was involved, Sorensen’s contribution was central: “[Sorensen], with his remarkable ability to polish and write, was able to send each of us and the President the final draft about six or seven in the morning…” (op. cit.).In most cases, however, it fell on Sorensen alone to craft the President’s speeches. While Sorenson’s mind surely ‘rolled in unison’ with Kennedy’s (Schlesinger Jr. 597), and while Sorensen’s words dominated the texts, the President would nonetheless annotate scripts, excising redundant material and adding sentences. In the case of less formal orations, the President was capable of all but abandoning the script (a notable example was his October 1961 oration to mark the publication of the first four volumes of the John Quincy Adams papers) but for orations of national or international significance there remained a sense of careful collaboration between Kennedy and Sorensen. Yet, even in such cases, the President’s sense of occasion sometimes encouraged him to set aside his notes. As Arthur Schlesinger Jr. observes, Kennedy had an instinctive feel for language and often “spoke extemporaneously” (op. cit.). The most memorable example, of course, is the 1961 speech in Berlin where Kennedy (appalled by the erection of the Berlin Wall, and angry over the East’s churlish covering of the Brandenburg Gate) went “off-script and into dangerous diplomatic waters” (Tubridy 85). But the risky departure paid off in the form of a TKO against Chairman Khrushchev. In late 1960, following two independent phone calls concerning the incarceration of Martin Luther King, Kennedy had remarked to John Galbraith that “the best strategies are always accidental”—an approach that appears to have found its way into his formal rhetoric (Schlesinger Jr. 67).Ryan Tubridy, author of JFK in Ireland, observes that “while the original draft of the Berlin Wall speech had been geared to a sense of appeasement that acknowledged the Wall’s presence as something the West might have to accept, the ad libs suggested otherwise” (85). Referencing Arthur Schlesinger Jr.’s account of the delivery, Tubridy notes that the President’s aides observed the orator’s rising emotion—especially when departing from the script as written:There are some who say that Communism is the way of the future. Let them come to Berlin. And there are some who say in Europe and elsewhere we can work with the Communists. Let them come to Berlin … Freedom has many difficulties and democracy is not perfect, but we have never had to put up a wall to keep our people in.That the speech defined Kennedy’s presidency even more than did his inaugural address is widely agreed, and the President’s assertion “Ich bin ein Berliner” is one that has lived on now for over fifty years. The phrase was not part of the original script, but an addition included at the President’s request by Kennedy’s translator Robert Lochner.While this phrase and the various additional departures from the original script ‘make’ the speech, they are nonetheless part of a collaborative whole the nature of which we adumbrate above. Furthermore, it is a mark of the collaboration between speechwriter and speech-giver that on Air Force One, as they flew from West Germany to Ireland, Kennedy told Sorensen: “We’ll never have another day like this as long as we live” (op. cit. 88; Dallek 625). The speech, then, was a remarkable joint enterprise—and (at least privately) was acknowledged as such.It seems unlikely that Keating will ever (even semi-publicly) acknowledge the tremendous importance of Watson to his Prime Ministership. There seems not to have been a ‘Don is indispensable to me’ moment, but according to the latter the former Prime Minister did offer such sentiment in private. In an unguarded moment, Keating allegedly said that Watson would “be able to say that [he, Watson, was] the puppet master for the biggest puppet in the land” (Watson 290). If this comment was indeed offered, then Keating, much like Kennedy, (at least once) privately acknowledged the significant role that his speechwriter played in his administration. Watson, for his part, was less reticent. On the ABC’s Q&A of 29 August 2011 he assessed the relationship as being akin to a [then] “requited” love. Of course, above and beyond private or public acknowledgement of collaboration is tangible evidence of such: minuted meetings between speechwriter and speech-giver and instructions to the speechwriter that appear, for example, in a politician’s own hand. Perhaps more importantly, the stamp of ownership on a speech can be signalled by marginalia concerning delivery and in the context of the delivery itself: the engagement of emphases, pause, and the various paralinguistic phenomena that can add so much character to—and very much define—a written text. By way of example we reference again the unique and impassioned delivery of the Berlin speech, above. And beyond this again, as also suggested, are the non-written departures from a script that further put the stamp of ownership on an oration. In the case of Kennedy, it is easy to trace such marginalia and resultant departures from scripted material but there is little evidence that Keating either extensively annotated or extemporaneously departed from the script in question. However, as Tom Clark points out, while there are very few changes to Watson’s words there are fairly numerous “annotations that mark up timing, emphasis, and phrase coherence.” Clark points out that Keating had a relatively systematic notational schema “to guide him in the speech performance” (op. cit.). In engaging a musical analogy (an assemblage device that we ourselves employ), he opines that these scorings, “suggest a powerful sense of fidelity to the manuscript as authoritative composition” (op. cit.). While this is so, we argue—and one can easily conceive Keating arguing—that they are also marks of textual ownership; the former Prime Minister’s ‘signature’ on the piece. This is a point to which we return. For now, we note that matters of stress, rhythm, intonation, gesture, and body language are crucial to the delivery of a speech and reaffirm the point that it is in its delivery that an adroitly rendered text might come to life. As Sorensen (2008) reflects:I do not dismiss the potential of the right speech on the right topic delivered by the right speaker in the right way at the right moment. It can ignite a fire, change men’s minds, open their eyes, alter their votes, bring hope to their lives, and, in all these ways, change the world. I know. I saw it happen. (143)We argue that it is in its delivery to (and acceptance by) the patron and in its subsequent delivery by the patron to an audience that a previously written speech (co-authored, or not) may be ‘owned’. As we have seen, with respect to questions of authorship or craftsmanship, analogies (another device of method assemblage) with the visual and musical arts are not uncommon—and we here offer another: a reference to the architectural arts. When a client briefs an architect, the architect must interpret the client’s vision. Once the blueprints are passed to the client and are approved, the client takes ownership of work that has been, in a sense, co-authored. Ownership and authorship are not the same, then, and we suggest that it is the interstices that the tensions between Keating and Watson truly lie.In crafting the Redfern address, there is little doubt that Watson’s mind rolled in unison with the Prime Minister’s: invisible, intuited ‘evidence’ of a fruitful collaboration. As the former Prime Minister puts it: “Watson and I actually write in very similar ways. He is a prettier writer than I am, but not a more pungent one. So, after a pre-draft conference on a speech—canvassing the kind of things I thought we should say and include—unless the actual writing was off the beam, I would give the speech more or less off the printer” (Keating). As one of the present authors has elsewhere observed, “Watson sensed the Prime Minister’s mood and anticipated his language and even the pattern of his voice” (Foye 19). Here, there are shades of the Kennedy/Sorensen partnership. As Schlesinger Jr. observes, Kennedy and Sorensen worked so closely together that it became impossible to know which of them “originated the device of staccato phrases … or the use of balanced sentences … their styles had fused into one” (598). Moreover, in responding to a Sunday Herald poll asking readers to name Australia’s great orators, Denise Davies remarked, “Watson wrote the way Keating thought and spoke” (qtd. in Dale 46). Despite an uncompromising, pungent, title—‘On that historic day in Redfern, the words I spoke were mine’—Keating’s SMH op-ed of 26 August 2010 nonetheless offers a number of insights vis-a-vis the collaboration between speechwriter and speech-giver. To Keating’s mind (and here we might reflect on Sorensen’s observation about knowing the beliefs of the patron), the inspiration for the Prime Minister’s Redfern Address came from conversations between he and Watson.Keating relates an instance when, on a flight crossing outback Western Australia, he told Watson that “we will never really get Australia right until we come to terms with them (Keating).” “Them”, Keating explains, refers to Aborigines. Keating goes on to suggest that by “come to terms”, he meant “owning up to dispossession” (op. cit.)—which is precisely what he did, to everyone’s great surprise, in the speech itself. Keating observes: I remember well talking to Watson a number of times about stories told to me through families [he] knew, of putting “dampers” out for Aborigines. The dampers were hampers of poisoned food provided only to murder them. I used to say to Watson that this stuff had to be owned up to. And it was me who established the inquiry into the Stolen Generation that Kevin Rudd apologised to. The generation who were taken from their mothers.So, the sentiments that “we did the dispossessing … we brought the diseases, the alcohol, that we committed the murders and took the children from their mothers” were my sentiments. P.J. Keating’s sentiments. They may have been Watson’s sentiments also. But they were sentiments provided to a speechwriter as a remit, as an instruction, as guidance as to how this subject should be dealt with in a literary way. (op. cit.)While such conversations might not accurately be called “guidance” (something more consciously offered as such) or “instruction” (as Keating declares), they nonetheless offer to the speechwriter a sense of the trajectory of a leader’s thoughts and sentiments. As Keating puts it, “the sentiments of the speech, that is, the core of its authority and authorship, were mine” (op. cit.). As does Sorensen, Keating argues that that such revelation is a source of “power to the speechwriter” (op. cit.). This he buttresses with more down to earth language: conversations of this nature are “meat and drink”, “the guidance from which the authority and authorship of the speech ultimately derives” (op. cit.). Here, Keating gets close to what may be concluded: while authorship might, to a significant extent, be contingent on the kind of interaction described, ownership is absolutely contingent on authority. As Keating asserts, “in the end, the vector force of the power and what to do with it could only come from me” (op. cit.). In other words, no Prime Minister with the right sentiments and the courage to deliver them publicly (i.e. Keating), no speech.On the other hand, we also argue that Watson’s part in crafting the Redfern Address should not be downplayed, requiring (as the speech did) his unique writing style—called “prettier” by the former Prime Minister. More importantly, we argue that the speech contains a point of view that may be attributed to Watson more than Keating’s description of the speechwriting process might suggest. In particular, the Redfern Address invoked a particular interpretation of Australian history that can be attributed to Watson, whose manuscript Keating accepted. Historian Manning Clark had an undeniable impact on Watson’s thinking and thus the development of the Redfern address. Per Keating’s claim that he himself had “only read bits and pieces of Manning’s histories” (Curran 285), the basis for this link is actual and direct: Keating hired Clark devotee Watson as a major speech writer on the same day that Clark died in 1991 (McKenna 71). McKenna’s examination of Clark’s history reveals striking similarities with the rhetoric at the heart of the Redfern address. For example, in his 1988 essay The Beginning of Wisdom, Clark (in McKenna) announces:Now we are beginning to take the blinkers off our eyes. Now we are ready to face the truth about our past, to acknowledge that the coming of the British was the occasion of three great evils: the violence against the original inhabitants of the of the country, the Aborigines, the violence against the first European labour force in Australia, the convicts and the violence done to the land itself. (71)As the above quote demonstrates, echoes of Clark’s denouncement of Australia’s past are evident in the Redfern Address’ rhetoric. While Keating is correct to suggest that Watson and he shared the sentiments behind the Address, it may be said that it took Watson—steeped as he was in Clark’s understanding of history and operating closely as he did with the Prime Minister—to craft the Redfern Address. Notwithstanding the concept of ownership, Keating’s claim that the “vector force” for the speech could only come from him unreasonably diminishes Watson’s role.ConclusionThis article has considered the question of authorship surrounding the 1992 Redfern Address, particularly in view of the collaborative nature of speechwriting. The article has also drawn on the analogous relationship between President Kennedy and his Counsel, Ted Sorensen—an association that produced historic speeches. Here, the process of speechwriting has been demonstrated to be a synergistic collaboration between speechwriter and speech-giver; a working partnership in which the former translates the vision of the latter into words that, if delivered appropriately, capture audience attention and sympathy. At its best, this collaborative relationship sees the emergence of a synergy so complete that it is impossible to discern who wrote what (exactly). While the speech carries the imprimatur and original vision of the patron/public actor, this originator nonetheless requires the expertise of one (or more) who might give shape, clarity, and colour to what might amount to mere instructive gesture—informed, in the cases of Sorensen and Watson, by years of conversation. While ‘ownership’ of a speech then ultimately rests with the power-bearer (Keating requested, received, lightly edited, ‘scored’, and delivered—with some minor ad libbing, toward the end—the Redfern text), the authors of this article consider neither Keating nor Watson to be the major scribe of the Redfern Address. Indeed, it was a distinguished collaboration between these figures that produced the speech: a cooperative undertaking similar to the process of writing this article itself. Moreover, because an Australian Prime Minister brought the plight of Indigenous Australians to the attention of their non-Indigenous counterparts, the address is seminal in Australian history. It is, furthermore, an exquisitely crafted document. And it was also delivered with style. As such, the Redfern Address is memorable in ways similar to Kennedy’s inaugural, Berlin, and Peace speeches: all products of exquisite collaboration and, with respect to ownership, emblems of rare leadership.ReferencesAdams, Phillip. Backstage Politics: Fifty Years of Political Memories. London: Viking, 2010.Beale, Jennifer. Personal interview. 15 Dec. 2016.Clark, Tom. “Paul Keating’s Redfern Park Speech and Its Rhetorical Legacy.” Overland 213 (Summer 2013). <https://overland.org.au/previous-issues/issue-213/feature-tom-clarke/ Accessed 16 January 2017>.Curran, James. The Power of Speech: Australian Prime Ministers Defining the National Image. Melbourne: Melbourne UP, 2004.Dale, Denise. “Speech Therapy – How Do You Rate the Orators.” Sun Herald, 9 Mar.2008: 48.Dallek, Robert. An Unfinished Life: John F. Kennedy 1917-1963. New York: Little Brown, 2003.Foye, Jonathan. Visions and Revisions: A Media Analysis of Reconciliation Discourse, 1992-2008. Honours Thesis. Sydney: Western Sydney University, 2009.Glover, Denis. “Redfern Speech Flatters Writer as Well as Orator.” The Australian 27 Aug. 2010. 15 Jan. 2017 <http://www.theaustralian.com.au/national-affairs/opinion/redfern-speech-flatters-writer-as-well-as-orator/news-story/b1f22d73f67c29f33231ac9c8c21439b?nk=33a002f4d3de55f3508954382de2c923-1489964982>.Goldhamer, Herbert. The Adviser. Amsterdam: Elsevier, 1978.Keating, Paul. “On That Historic Day in Redfern the Words I Spoke Were Mine.” Sydney Morning Herald 26 Aug. 2010. 15 Jan. 2017 <http://www.smh.com.au/federal-politics/political-opinion/on-that-historic-day-in-redfern-the-words-i-spoke-were-mine-20100825-13s5w.html>.———. “Redfern Address.” Address to mark the International Year of the World's Indigenous People. Sydney: Redfern Park, 10 Dec. 1992. Law, John. After Method: Mess in Social Science Research. New York: Routledge, 2004. McKenna, Mark. “Metaphors of Light and Darkness: The Politics of ‘Black Armband’ History.” Melbourne Journal of Politics 25.1 (1998): 67-84.Megalogenis, George. “The Book of Paul: Lessons in Leadership.” The Monthly, Nov. 2011: 28-34.Schlesinger Jr., Arthur M. A Thousand Days: John F. Kennedy in the White House. Andre Deutsch, 1967.Sorensen, Ted. Counselor: A Life at the Edge of History. New York: Harper Collins, 2008.Tubridy, Ryan. JFK in Ireland. New York: Harper Collins, 2010.Watson, Don. Recollections of a Bleeding Heart: A Portrait of Paul Keating PM. Milsons Point: Knopf, 2002.———. Q&A. ABC TV, 29 Aug. 2011.Whiticker, Alan. J. Speeches That Shaped the Modern World. New York: New Holland, 2005.Von Drehle, David. JFK: His Enduring Legacy. Time Inc Specials, 2013.

El presente caso relata el proceso de reestructuración corporativa del Grupo SMU, ligado a la industria chilena de supermercados minoristas, detonado por una situación interna provocada por ineficiencias operativas posteriores a un agresivo proceso de adquisiciones ocurrido entre los años 2007 y 2012. Esta problemática la experimentó el Grupo SMU, quien a través de una política de “Buy and Build” se convirtió en el tercer actor de la industria de supermercados en Chile a finales del año 2012. Si bien esta estrategia le permitió afianzar la posición competitiva del conglomerado, causó un crecimiento inorgánico que ocultó las diferencias en el desempeño operacional de las diferentes cadenas y no permitió el aprovechamiento de sinergias propias en el proceso de consolidación de un holding. Por ello, a mediados del año 2013, la falta de definición en la estrategia competitiva de SMU tuvo como consecuencia un fuerte debilitamiento en su posición financiera debido al significativo endeudamiento que se utilizaba para financiar las adquisiciones, así como por la insuficiente generación de flujos de caja. 
 Por otro lado, comparado con los dos principales actores de la industria, SMU mostraba menores niveles de rentabilidad y de ventas por metro cuadrado. Así, para hacer frente a la crisis, SMU implementó un plan estratégico trianual (2014-2016) sobre el fortalecimiento de tres pilares fundamentales: financiero, operacional y comercial, cuya meta era devolver la viabilidad financiera al conglomerado a finales del año 2016. Tras la implementación de dicho plan, SMU logró una mejora a nivel operacional y comercial. Sin embargo, en los primeros meses de 2017 las Clasificadoras de Riesgo aún tenían dudas sobre el desempeño futuro de SMU y su capacidad de gestión de la crisis. Por ello, Álvaro Saieh, quien se desempeñaba en ese momento como presidente del Directorio de la empresa, tenía diversas interrogantes relacionadas principalmente a si: ¿Fue exitoso el plan de reestructuración operacional y estratégico que llevó a cabo SMU en los últimos tres años? ¿Cuáles serían las variables críticas para asegurar la sostenibilidad de la compañía y su crecimiento en los próximos años? ¿Volveré a ser cuestionado como en 2013? Finalmente, ¿qué posibilidades tengo para crear valor corporativo en el futuro?

A crise sanitária da Covid-19 desencadeou um conjunto de reações emergenciais em todo mundo. O rápido espalhamento da doença em nível global pode ser evidenciado pelo curto prazo entre a primeira notificação oficial da Organização Mundial de Saúde (OMS) sobre o surgimento de uma misteriosa pneumonia em Wuhan, na China, em 31 de dezembro de 2019, e a declaração oficial da mesma organização de que estava em curso uma pandemia, em 11 de março de 2020 Essa rápida evolução impôs a adoção de respostas rápidas em diversos campos de atuação governamental. Conforme descreveram Hale et al. (2020), em iniciativa de pesquisa de escala mundial promovida pela Blavatnik School of Goverment, da Universidade de Oxford, foram identificadas medidas sanitárias (investimentos de emergência em saúde e em vacinas), de isolamento e distanciamento social (fechamento de escolas, locais de trabalho, do transporte público, restrições de movimento interno de pessoas, cancelamento de eventos públicos e controle de viagens internacionais), econômicas (medidas fiscais e monetárias) e de comunicação governamental (campanhas de informação pública). Nesse sentido, diversos especialistas, particularmente na área de epidemiologia e infectologia, tornaram-se atores centrais para auxiliar governos durante o processo decisório de adoção de medidas de mitigação e enfretamento da crise. Em muitos casos, houve a constituição de instâncias formais de consulta a especialistas, no formato de conselhos e comitês dedicados ao assessoramento de dirigentes governamentais. A criação dessas instâncias e sua utilização durante o processo decisório tem sido enfatizada no discurso político, o que remete para os diversos papeis que a mobilização de evidências científicas pode assumir no policy making (Amara, Ouimet e Landry, 2004; Parkhurst, 2017) No caso brasileiro, um elemento adicional a ser considerado é a multiplicidade de governos decorrente do federalismo. O federalismo brasileiro conferiu a estados e municípios autonomia política para implementar um conjunto de ações governamentais em diversos campos de políticas públicas, muito embora a formulação tenha se mantido centralizada em nível federal, que acumula extenso rol de temáticas cuja normatização é competência privativa da União (Arretche, 2013; Soares e Machado, 2018). No âmbito da crise sanitária em curso, em 23 de março de 2020, o Partido Democrático Trabalhista (PDT) ajuizou a Ação Direta de Inconstitucionalidade (ADI) no 6.341 no Supremo Tribunal Federal (STF), questionando dispositivos da Medida Provisória 926/2020. No dia seguinte, o ministro Marco Aurélio proferiu liminar ressaltando a competência concorrente de estados, municípios e do Distrito Federal em questões relacionadas à saúde pública, conforme disposto no art. 23, inciso II, da Constituição Federal. Em 15 de abril de 2020, por maioria, o plenário do STF referendou esse entendimento Assim, cabe ao governo federal legislar em âmbito nacional, resguardada a autonomia de governadores e prefeitos para legislar em seus territórios específicos. Desse modo, não cabe ao Presidente da República, por exemplo, a definição por decreto de serviços e atividades essenciais que seja obrigatória para todos os entes federados. Foi reiterada, portanto, a autonomia política dos entes subnacionais para estabelecer medidas necessárias ao enfretamento da crise, às quais correspondem, no caso desses governos, principalmente às medidas de distanciamento e isolamento nacional. Esse cenário acentua a necessidade de exploração, no caso brasileiro, de como as decisões têm sido tomadas em âmbito subnacional e qual o papel concebido aos especialistas e às eventuais instâncias criadas para interlocução entre academia e gestão no enfrentamento da crise. Esta Nota Técnica tem como objetivo geral responder à seguinte pergunta de pesquisa: onde, a partir de quando e por que meios institucionais tem se dado a participação de especialistas para assessoramento científico dos gestores estaduais no enfrentamento da Covid-19? Os objetivos específicos dessa proposta são os seguintes: • investigar como instâncias formais de assessoramento têm se constituído e se há um assento formal para especialistas; • propor um indicador de classificação das instâncias de assessoramento em âmbito subnacional (ex. natureza da interação, nível de recursos, composição); e • investigar os efeitos da coordenação regional sobre as capacidades analíticas dos governos estaduais, tomando como referência o Consórcio do Nordeste A próxima seção discutirá como comunidades científicas podem ser mobilizadas pela burocracia estatal para contribuir com o processo decisório. A seguir, na terceira seção, será traçada a estratégia metodológica utilizada. A quarta seção apresentará os resultados observados para que, nas conclusões, sejam sintetizados os achados obtidos e a agenda futura de pesquisa.

I called your producer on the way here in the car because I was very excited. I found out … I did one of those genetic testing things and I found out that I'm 63 percent Irish … I had no idea. I had no idea! I thought I was Scottish and Welsh. It turns out my parents are just full of shit, I guess. But now I’m Irish and it just makes so much sense! I'm a really good drinker. I love St. Patrick's Day. Potatoes are delicious. I'm looking forward to meeting all my cousins … [to Conan O’Brien] You and I are probably related! … Now I get to say things like, “It’s in me genes! I love that Conan O’Brien; he’s such a nice fella.” You’re kinda like a giant leprechaun. (Reese Witherspoon, Tuesday 21 March 2017)IntroductionAs an Irishman and a football fan, I watched the unfolding 2016 UEFA European Championship in France (hereafter ‘Euro 2016’) with a mixture of trepidation and delight. Although the Republic of Ireland team was eventually knocked out of the competition in defeat to the host nation, the players performed extremely well – most notably in defeating Italy 1:0. It is not the on-field performance of the Irish team that interests me in this short article, however, but rather how Irish fans travelling to the competition were depicted in the surrounding international news coverage. In particular, I focus on the centrality of fan footage – shot on smart phones and uploaded to YouTube (in most cases by fans themselves) – in this news coverage. In doing so, I reflect on how sports fans contribute to wider understandings of nationness in the global imagination and how their behaviour is often interpreted (as in the case here) through long-established tropes about people and places. The Media ManifoldTo “depict” something is to represent it in words and pictures. As the contemporary world is largely shaped by and dependent on mass media – and different forms of media have merged (or “converged”) through digital media platforms – mediated forms of depiction have become increasingly important in our lives. On one hand, the constant connectivity made possible in the digital age has made the representation of people and places less controllable, insofar as the information and knowledge about our world circulating through media devices are partly created by ordinary people. On the other hand, traditional broadcast media arguably remain the dominant narrators of people and places worldwide, and their stories, Gerbner reminds us, are largely formula-driven and dramatically charged, and work to “retribalize” modern society. However, a more important point, I suggest, is that so-called new and old media can no longer be thought of as separate and discrete; rather, our attention should focus on the complex interrelations made possible by deep mediatisation (Couldry and Hepp).As an example, consider that the Youtube video of Reese Witherspoon’s recent appearance on the Conan O’Brien chat show – from which the passage at the start of this article is taken – had already been viewed 54,669 times when I first viewed it, a mere 16 hours after it was originally posted. At that point, the televised interview had already been reported on in a variety of international digital news outlets, including rte.ie, independent.ie., nydailynews.com, msn.com, huffingtonpost.com, cote-ivoire.com – and myriad entertainment news sites. In other words, this short interview was consumed synchronously and asynchronously, over a number of different media platforms; it was viewed and reviewed, and critiqued and commented upon, and in turn found itself the subject of news commentary, which fed the ongoing cycle. And yet, it is important to also note that a multiplicity of media interactions does not automatically give rise to oppositional discourse and ideological contestation, as is sometimes assumed. In fact, how ostensibly ‘different’ kinds of media can work to produce a broadly shared construction of a people and place is particularly relevant here. Just as Reese Witherspoon’s interview on the Conan O’Brien show perpetuates a highly stereotypical version of Irishness across a number of platforms, news coverage of Irish fans at Euro 2016 largely conformed to established tropes about Irish people, but this was also fed – to some extent – by Irish fans themselves.Irish Identity, Sport, and the Global ImaginationThere is insufficient space here to describe in any detail the evolving representation of Irish identity, about which a vast literature has developed (nationally and internationally) over the past several decades. As with other varieties of nationness, Irishness has been constructed across a variety of cultural forms, including advertising, art, film, novels, travel brochures, plays and documentaries. Importantly, Irishness has also to a great extent been constructed outside of Ireland (Arrowsmith; Negra).As is well known, the Irish were historically constructed by their colonial masters as a small uncivilised race – as primitive wayward children, prone to “sentimentality, ineffectuality, nervous excitability and unworldliness” (Fanning 33). When pondering the “Celtic nature,” the renowned English poet and cultural critic Mathew Arnold concluded that “sentimental” was the best single term to use (100). This perception pervaded internationally, with early depictions of Irish-Americans in US cinema centring on varieties of negative excess, such as lawlessness, drunkenness and violence (Rains). Against this prevailing image of negative excess, the intellectuals and artists associated with what became known as the Celtic Revival began a conscious effort to “rebrand” Ireland from the nineteenth century onwards, reversing the negatives of the colonial project and celebrating Irish tradition, language and culture (Fanning).At first, only distinctly Irish sports associated with the amateur Gaelic Athletic Association (GAA) were co-opted in this very particular nation-building project. Since then, however, sport more generally has acted as a site for the negotiation of a variety of overlapping Irish identities. Cronin, for example, describes how the GAA successfully repackaged itself in the 1990s to reflect the confidence of Celtic Tiger Irishness while also remaining rooted in the counties and parishes across Ireland. Studies of Irish football and rugby have similarly examined how these sports have functioned as representatives of changed or evolving Irish identities (Arrowsmith; Free). And yet, throughout Ireland’s changing economic fortunes – from boom to bust, to the gradual renewal of late – a touristic image of Irishness has remained hegemonic in the global imagination. In popular culture, and especially American popular culture, Ireland is often depicted as a kind of pre-industrial theme park – a place where the effects of modernity are felt less, or are erased altogether (Negra). The Irish are known for their charm and sociability; in Clancy’s words, they are seen internationally as “simple, clever and friendly folk” (98). We can identify a number of representational tropes within this dominant image, but two in particular are apposite here: ‘smallness’ and ‘happy-go-luckiness’.Sporting NewsBefore we consider Euro 2016, it is worth briefly considering how the news industry approaches such events. “News”, Dahlgren reminds us, is not so much “information” as it is a specific kind of cultural discourse. News, in other words, is a particular kind of discursive composition that constructs and narrates stories in particular ways. Approaching sports coverage from this vantage point, Poulton and Roderick (xviii) suggest that “sport offers everything a good story should have: heroes and villains, triumph and disaster, achievement and despair, tension and drama.” Similarly, Jason Tuck observes that the media have long had a tendency to employ the “vocabulary of war” to “hype up sporting events,” a discursive tactic which, he argues, links “the two areas of life where the nation is a primary signifier” (190-191).In short, sport is abundant in news values, and media professionals strive to produce coverage that is attractive, interesting and exciting for audiences. Stead (340) suggests that there are three key characteristics governing the production of “media sports packages”: spectacularisation, dramatisation, and personalisation. These production characteristics ensure that sports coverage is exciting and interesting for viewers, but that it also in some respects conforms to their expectations. “This ‘emergent’ quality of sport in the media helps meet the perpetual audience need for something new and different alongside what is familiar and known” (Rowe 32). The disproportionate attention to Irish fans at Euro 2016 was perhaps new, but the overall depiction of the Irish was rather old, I would argue. The news discourse surrounding Euro 2016 worked to suggest, in the Irish case at least, that the nation was embodied not only in its on-field athletic representatives but more so, perhaps, in its travelling fans.Euro 2016In June 2016 the Euros kicked off in France, with the home team beating Romania 2-1. Despite widespread fears of potential terrorist attacks and disruption, the event passed successfully, with Portugal eventually lifting the Henri Delaunay Trophy. As the competition progressed, the behaviour of Irish fans quickly became a central news story, fuelled in large part by smart phone footage uploaded to the internet by Irish fans themselves. Amongst the many videos uploaded to the internet, several became the focus of news reports, especially those in which the goodwill and childlike playfulness of the Irish were on show. In one such video, Irish fans are seen singing lullabies to a baby on a Bordeaux train. In another video, Irish fans appear to help a French couple change a flat tire. In yet another video, Irish fans sing cheerfully as they clean up beer cans and bottles. (It is noteworthy that as of July 2017, some of these videos have been viewed several million times.)News providers quickly turned their attention to Irish fans, sometimes using these to draw stark contrasts with the behaviour of other fans, notably English and Russian fans. Buzzfeed, followed by ESPN, followed by Sky News, Le Monde, Fox News, the Washington Post and numerous other providers celebrated the exploits of Irish fans, with some such as Sky News and Aljazeera going so far as to produce video montages of the most “memorable moments” involving “the boys in green.” In an article titled ‘Irish fans win admirers at Euro 2016,’ Fox News reported that “social media is full of examples of Irish kindness” and that “that Irish wit has been a fixture at the tournament.” Aljazeera’s AJ+ news channel produced a video montage titled ‘Are Irish fans the champions of Euro 2016?’ which included spliced footage from some of the aforementioned videos. The Daily Mirror (UK edition) praised their “fun loving approach to watching football.” Similarly, a headline for NPR declared, “And as if they could not be adorable enough, in a quiet moment, Irish fans sang on a French train to help lull a baby to sleep.” It is important to note that viewer comments under many of these articles and videos were also generally effusive in their praise. For example, under the video ‘Irish Fans help French couple change flat tire,’ one viewer (Amsterdam 410) commented, ‘Irish people nicest people in world by far. they always happy just amazing people.’ Another (Juan Ardilla) commented, ‘Irish fans restored my faith in humanity.’As the final stages of the tournament approached, the Mayor of Paris announced that she was awarding the Medal of the City of Paris to Irish fans for their sporting goodwill. Back home in Ireland, the behaviour of Irish fans in France was also celebrated, with President Michael D. Higgins commenting that “Ireland could not wish for better ambassadors abroad.” In all of this news coverage, the humble kindness, helpfulness and friendliness of the Irish are depicted as native qualities and crystallise as a kind of ideal national character. Though laudatory, the tropes of smallness and happy-go-luckiness are again evident here, as is the recurrent depiction of Irishness as an ‘innocent identity’ (Negra). The “boys” in green are spirited in a non-threatening way, as children generally are. Notably, Stephan Reich, journalist with German sports magazine 11Freunde wrote: “the qualification of the Irish is a godsend. The Boys in Green can celebrate like no other nation, always peaceful, always sympathetic and emphatic, with an infectious, childlike joy.” Irishness as Antidote? The centrality of the Irish fan footage in the international news coverage of Euro 2016 is significant, I suggest, but interpreting its meaning is not a simple or straightforward task. Fans (like everyone) make choices about how to present themselves, and these choices are partly conscious and partly unconscious, partly spontaneous and partly conditioned. Pope (2008), for example, draws on Emile Durkheim to explain the behaviour of sports fans sociologically. “Sporting events,” Pope tells us, “exemplify the conditions of religious ritual: high rates of group interaction, focus on sacred symbols, and collective ritual behaviour symbolising group membership and strengthening shared beliefs, values, aspirations and emotions” (Pope 85). Pope reminds us, in other words, that what fans do and say, and wear and sing – in short, how they perform – is partly spontaneous and situated, and partly governed by a long-established fandom pedagogy that implies familiarity with a whole range of international football fan styles and embodied performances (Rowe). To this, we must add that fans of a national sports team generally uphold shared understandings of what constitutes desirable and appropriate patriotic behaviour. Finally, in the case reported here, we must also consider that the behaviour of Irish fans was also partly shaped by their awareness of participating in the developing media sport spectacle and, indeed, of their own position as ‘suppliers’ of news content. In effect, Irish fans at Euro 2016 occupied an interesting hybrid position between passive consumption and active production – ‘produser’ fans, as it were.On one hand, therefore, we can consider fan footage as evidence of spontaneous displays of affective unity, captured by fellow participants. The realism or ‘authenticity’ of these supposedly natural and unscripted performances is conveyed by the grainy images, and amateur, shaky camerawork, which ironically work to create an impression of unmediated reality (see Goldman and Papson). On the other hand, Mike Cronin considers them contrived, staged, and knowingly performative, and suggestive of “hyper-aware” Irish fans playing up to the camera.However, regardless of how we might explain or interpret these fan performances, it is the fact that they play a role in making Irishness public that most interests me here. For my purposes, the most important consideration is how the patriotic performances of Irish fans both fed and harmonized with the developing news coverage; the resulting depiction of the Irish was partly an outcome of journalistic conventions and partly a consequence of the self-essentialising performances of Irish fans. In a sense, these fan-centred videos were ready-made or ‘packaged’ for an international news audience: they are short, dramatic and entertaining, and their ideological content is in keeping with established tropes about Irishness. As a consequence, the media-sport discourse surrounding Euro 2016 – itself a mixture of international news values and home-grown essentialism – valorised a largely touristic understanding of Irishness, albeit one that many Irish people wilfully celebrate.Why such a construction of Irishness is internationally appealing is unclear, but it is certainly not new. John Fanning (26) cites a number of writers in highlighting that Ireland has long nurtured a romantic self-image that presents the country as a kind of balm for the complexities of the modern world. For example, he cites New York Times columnist Thomas Friedman, who observed in 2001 that “people all over the world are looking to Ireland for its reservoir of spirituality hoping to siphon off what they can feed to their souls which have become hungry for something other than consumption and computers.” Similarly, Diane Negra writes that “virtually every form of popular culture has in one way or another, presented Irishness as a moral antidote to contemporary ills ranging from globalisation to post-modern alienation, from crises over the meaning and practice of family values to environmental destruction” (3). Earlier, I described the Arnoldian image of the Irish as a race governed by ‘negative excess’. Arguably, in a time of profound ideological division and resurgent cultural nationalism – a time of polarisation and populism, of Trumpism and Euroscepticism – this ‘excess’ has once again been positively recoded, and now it is the ‘sentimental excess’ of the Irish that is imagined as a salve for the cultural schisms of our time.ConclusionMuch has been made of new media powers to contest official discourses. Sports fans, too, are now considered much less ‘controllable’ on account of their ability to disrupt official messages online (as well as offline). The case of Irish fans at Euro 2016, however, offers a reminder that we must avoid routine assumptions that the “uses” made of “new” and “old” media are necessarily divergent (Rowe, Ruddock and Hutchins). My interest here was less in what any single news item or fan-produced video tells us, but rather in the aggregate construction of Irishness that emerges in the media-sport discourse surrounding this event. Relatedly, in writing about the London Olympics, Wardle observed that most of what appeared on social media concerning the Games did not depart significantly from the celebratory tone of mainstream news media organisations. “In fact the absence of any story that threatened the hegemonic vision of the Games as nation-builder, shows that while social media provided an additional and new form of newsgathering, it had to fit within the traditional news structures, routines and agenda” (Wardle 12).Obviously, it is important to acknowledge the contestability of all media texts, including the news items and fan footage mentioned here, and to recognise that such texts are open to multiple interpretations based on diverse reading positions. And yet, here I have suggested that there is something of a ‘preferred’ reading in the depiction of Irish fans at Euro 2016. The news coverage, and the footage on which it draws, are important because of what they collectively suggest about Irish national identity: here we witness a shift from identity performance to identity writ large, and one means of analysing their international (and intertextual significance), I have suggested, is to view them through the prism of established tropes about Irishness.Travelling sports fans – for better or worse – are ‘carriers’ of places and cultures, and they remind us that “there is also a cultural economy of sport, where information, images, ideas and rhetorics are exchanged, where symbolic value is added, where metaphorical (and sometimes literal, in the case of publicly listed sports clubs) stocks rise and fall” (Rowe 24). There is no question, to borrow Rowe’s term, that Ireland’s ‘stocks’ rose considerably on account of Euro 2016. In news terms, Irish fans provided entertainment value; they were the ‘human interest’ story of the tournament; they were the ‘feel-good’ factor of the event – and importantly, they were the suppliers of much of this content (albeit unofficially). Ultimately, I suggest that we think of the overall depiction of the Irish at Euro 2016 as a co-construction of international news media practices and the self-presentational practices of Irish fans themselves. The result was not simply a depiction of idealised fandom, but more importantly, an idealisation of a people and a place, in which the plucky little people on tour became the global standard bearers of Irish identity.ReferencesArnold, Mathew. Celtic Literature. Carolina: Lulu Press, 2013.Arrowsmith, Aidan. “Plastic Paddies vs. Master Racers: ‘Soccer’ and Irish Identity.” International Journal of Cultural Studies 7.4 (2004). 25 Mar. 2017 <http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/pdf/10.1177/1367877904047864>.Boards and Networked Digital Media Sport Communities.” Convergence 16.3 (2010). 25 Mar. 2017 <http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/1354856510367622>.Clancy, Michael. Brand New Ireland: Tourism, Development and National Identity in the Irish Republic. Surrey and Vermont: Ashgate, 2009.Couldry, Nick, and Andreas Hepp. The Mediated Construction of Reality. Cambridge: Polity Press, 2016.Cronin, Michael. “Is It for the Glamour? Masculinity, Nationhood and Amateurism in Contemporary Projections of the Gaelic Athletic Association.” Irish Postmodernisms and Popular Culture. Eds. Wanda Balzano, Anne Mulhall, and Moynagh Sullivan. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007. 39–51.Cronin, Mike. “Serenading Nuns: Irish Soccer Fandom as Performance.” Post-Celtic Tiger Irishness Symposium, Trinity College Dublin, 25 Nov. 2016.Dahlgren, Peter. “Beyond Information: TV News as a Cultural Discourse.” The European Journal of Communication Research 12.2 (1986): 125–36.Fanning, John. “Branding and Begorrah: The Importance of Ireland’s Nation Brand Image.” Irish Marketing Review 21.1-2 (2011). 25 Mar. 2017 <https://www.dit.ie/media/newsdocuments/2011/3%20Fanning.pdf>.Free, Marcus. “Diaspora and Rootedness, Amateurism and Professionalism in Media Discourses of Irish Soccer and Rugby in the 1990s and 2000s.” Éire-Ireland 48.1–2 (2013). 25 Mar. 2017 <https://muse.jhu.edu/article/510693/pdf>.Friedman, Thomas. “Foreign Affairs: The Lexus and the Shamrock.” The Opinion Pages. New York Times 3 Aug. 2001 <http://www.nytimes.com/2001/08/03/opinion/foreign-affairs-the-lexus-and-the-shamrock.html>.Gerbner, George. “The Stories We Tell and the Stories We Sell.” Journal of International Communication 18.2 (2012). 25 Mar. 2017 <http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13216597.2012.709928>.Goldman, Robert, and Stephen Papson. Sign Wars: The Cluttered Landscape of Advertising. New York: Guilford Press, 1996.Negra, Diane. The Irish in Us. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2006.Pope, Whitney. “Emile Durkheim.” Key Sociological Thinkers. 2nd ed. Ed. Rob Stones. Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008. 76-89.Poulton, Emma, and Martin Roderick. Sport in Films. London: Routledge, 2008.Rains, Stephanie. The Irish-American in Popular Culture 1945-2000. Dublin: Irish Academic Press, 2007.Rowe, David, Andy Ruddock, and Brett Hutchins. “Cultures of Complaint: Online Fan Message Boards and Networked Digital Media Sport Communities.” Convergence: The International Journal of Research into New Media Technology 16.3 (2010). 25 Mar. 2017 <http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/1354856510367622>.Rowe, David. Sport, Culture and the Media: The Unruly Trinity. 2nd ed. Berkshire: Open University Press, 2004.Stead, David. “Sport and the Media.” Sport and Society: A Student Introduction. 2nd ed. Ed. Barrie Houlihan. London: Sage, 2008. 328-347.Wardle, Claire. “Social Media, Newsgathering and the Olympics.” Journalism, Media and Cultural Studies 2 (2012). 25 Mar. 2017 <https://publications.cardiffuniversitypress.org/index.php/JOMEC/article/view/304>.

Introduction In this article, we hypothesise how mainstream media coverage can promote the spread of disinformation about Covid-19. Mainstream media are often discussed as opposed to disinformation (Glasser; Benkler et al.). While the disinformation phenomenon is related to the intentional production and spread of misleading and false information to influence public opinion (Fallis; Benkler et al.), mainstream media news is expected to be based on facts and investigation and focussed on values such as authenticity, accountability, and autonomy (Hayes et al.). However, journalists might contribute to the spread of disinformation when they skip some stage of information processing and reproduce false or misleading information (Himma-Kadakas). Besides, even when the purpose of the news is to correct disinformation, media coverage might contribute to its dissemination by amplifying it (Tsfati et al.). This could be particularly problematic in the context of social media, as users often just read headlines while scrolling through their timelines (Newman et al.; Ofcom). Thus, some users might share news from the mainstream media to legitimate disinformation about Covid-19. The pandemic creates a delicate context, as journalists are often pressured to produce more information and, therefore, are more susceptible to errors. In this research, we focussed on the hypothesis that legitimate news can contribute to the spread of disinformation on social media through headlines that reinforce disinformation discourses, even though the actual piece may frame the story differently. The research questions that guide this research are: are URLs with headlines that reinforce disinformation discourses and other mainstream media links shared into the same Facebook groups? Are the headlines that support disinformation discourses shared by Facebook users to reinforce disinformation narratives? As a case study, we look at the Brazilian disinformation context on Covid-19. The discussion about the disease in the country has been highly polarised and politically framed, often with government agents and scientists disputing the truth about facts on the disease (Araújo and Oliveira; Recuero and Soares; Recuero et al.). Particularly, the social media ecosystem seems to play an important role in these disputes, as Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro and his supporters use it as a key channel to spread disinformation about the virus (Lisboa et al.; Soares et al.). We use data from public groups on Facebook collected through CrowdTangle and a combination of social network analysis and content analysis to analyse the spread and the content of URLs and posts. Theoretical Background Disinformation has been central to the Covid-19 “infodemic”, created by the overabundance of information about the pandemic, which makes it hard for people to find reliable guidance and exacerbates the outbreak (Tangcharoensathien et al.). We consider disinformation as distorted, manipulated, or false information intentionally created to mislead someone (Fallis; Benkler et al.). Disinformation is often used to strengthen radical political ideologies (Benkler et al.). Around the world, political actors politically framed the discussion about the pandemic, which created a polarised public debate about Covid-19 (Allcott et al., Gruzd and Mai; Recuero and Soares). On social media, contexts of polarisation between two different political views often present opposed narratives about the same fact that dispute public attention (Soares et al.). This polarisation creates a suitable environment for disinformation to thrive (Benkler et al.) The polarised discussions are often associated with the idea of “bubbles”, as the different political groups tend to share and legitimate only discourses that are aligned with the group's ideological views. Consequently, these groups might turn into ideological bubbles (Pariser). In these cases, content shared within one group is not shared within the other and vice versa. Pariser argues that users within the bubbles are exposed exclusively to content with which they tend to agree. However, research has shown that Pariser’s concept of bubbles has limitations (Bruns), as most social media users are exposed to a variety of sources of information (Guess et al.). Nevertheless, polarisation might lead to different media diets and disinformation consumption (Benkler et al.). That is, users would have contact with different types of information, but they would choose to share certain content over others because of their political alignment (Bruns). Therefore, we understand that bubbles are created by the action of social media users who give preference to circulate (through retweets, likes, comments, or shares) content that supports their political views, including disinformation (Recuero et al.). Thus, bubbles are ephemeral structures (created by users’ actions in the context of a particular political discussion) with permeable boundaries (users are exposed to content from the outside) in discussions on social media. This type of ephemeral bubble might use disinformation as a tool to create a unique discourse that supports its views. However, it does not mean that actors within a “disinformation bubble” do not have access to other content, such as the news from the mainstream media. It means that the group acts to discredit and to overlap this content with an “alternative” story (Larsson). In addition, the mainstream media might disseminate false or inaccurate disinformation (Tsfati et al.). Particularly, we focus on inaccurate headlines that reinforce disinformation narratives, as social media users often only read news headlines (Newman et al.; Ofcom). This is especially problematic because a large number of social media users are exposed to mainstream media content, while exposure to disinformation websites is heavily concentrated on only a few users (Guess et al.; Tsfati et al.). Therefore, when the mainstream media disseminate disinformation, it is more likely that a larger number of social media users will be exposed to this content and share it into ideological bubbles. Based on this discussion, we aim to understand how the mainstream media contribute to the spread of disinformation discourses about Covid-19. Methods This study is about how mainstream media coverage might contribute to the spread of disinformation about Covid-19 on Facebook. We propose two hypotheses, as follows: H1: When mainstream media headlines frame the information in a way that reinforces the disinformation narrative, the links go into a “disinformation bubble”. H2: In these cases, Facebook users might use mainstream media coverage to legitimate disinformation narratives. We selected three case studies based on events that created both political debate and high media coverage in Brazil. We chose them based on the hypothesis that part of the mainstream media links could have produced headlines that support disinformation discourses, as the political debate was high. The events are: On 24 March 2020, Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro made a public pronouncement on live television. In the week before the pronouncement, Brazilian governors decided to follow World Health Organisation (WHO) protocols and closed non-essential business. In his speech, Bolsonaro criticised social distancing measures. The mainstream media reproduced some of his claims and claims from other public personalities, such as entrepreneurs who also said the protocols would harm the economy. On 8 June 2020, a WHO official said that it “seems to be rare that an asymptomatic person transmits [Covid-19] onward to a secondary individual”. Part of the mainstream media reproduced the claim out of context, which could promote the misperception that both asymptomatic and pre-symptomatic persons (early stages of an illness, before the first symptoms) do not transmit Covid-19 at all. On 9 November 2020, Brazil’s national sanitary watchdog Anvisa reported that they had halted the clinical studies on the CoronaVac vaccine, developed by the Chinese company Sinovac. Bolsonaro often criticised CoronaVac because it was being produced in partnership with São Paulo’s Butantan Institute and became the subject of a political dispute between Bolsonaro and the Governor of São Paulo, João Dória. Bolsonaro said the halt of the CoronaVac trial was "another victory for Jair Bolsonaro". Anvisa halted the trail after a "severe adverse event". The mainstream media rapidly reverberated the decision. Later, it was revealed that the incident was a death that had nothing to do with the vaccine. Before we created our final dataset that includes links from the three events together, we explored the most shared URLs in each event. We used keywords to collect posts shared in the public groups monitored by CrowdTangle, a tool owned by Facebook that tracks publicly available posts on the platform. We collected posts in a timeframe of three days for each event to prevent the collection of links unrelated to the cases. We collected only posts containing URLs. Table 1 summarises the data collected. Table 1: Data collected Dates March 24-26 2020 June 8-10 2020 November 9-11 2020 Keywords “Covid-19” or “coronavirus” and “isolation” or “economy” “Covid-19” or “coronavirus” and “asymptomatic” “vaccine” and “Anvisa” or “CoronaVac” Number of posts 4780 2060 3273 From this original dataset, we selected the 60 most shared links from each period (n=180). We then filtered for those which sources were mainstream media outlets (n=74). We used content analysis (Krippendorff) to observe which of these URLs headlines could reinforce disinformation narratives (two independent coders, Krippendorff’s Alpha = 0.76). We focussed on headlines because when these links are shared on Facebook, often it is the headline that appears to other users. We considered that a headlined reinforced disinformation discourses only when it was flagged by both coders (n=21 – some examples are provided in Table 3 in the Results section). Table 2 provides a breakdown of this analysis. Table 2: Content analysis Event Mainstream media links Headlines that support disinformation discourses Number of links Number of posts Economy and quarantine 24 7 112 Asymptomatic 22 7 163 Vaccine trial 28 7 120 Total 74 21 395 As the number of posts that shared URLs with headlines that supported disinformation was low (n=395), we conducted another CrowdTangle search to create our final dataset. We used a sample of the links we classified to create a “balanced” dataset. Out of the 21 links with headlines that reinforced disinformation, we collected the 10 most shared in public groups monitored by CrowdTangle (this time, without any particular timeframe) (n=1346 posts). In addition, we created a “control group” with the 10 most shared links that neither of the coders considered could reinforce disinformation (n=1416 posts). The purpose of the “control group” was to identify which Facebook groups tend to share mainstream media links without headlines that reinforce disinformation narratives. Therefore, our final dataset comprises 20 links and 2762 posts. We then used social network analysis (Wasserman and Faust) to map the spread of the 20 links. We created a bipartite network, in which nodes are (1) Facebook groups and (2) URLs; and edges represent when a post within a group includes a URL from our dataset. We applied a modularity metric (Blondel et al.) to identify clusters. The modularity metric allows us to identify “communities” that share the same or similar links in the network map. Thus, it helped us to identify if there was a “bubble” that only shares the links with headlines that support disinformation (H1). To understand if the disinformation was supporting a larger narrative shared by the groups, we explored the political alignments of each cluster (H2). We used Textometrica (Lindgreen and Palm) to create word clouds with the most frequent words in the names of the cluster groups (at least five mentions) and their connections. Finally, we also analysed the posts that shared each of the 10 links with headlines that reinforced disinformation. This also helped us to identify how the mainstream media links could legitimate disinformation narratives (H2). Out of the 1346 posts, only 373 included some message (the other 973 posts only shared the link). We used content analysis to see if these posts reinforced the disinformation (two independent coders – Krippendorff’s Alpha = 0.723). There were disagreements in the categorisation of 27 posts. The two coders reviewed and discussed the classification of these posts to reach an agreement. Results Bubbles of information In the graph (Figure 1), red nodes are links with headlines that support disinformation discourses, blue nodes are the other mainstream media links, and black nodes are Facebook groups. Our first finding is that groups that shared headlines that support disinformation rarely shared the other mainstream media links. Out of the 1623 groups in the network, only 174 (10.7%) shared both a headline that supports disinformation discourse, and another mainstream media link; 712 groups (43.8%) only shared headlines that support disinformation; and 739 groups (45.5%) only shared other links from the mainstream media. Therefore, users’ actions created two bubbles of information. Figure 1: Network graph The modularity metric confirmed this tendency of two “bubbles” in the network (Figure 2). The purple cluster includes seven URLs with headlines that support disinformation discourse. The green cluster includes three headlines that support disinformation discourse and the other 10 links from the mainstream media. This result partially supports H1: When mainstream media headlines frame the information in a way that reinforces the disinformation narrative, the links go into a “disinformation bubble”. As we identified, most of the headlines that support disinformation discourse went into a separate “bubble”, as users within the groups of this bubble did not share the other links from the mainstream media. Figure 2: Network graph with modularity This result shows that users’ actions boost the creation of bubbles (Bakshy et al.), as they choose to share one type of content over the other. The mainstream media are the source of all the URLs we analysed. However, users from the purple cluster chose to share only links with headlines that supported disinformation discourses. This result is also related to the political framing of the discussions, as we explore below. Disinformation and Political Discourse We used word clouds (Lindgreen and Palm) to analyse the Facebook groups’ names to explore the ideological affiliation of the bubbles. The purple bubble is strongly related to Bolsonaro and his discourse (Figure 3). Bolsonaro is the most frequent word. Other prevalent words are Brazil, patriots (both related to his nationalist discourse), right-wing, conservative, military (three words related to his conservative discourse and his support of the military dictatorship that ruled Brazil from 1964 to 1985), President, support, and Alliance [for Brazil] (the name of his party). Some of the most active groups within the purple bubble are “Alliance for Brazil”, “Bolsonaro 2022 [next presidential election]”, “Bolsonaro’s nation 2022”, and “I am right-wing with pride”. Figure 3: Purple cluster word cloud Bolsonaro is also a central word in the green cluster word cloud (Figure 4). However, it is connected to other words such as “against” and “out”, as many groups are anti-Bolsonaro. Furthermore, words such as left-wing, Workers’ Party (centre-left party), Lula and Dilma Rousseff (two Workers’ Party ex-presidents) show another ideological alignment in general. In addition, there are many local groups (related to locations such as Rio de Janeiro, São Paulo, Rio Grande do Sul, Minas Gerais, and others), and groups to share news (news, newspaper, radio, portal). “We are 70 per cent [anti-Bolsonaro movement]”, “Union of the Left”, “Lula president”, and “Anti-Bolsonaro” are some of the most active groups within the green cluster. Figure 4: Green cluster word cloud Then, we analysed how users shared the mainstream media links with headlines that support disinformation discourses. In total, we found that 81.8% of the messages in the posts that shared these links also reproduced disinformation narratives. The frequency was higher (86.2%) when considering only posts that shared one of the seven links from the purple cluster (based on the modularity metric). Consequently, it was lower (64%) in the messages that shared one of the other three links. The messages often showed support for Bolsonaro; criticised other political and health authorities (the WHO, São Paulo Governor João Dória, and others), China, and the “leftists” (all opposition to Bolsonaro); claimed that quarantine and social distancing measures were unnecessary; and framed vaccines as dangerous. We provide some examples of headlines and posts in Table 3 (we selected the most-shared URL for each event to illustrate). This result supports H2 as we found that users shared mainstream media headlines that reinforce disinformation discourse to legitimate the disinformation narrative; and that it was more prevalent in the purple bubble. Table 3: Examples of headlines and posts Headline Post "Unemployment is a crisis much worse than coronavirus", says Bolsonaro Go to social media to support the President. Unemployment kills. More than any virus... hunger, depression, despair and everything UNEMPLOYMENT, THE DEPUTIES CHAMBER, THE SENATE AND THE SUPREME COURT KILL MORE THAN COVID19 Asymptomatic patients do not boost coronavirus, says WHO QUARANTINE IS FAKE #StayHome, the lie of the century! THIS GOES TO THE PUPPETS OF THE COMMUNIST PARTIES THE AND FUNERARY MEDIA Anvisa halts Coronavac vaccine trial after "serious adverse event" [The event] is adverse and serious, so the vaccine killed the person by covid And Doria [Governor of São Paulo and political adversary of Bolsonaro] wants to force you to take this shit This result shows that mainstream media headlines that support disinformation narratives may be used to reinforce disinformation discourses when shared on Facebook, making journalists potential agents of disinformation (Himma-Kadakas; Tsfati et al.). In particular, the credibility of mainstream news is used to support an opposing discourse, that is, a disinformation discourse. This is especially problematic in the context of Covid-19 because the mainstream media end up fuelling the infodemic (Tangcharoensathien et al.) by sharing inaccurate information or reverberating false claims from political actors. Conclusion In this article, we analysed how the mainstream media contribute to the spread of disinformation about Covid-19. In particular, we looked at how links from the mainstream media with headlines that support disinformation discourse spread on Facebook, compared to other links from the mainstream media. Two research questions guided this study: Are URLs with headlines that reinforce disinformation discourses and other mainstream media links shared into the same Facebook groups? Are the headlines that support disinformation discourses shared by Facebook users to reinforce disinformation narratives? We identified that (1) some Facebook groups only shared links with headlines that support disinformation narratives. This created a “disinformation bubble”. In this bubble, (2) Facebook users shared mainstream media links to reinforce disinformation – in particular, pro-Bolsonaro disinformation, as many of these groups had a pro-Bolsonaro alignment. 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A pesquisa teve como objetivo, analisar as similitudes e diferenças da abordagem da teoria dos conjuntos em dois livros didáticos utilizados no ensino secundário na Bahia durante a década de 1970. Este trabalho científico está inserido no projeto de pesquisa intitulado “As teorias modernas da matemática nos livros didáticos das instituições educacionais superiores e secundárias brasileiras e baianas”, que visa “[...] investigar anatomicamente, numa perspectiva histórica, as teorias modernas da matemática nos livros didáticos apropriados, produzidos e difundidos no âmbito do ensino superior e secundário brasileiro, em especial na Universidade de São Paulo (USP) e na Bahia, no período de 1934 até aproximadamente 1976 [...]” (LIMA, et. al, 2013).A modernização da matemática foi consolidada no século XX, mas seu processo de mudanças e transformações se deu no século anterior, resultando em novas álgebras, novas axiomáticas e a teoria dos conjuntos. (LIMA et. al, 2010). Essa modernização foi apropriada no âmbito das escolas secundárias em dois momentos diferentes, porém para desenvolvimento desta pesquisa foquei particularmente na segunda reformulação, que ocorreu pós-segunda guerra mundial. Tal reformulação, ocorrida em países europeus e americanos em especial nos Estados Unidos, ficou conhecida posteriormente como Movimento da Matemática Moderna (MMM). Este movimento tinha como finalidade tornar o ensino secundário de matemática mais próximo do seu ensino a nível superior. O Grupo Bourbaki foi um dos influenciadores para esta reformulação, na medida em que apresentaram sua axiomática estruturalista argumentado a partir dos conceitos de raciocínio dedutivo, formalismo lógico e método axiomático. Para o Grupo Bourbaki, conforme Lima (2012), o raciocínio dedutivo, seria uma espécie de “linguagem” utilizada pelos matemáticos para a comunicação e formalismo lógico seria as “regras desta linguagem”, numa perspectiva pouco relevante do método axiomático. Assim, para o Grupo o método axiomático serviria para entender os motivos das descobertas dessas teorias e tornar suas ideias mais esclarecidas. No Brasil, o MMM foi apropriado, principalmente pelos grupos de estudos em diferentes estados brasileiros, dentre eles, destaco o Grupo de Estudo da Matemática (GEEM) em São Paulo, tendo como presidente o professor Osvaldo Sangiogi e o grupo de professores da Bahia, vinculado à Seção Científica de Matemática do Centro de Ensino de Ciências da Bahia (CECIBA) liderado por Martha Maria de Souza Dantas e Omar Catunda, ambos professores da Universidade Federal da Bahia (UFBA). Estes grupos realizavam palestras, cursos de atualização e produziam livros, para apresentar as ideias do MMM, visando uma apropriação dos professores que lecionavam no âmbito escolar.Um dos livros selecionados para a construção desta pesquisa foi o Ensino Atualizado de Matemática, da quinta série do primeiro grau, produzido após o encerramento do CECIBA, orientado por Omar Catunda (1906-1986), sob autoria de Martha Maria de Souza Dantas (1925-2011), Eliana Costa Nogueira, Norma Coelho de Araújo, Eunice da Conceição Guimarães, Neide Clotilde de Pinho e Souza e Maria Augusto de Araújo Moreno, todos membros do grupo. Ele corresponde a 3ª edição, sendo publicado pela São Paulo Livraria Editora Limitada (EDART), no ano de 1974. O outro livro foi Matemática 5, 3ª edição, destinado a primeira série do antigo curso ginasial , com autoria de Osvaldo Sangiorgi (1921-2017), publicado em 1973, pela Companhia Editora Nacional. Dessa forma, ambos os livros didáticos, utilizados no ensino baiano, foram produzidos por professores com participações ativas em grupos de estudos que tiveram papel relevante no período de uma modernização da matemática secundária no contexto brasileiro.Entendeu-se aqui como livro didático “(...) um instrumento de comunicação, de produção e transmissão de conhecimento (...)” (BITTENCOURT, 2004, p.1), assumindo funções variadas no contexto escolar a depender do local onde é utilizado e do período em que foi produzido. A pesquisa histórica sobre livros e edições didáticas aborda diversos aspectos, com isso Choppin (2004) lista duas categorias de pesquisa, a que os historiadores utilizam os livros didáticos, sem que sejam excludentes entre si: a primeira, como documento histórico, analisando os seus conteúdos, nesse caso a história que os pesquisadores apresentam é de um tema, de uma disciplina ou de que modo o livro era utilizado em sala de aula; a segunda, como objeto físico, onde o historiador foca “[...] sua atenção diretamente para os livros didáticos, recolocando-os no ambiente em que foram concebidos, produzidos, utilizados e „recebidos‟, independentemente, arriscaríamos a dizer, dos conteúdos dos quais eles são portadores.” (CHOPPIN, 2004, p. 554). Foi, portanto, sob essa ótica que analisei os dois livros didáticos utilizados no ensino secundário na Bahia durante a década de 1970.

The article aims to analyze the adoption and implementation of the politics of ethnic-racial quotas at the State University of Campinas (Unicamp). In order to do, we describe the political and academic processes and disputes that culminated in the adoption of this affirmative action. Methodologically, we use as a guide the approach of "educational policy contexts", dividing the ways in which the quota debate has permeated the university: context of influence on the debate on quotas (external and internal); context of text production (elaborated policy); and the context of practice (effectiveness). In general, some conflicts were perceived in the three contexts, mainly by the discussion about the effectiveness of the inclusion mechanisms already implemented by the university to the detriment of quotas. The issue of merit in the academy was fought by student and social movements, as well as teachers favoring quotas, underscoring Unicamp's delay in its implementation in relation to the consolidation of affirmative actions in other Brazilian universities. Therefore, the approvals regarding the creation and approval of the “Working Group-Enter University” report could be carried out due to the context of influence (with strong support from student and social movements and current legislation), which emphasized the context of the production of text, with the insertion of the premises, and also, due to the window of opportunity is the national scenario, with important experiences, or the entry of a new management at Unicamp. ResumoO artigo tem como objetivo analisar a adoção e implementação da política de cotas étnico-raciais na Universidade Estadual de Campinas (Unicamp). Para isso, buscou-se descrever os processos e disputas políticas e acadêmicas que culminaram na adoção desta ação afirmativa. Metodologicamente, utilizamos como guia a abordagem dos “contextos de políticas educacionais”, dividindo os caminhos pelos quais o debate das cotas perpassou à universidade: contexto de influência ao debate sobre cotas (externa e interna); contexto de produção de texto (política elaborada); e o contexto de prática (efetivação). De forma geral, percebeu-se alguns conflitos nos três contextos, sobretudo pela discussão acerca da efetividade dos mecanismos de inclusão já implementados pela universidade em detrimento das cotas. A questão do mérito na academia foi amplamente combatida pelos movimentos estudantis e sociais, bem como pelos docentes favoráveis às cotas, ressaltando o atraso da Unicamp em sua implementação em relação à consolidação de ações afirmativas em outras universidades brasileiras. Assim, as aprovações, referentes às deliberações de criação e de aprovação do relatório do GT-Ingresso, puderam ser realizadas por conta do contexto de influência (com forte apoio dos movimentos estudantis e sociais e das legislações vigentes), que deu a tônica ao contexto da produção de texto, com a inserção das premissas, e também, devido à janela de oportunidades seja do cenário nacional, com experiências importantes, seja pela entrada de uma nova gestão na Unicamp. Resumen El artículo tiene como objetivo analizar la adopción e implementación de la política de cuotas étnico-raciales en la Universidad Estadual de Campinas (Unicamp). Para eso, se buscó describir los procesos y disputas políticas y académicas que culminaron en la adopción de esta acción afirmativa. Metodológicamente, utilizamos como guía el abordaje de los "contextos de políticas educativas", dividiendo los caminos por los cuales el debate de las cuotas atravesó a la universidad: contexto de influencia al debate sobre cuotas (externa e interna); contexto de producción de texto (política elaborada); y el contexto de práctica (efectividad). En general, se percibió algunos conflictos en los tres contextos, sobre todo por la discusión acerca de la efectividad de los mecanismos de inclusión ya implementados por la universidad en detrimento de las cuotas. La cuestión del mérito en la academia fue ampliamente combatida por los movimientos estudiantiles y sociales, así como por los docentes favorables a las cuotas, resaltando el atraso de la Unicamp en su implementación en relación a la consolidación de acciones afirmativas en otras universidades brasileñas. Así, las aprobaciones, referentes a las deliberaciones de creación y aprobación del informe del Grupo de Trabajo-Ingreso, pudieron ser realizadas por cuenta del contexto de influencia (con fuerte apoyo de los movimientos estudiantiles y sociales y de las legislaciones vigentes), que dio la tónica al contexto de la producción de texto, con la inserción de las premisas, y también, debido a la ventana de oportunidades sea del escenario nacional, con experiencias importantes, sea por la entrada de una nueva gestión en la Unicamp. Palavras-chave: Sistema de cotas, Ação afirmativa, Ensino superior, Unicamp. Keywords: Quota system, Affirmative action, Higher education, Unicamp.Palabras clave: Sistema de cuotas, Acción afirmativa, Enseñanza superior, Unicamp.ReferencesARBACHE, Ana Paula Ribeiro Bastos. A política de cotas raciais na universidade pública brasileira: um desafio ético. 2006. 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Brasília: Instituto Nacional de Estudos e Pesquisas Educacionais Anísio Teixeira, p. 153-160, 2003. Disponível em:<http://etnicoracial.mec.gov.br/images/pdf/publicacoes/educacao_acoes_afirmativas.pdf>. Acesso em 28 mai. 2018. FERES JÚNIOR, João; CAMPOS, Luiz Augusto. Ação afirmativa no Brasil: multiculturalismo ou justiça social? Lua Nova, n. 99, 2016, p.257-293.GIRALDO, Jorge Enrique Celis. Las acciones afirmativas en educación superior: el caso de los Estados Unidos. Educación y Educadores, v.12, p.103-117, 2009.HERINGER, Rosana. Democratização da educação superior no Brasil: das metas de inclusão ao sucesso acadêmico. Revista Brasileira de Orientação Profissional, v. 19, n. 1, p. 7-17, 2018.IBGE. Censo Demográfico 2010: Educação e deslocamento: resultados da amostra. Rio de Janeiro: Instituto Brasileiro de Geografia e Estatística, 2010. Disponível em: <https://ww2.ibge.gov.br/home/estatistica/populacao/censo2010/educacao_e_deslocamento/default.shtm>. 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IntroductionIn 2013, Facebook introduced autoplay video into its newsfeed. In order not to produce sound disruptive to hearing users, videos were muted until a user clicked on them to enable audio. This move, recognised as a competitive response to the popularity of video-sharing sites like YouTube, has generated significant changes to the aesthetics, form, and modalities of online video. Many video producers have incorporated captions into their videos as a means of attracting and maintaining user attention. Of course, captions are not simply a replacement or translation of sound, but have instead added new layers of meaning and changed the way stories are told through video.In this paper, I ask how the use of captions has altered the communication of messages conveyed through online video. In particular, I consider the role captions have played in news reporting, as online platforms like Facebook become increasingly significant sites for the consumption of news. One of the most successful producers of online news video has been Al Jazeera Plus (AJ+). I examine two recent AJ+ news videos to consider how meaning is generated when captions are integrated into the already multimodal form of the video—their online reporting of Australian versus US healthcare systems, and the history of the Black Panther movement. I analyse interactions amongst image, sound, language, and typography and consider the role of captions in audience engagement, branding, and profit-making. Sean Zdenek notes that captions have yet to be recognised “as a significant variable in multimodal analysis, on par with image, sound and video” (xiii). Here, I attempt to pay close attention to the representational, cultural and economic shifts that occur when captions become a central component of online news reporting. I end by briefly enquiring into the implications of captions for our understanding of literacy in an age of constantly shifting media.Multimodality in Digital MediaJeff Bezemer and Gunther Kress define a mode as a “socially and culturally shaped resource for meaning making” (171). Modes include meaning communicated through writing, sound, image, gesture, oral language, and the use of space. Of course, all meanings are conveyed through multiple modes. A page of written text, for example, requires us to make sense through the simultaneous interpretation of words, space, colour, and font. Media such as television and film have long been understood as multimodal; however, with the appearance of digital technologies, media’s multimodality has become increasingly complex. Video games, for example, demonstrate an extraordinary interplay between image, sound, oral language, written text, and interactive gestures, while technologies such as the mobile phone combine the capacity to produce meaning through speaking, writing, and image creation.These multiple modes are not simply layered one on top of the other, but are instead “enmeshed through the complexity of interaction, representation and communication” (Jewitt 1). The rise of multimodal media—as well as the increasing interest in understanding multimodality—occurs against the backdrop of rapid technological, cultural, political, and economic change. These shifts include media convergence, political polarisation, and increased youth activism across the globe (Herrera), developments that are deeply intertwined with uses of digital media and technology. Indeed, theorists of multimodality like Jay Lemke challenge us to go beyond formalist readings of how multiple modes work together to create meaning, and to consider multimodality “within a political economy and a cultural ecology of identities, markets and values” (140).Video’s long history as an inexpensive and portable way to produce media has made it an especially dynamic form of multimodal media. In 1974, avant-garde video artist Nam June Paik predicted that “new forms of video … will stimulate the whole society to find more imaginative ways of telecommunication” (45). Fast forward more than 40 years, and we find that video has indeed become an imaginative and accessible form of communication. The cultural influence of video is evident in the proliferation of video genres, including remix videos, fan videos, Let’s Play videos, video blogs, live stream video, short form video, and video documentary, many of which combine semiotic resources in novel ways. The economic power of video is evident in the profitability of video sharing sites—YouTube in particular—as well as the recent appearance of video on other social media platforms such as Instagram and Facebook.These platforms constitute significant “sites of display.” As Rodney Jones notes, sites of display are not merely the material media through which information is displayed. Rather, they are complex spaces that organise social interactions—for example, between producers and users—and shape how meaning is made. Certainly we can see the influence of sites of display by considering Facebook’s 2013 introduction of autoplay into its newsfeed, a move that forced video producers to respond with new formats. As Edson Tandoc and Julian Maitra write, news organisations have had been forced to “play by Facebook’s frequently modified rules and change accordingly when the algorithms governing the social platform change” (2). AJ+ has been considered one of the media companies that has most successfully adapted to these changes, an adaptation I examine below. I begin by taking up Lemke’s challenge to consider multimodality contextually, reading AJ+ videos through the conceptual lens of the “attention economy,” a lens that highlights the profitability of attention within digital cultures. I then follow with analyses of two short AJ+ videos to show captions’ central role, not only in conveying meaning, but also in creating markets, and communicating branded identities and ideologies.AJ+, Facebook and the New Economies of AttentionThe Al Jazeera news network was founded in 1996 to cover news of the Arab world, with a declared commitment to give “voice to the voiceless.” Since that time, the network has gained global influence, yet many of its attempts to break into the American market have been unsuccessful (Youmans). In 2013, the network acquired Current TV in an effort to move into cable television. While that effort ultimately failed, Al Jazeera’s purchase of the youth-oriented Current TV nonetheless led to another, surprisingly fruitful enterprise, the development of the digital media channel Al Jazeera Plus (AJ+). AJ+ content, which is made up almost entirely of video, is directed at 18 to 35-year-olds. As William Youmans notes, AJ+ videos are informal and opinionated, and, while staying consistent with Al Jazeera’s mission to “give voice to the voiceless,” they also take an openly activist stance (114). Another distinctive feature of AJ+ videos is the way they are tailored for specific platforms. From the beginning, AJ+ has had particular success on Facebook, a success that has been recognised in popular and trade publications. A 2015 profile on AJ+ videos in Variety (Roettgers) noted that AJ+ was the ninth biggest video publisher on the social network, while a story on Journalism.co (Reid, “How AJ+ Reaches”) that same year commented on the remarkable extent to which Facebook audiences shared and interacted with AJ+ videos. These stories also note the distinctive video style that has become associated with the AJ+ brand—short, bold captions; striking images that include photos, maps, infographics, and animations; an effective opening hook; and a closing call to share the video.AJ+ video producers were developing this unique style just as Facebook’s autoplay was being introduced into newsfeeds. Autoplay—a mechanism through which videos are played automatically, without action from a user—predates Facebook’s introduction of the feature. However, autoplay on Internet sites had already begun to raise the ire of many users before its appearance on Facebook (Oremus, “In Defense of Autoplay”). By playing video automatically, autoplay wrests control away from users, and causes particular problems for users using assistive technologies. Reporting on Facebook’s decision to introduce autoplay, Josh Constine notes that the company was looking for a way to increase advertising revenues without increasing the number of actual ads. Encouraging users to upload and share video normalises the presence of video on Facebook, and opens up the door to the eventual addition of profitable video ads. Ensuring that video plays automatically gives video producers an opportunity to capture the attention of users without the need for them to actively click to start a video. Further, ensuring that the videos can be understood when played silently means that both deaf users and users who are situationally unable to hear the audio can also consume its content in any kind of setting.While Facebook has promoted its introduction of autoplay as a benefit to users (Oremus, “Facebook”), it is perhaps more clearly an illustration of the carefully-crafted production strategies used by digital platforms to capture, maintain, and control attention. Within digital capitalism, attention is a highly prized and scarce resource. Michael Goldhaber argues that once attention is given, it builds the potential for further attention in the future. He writes that “obtaining attention is obtaining a kind of enduring wealth, a form of wealth that puts you in a preferred position to get anything this new economy offers” (n.p.). In the case of Facebook, this offers video producers the opportunity to capture users’ attention quickly—in the time it takes them to scroll through their newsfeed. While this may equate to only a few seconds, those few seconds hold, as Goldhaber predicted, the potential to create further value and profit when videos are viewed, liked, shared, and commented on.Interviews with AJ+ producers reveal that an understanding of the value of this attention drives the organisation’s production decisions, and shapes content, aesthetics, and modalities. They also make it clear that it is captions that are central in their efforts to engage audiences. Jigar Mehta, former head of engagement at AJ+, explains that “those first three to five seconds have become vital in grabbing the audience’s attention” (quoted in Reid, “How AJ+ Reaches”). While early videos began with the AJ+ logo, that was soon dropped in favour of a bold image and text, a decision that dramatically increased views (Reid, “How AJ+ Reaches”). Captions and titles are not only central to grabbing attention, but also to maintaining it, particularly as many audience members consume video on mobile devices without sound. Mehta tells an editor at the Nieman Journalism Lab:we think a lot about whether a video works with the sound off. Do we have to subtitle it in order to keep the audience retention high? Do we need to use big fonts? Do we need to use color blocking in order to make words pop and make things stand out? (Mehta, qtd. in Ellis)An AJ+ designer similarly suggests that the most important aspects of AJ+ videos are brand, aesthetic style, consistency, clarity, and legibility (Zou). While questions of brand, style, and clarity are not surprising elements to associate with online video, the matter of legibility is. And yet, in contexts where video is viewed on small, hand-held screens and sound is not an option, legibility—as it relates to the arrangement, size and colour of type—does indeed take on new importance to storytelling and sense-making.While AJ+ producers frame the use of captions as an innovative response to Facebook’s modern algorithmic changes, it makes sense to also remember the significant histories of captioning that their videos ultimately draw upon. This lineage includes silent films of the early twentieth century, as well as the development of closed captions for deaf audiences later in that century. Just as he argues for the complexity, creativity, and transformative potential of captions themselves, Sean Zdenek also urges us to view the history of closed captioning not as a linear narrative moving inevitably towards progress, but as something far more complicated and marked by struggle, an important reminder of the fraught and human histories that are often overlooked in accounts of “new media.” Another important historical strand to consider is the centrality of the written word to digital media, and to the Internet in particular. As Carmen Lee writes, despite public anxieties and discussions over a perceived drop in time spent reading, digital media in fact “involve extensive use of the written word” (2). While this use takes myriad forms, many of these forms might be seen as connected to the production, consumption, and popularity of captions, including practices such as texting, tweeting, and adding titles and catchphrases to photos.Captions, Capture, and Contrast in Australian vs. US HealthcareOn May 4, 2017, US President Donald Trump was scheduled to meet with Australian Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull in New York City. Trump delayed the meeting, however, in order to await the results of a vote in the US House of Representatives to repeal the Affordable Care Act—commonly known as Obama Care. When he finally sat down with the Prime Minister later that day, Trump told him that Australia has “better health care” than the US, a statement that, in the words of a Guardian report, “triggered astonishment and glee” amongst Trump’s critics (Smith). In response to Trump’s surprising pronouncement, AJ+ produced a 1-minute video extending Trump’s initial comparison with a series of contrasts between Australian government-funded health care and American privatised health care (Facebook, “President Trump Says…”). The video provides an excellent example of the role captions play in both generating attention and creating the unique aesthetic that is crucial to the AJ+ brand.The opening frame of the video begins with a shot of the two leaders seated in front of the US and Australian flags, a diplomatic scene familiar to anyone who follows politics. The colours of the picture are predominantly red, white and blue. Superimposed on top of the image is a textbox containing the words “How does Australia’s healthcare compare to the US?” The question appears in white capital letters on a black background, and the box itself is heavily outlined in yellow. The white and yellow AJ+ logo appears in the upper right corner of the frame. This opening frame poses a question to the viewer, encouraging a kind of rhetorical interactivity. Through the use of colour in and around the caption, it also quickly establishes the AJ+ brand. This opening scene also draws on the Internet’s history of humorous “image macros”—exemplified by the early LOL cat memes—that create comedy through the superimposition of captions on photographic images (Shifman).Captions continue to play a central role in meaning-making once the video plays. In the next frame, Trump is shown speaking to Turnbull. As he speaks, his words—“We have a failing healthcare”—drop onto the screen (Image 1). The captions are an exact transcription of Trump’s awkward phrase and appear centred in caps, with the words “failing healthcare” emphasised in larger, yellow font. With or without sound, these bold captions are concise, easily read on a small screen, and visually dominate the frame. The next few seconds of the video complete the sequence, as Trump tells Turnbull, “I shouldn’t say this to our great gentleman, my friend from Australia, ‘cause you have better healthcare than we do.” These words continue to appear over the image of the two men, still filling the screen. In essence, Trump’s verbal gaffe, transcribed word for word and appearing in AJ+’s characteristic white and yellow lettering, becomes the video’s hook, designed to visually call out to the Facebook user scrolling silently through their newsfeed.Image 1: “We have a failing healthcare.”The middle portion of the video answers the opening question, “How does Australia’s healthcare compare to the US?”. There is no verbal language in this segment—the only sound is a simple synthesised soundtrack. Instead, captions, images, and spatial design, working in close cooperation, are used to draw five comparisons. Each of these comparisons uses the same format. A title appears at the top of the screen, with the remainder of the screen divided in two. The left side is labelled Australia, the right U.S. Underneath these headings, a representative image appears, followed by two statistics, one for each country. For example, the third comparison contrasts Australian and American infant mortality rates (Image 2). The left side of the screen shows a close-up of a mother kissing a baby, with the superimposed caption “3 per 1,000 births.” On the other side of the yellow border, the American infant mortality rate is illustrated with an image of a sleeping baby superimposed with a corresponding caption, “6 per 1,000 births.” Without voiceover, captions do much of the work of communicating the national differences. They are, however, complemented and made more quickly comprehensible through the video’s spatial design and its subtly contrasting images, which help to visually organise the written content.Image 2: “Infant mortality rate”The final 10 seconds of the video bring sound back into the picture. We once again see and hear Trump tell Turnbull, “You have better healthcare than we do.” This image transforms into another pair of male faces—liberal American commentator Chris Hayes and US Senator Bernie Sanders—taken from a MSNBC cable television broadcast. On one side, Hayes says “They do have, they have universal healthcare.” On the other, Sanders laughs uproariously in response. The only added caption for this segment is “Hahahaha!”, the simplicity of which suggests that the video’s target audience is assumed to have a context for understanding Sander’s laughter. Here and throughout the video, autoplay leads to a far more visual style of relating information, one in which captions—working alongside images and layout—become, in Zdenek’s words, a sort of “textual performance” (6).The Black Panther Party and the Textual Performance of Progressive PoliticsReports on police brutality and Black Lives Matters protests have been amongst AJ+’s most widely viewed and shared videos (Reid, “Beyond Websites”). Their 2-minute video (Facebook, Black Panther) commemorating the 50th anniversary of the Black Panther Party, viewed 9.5 million times, provides background to these contemporary events. Like the comparison of American and Australian healthcare, captions shape the video’s structure. But here, rather than using contrast as means of quick visual communication, the video is structured as a list of five significant points about the Black Panther Party. Captions are used not only to itemise and simplify—and ultimately to reduce—the party’s complex history, but also, somewhat paradoxically, to promote the news organisation’s own progressive values.After announcing the intent and structure of the video—“5 things you should know about the Black Panther Party”—in its first 3 seconds, the video quickly sets in to describe each item in turn. The themes themselves correspond with AJ+’s own interests in policing, community, and protest, while the language used to announce each theme is characteristically concise and colloquial:They wanted to end police brutality.They were all about the community.They made enemies in high places.Women were vocal and active panthers.The Black Panthers’ legacy is still alive today.Each of these themes is represented using a combination of archival black and white news footage and photographs depicting Black Panther members, marches, and events. These still and moving images are accompanied by audio recordings from party members, explaining its origins, purposes, and influences. Captions are used throughout the video both to indicate the five themes and to transcribe the recordings. As the video moves from one theme to another, the corresponding number appears in the centre of the screen to indicate the transition, and then shrinks and moves to the upper left corner of the screen as a reminder for viewers. A musical soundtrack of strings and percussion, communicating a sense of urgency, underscores the full video.While typographic features like font size, colour, and placement were significant in communicating meaning in AJ+’s healthcare video, there is an even broader range of experimentation here. The numbers 1 to 5 that appear in the centre of the screen to announce each new theme blink and flicker like the countdown at the beginning of bygone film reels, gesturing towards the historical topic and complementing the black and white footage. For those many viewers watching the video without sound, an audio waveform above the transcribed interviews provides a visual clue that the captions are transcriptions of recorded voices. Finally, the colour green, used infrequently in AJ+ videos, is chosen to emphasise a select number of key words and phrases within the short video. Significantly, all of these words are spoken by Black Panther members. For example, captions transcribing former Panther leader Ericka Huggins speaking about the party’s slogan—“All power to the people”—highlight the words “power” and “people” with large, lime green letters that stand out against the grainy black and white photos (Image 3). The captions quite literally highlight ideas about oppression, justice, and social change that are central to an understanding of the history of the Black Panther Party, but also to the communication of the AJ+ brand.Image 3: “All power to the people”ConclusionEmploying distinctive combinations of word and image, AJ+ videos are produced to call out to users through the crowded semiotic spaces of social media. But they also call out to scholars to think carefully about the new kinds of literacies associated with rapidly changing digital media formats. Captioned video makes clear the need to recognise how meaning is constructed through sophisticated interpretive strategies that draw together multiple modes. While captions are certainly not new, an analysis of AJ+ videos suggests the use of novel typographical experiments that sit “midway between language and image” (Stöckl 289). Discussions of literacy need to expand to recognise this experimentation and to account for the complex interactions between the verbal and visual that get lost when written text is understood to function similarly across multiple platforms. In his interpretation of closed captioning, Zdenek provides an insightful list of the ways that captions transform meaning, including their capacity to contextualise, clarify, formalise, linearise and distill (8–9). His list signals not only the need for a deeper understanding of the role of captions, but also for a broader and more vivid vocabulary to describe multimodal meaning-making. Indeed, as Allan Luke suggests, within the complex multimodal and multilingual contexts of contemporary global societies, literacy requires that we develop and nurture “languages to talk about language” (459).Just as importantly, an analysis of captioned video that takes into account the economic reasons for captioning also reminds us of the need for critical media literacies. AJ+ videos reveal how the commercial goals of branding, promotion, and profit-making influence the shape and presentation of news. As meaning-makers and as citizens, we require the capacity to assess how we are being addressed by news organisations that are themselves responding to the interests of economic and cultural juggernauts such as Facebook. In schools, universities, and informal learning spaces, as well as through discourses circulated by research, media, and public policy, we might begin to generate more explicit and critical discussions of the ways that digital media—including texts that inform us and even those that exhort us towards more active forms of citizenship—simultaneously seek to manage, direct, and profit from our attention.ReferencesBezemer, Jeff, and Gunther Kress. “Writing in Multimodal Texts: A Social Semiotic Account of Designs for Learning.” Written Communication 25.2 (2008): 166–195.Constine, Josh. “Facebook Adds Automatic Subtitling for Page Videos.” TechCrunch 4 Jan. 2017. 1 May 2017 <https://techcrunch.com/2017/01/04/facebook-video-captions/>.Ellis, Justin. “How AJ+ Embraces Facebook, Autoplay, and Comments to Make Its Videos Stand Out.” Nieman Labs 3 Aug. 2015. 28 Apr. 2017 <http://www.niemanlab.org/2015/08/how-aj-embraces-facebook-autoplay-and-comments-to-make-its-videos-stand-out/>.Facebook. “President Trump Says…” Facebook, 2017. <https://www.facebook.com/ajplusenglish/videos/954884227986418/>.Facebook. “Black Panther.” Facebook, 2017. <https://www.facebook.com/ajplusenglish/videos/820822028059306/>.Goldhaber, Michael. “The Attention Economy and the Net.” First Monday 2.4 (1997). 9 June 2013 <http://firstmonday.org/article/view/519/440>.Herrera, Linda. “Youth and Citizenship in the Digital Age: A View from Egypt.” Harvard Educational Review 82.3 (2012): 333–352.Jewitt, Carey.”Introduction.” Routledge Handbook of Multimodal Analysis. Ed. Carey Jewitt. New York: Routledge, 2009. 1–8.Jones, Rodney. “Technology and Sites of Display.” Routledge Handbook of Multimodal Analysis. Ed. Carey Jewitt. New York: Routledge, 2009. 114–126.Lee, Carmen. “Micro-Blogging and Status Updates on Facebook: Texts and Practices.” Digital Discourse: Language in the New Media. Eds. Crispin Thurlow and Kristine Mroczek. Oxford Scholarship Online, 2011. DOI: 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199795437.001.0001.Lemke, Jay. “Multimodality, Identity, and Time.” Routledge Handbook of Multimodal Analysis. Ed. Carey Jewitt. New York: Routledge, 2009. 140–150.Luke, Allan. “Critical Literacy in Australia: A Matter of Context and Standpoint.” Journal of Adolescent and Adult Literacy 43.5 (200): 448–461.Oremus, Will. “Facebook Is Eating the Media.” National Post 14 Jan. 2015. 15 June 2017 <http://news.nationalpost.com/news/facebook-is-eating-the-media-how-auto-play-videos-could-put-news-websites-out-of-business>.———. “In Defense of Autoplay.” Slate 16 June 2015. 14 June 2017 <http://www.slate.com/articles/technology/future_tense/2015/06/autoplay_videos_facebook_twitter_are_making_them_less_annoying.html>.Paik, Nam June. “The Video Synthesizer and Beyond.” The New Television: A Public/Private Art. Eds. Douglas Davis and Allison Simmons. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1977. 45.Reid, Alistair. “Beyond Websites: How AJ+ Is Innovating in Digital Storytelling.” Journalism.co 17 Apr. 2015. 13 Feb. 2017 <https://www.journalism.co.uk/news/beyond-websites-how-aj-is-innovating-in-digital-storytelling/s2/a564811/>.———. “How AJ+ Reaches 600% of Its Audience on Facebook.” Journalism.co. 5 Aug. 2015. 13 Feb. 2017 <https://www.journalism.co.uk/news/how-aj-reaches-600-of-its-audience-on-facebook/s2/a566014/>.Roettgers, Jank. “How Al Jazeera’s AJ+ Became One of the Biggest Video Publishers on Facebook.” Variety 30 July 2015. 1 May 2017 <http://variety.com/2015/digital/news/how-al-jazeeras-aj-became-one-of-the-biggest-video-publishers-on-facebook-1201553333/>.Shifman, Limor. Memes in Digital Culture. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2014.Smith, David. “Trump Says ‘Everybody’, Not Just Australia, Has Better Healthcare than US.” The Guardian 5 May 2017. 5 May 2017 <https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2017/may/05/trump-healthcare-australia-better-malcolm-turnbull>.Stöckl, Hartmut. “Typography: Visual Language and Multimodality.” Interactions, Images and Texts. Eds. Sigrid Norris and Carmen Daniela Maier. Amsterdam: De Gruyter, 2014. 283–293.Tandoc, Edson, and Maitra, Julian. “New Organizations’ Use of Native Videos on Facebook: Tweaking the Journalistic Field One Algorithm Change at a Time. New Media & Society (2017). DOI: 10.1177/1461444817702398.Youmans, William. An Unlikely Audience: Al Jazeera’s Struggle in America. New York: Oxford University Press, 2017.Zdenek, Sean. Reading Sounds: Closed-Captioned Media and Popular Culture. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2015.Zou, Yanni. “How AJ+ Applies User-Centered Design to Win Millennials.” Medium 16 Apr. 2016. 7 May 2017 <https://medium.com/aj-platforms/how-aj-applies-user-centered-design-to-win-millennials-3be803a4192c>.

This article explores how fat women protesting challenges norms of womanhood, the place of women in society, and who has the power to have their say in public spaces. We use the term fat as a political reclamation; Fat Studies scholars and fat activists prefer the term fat, over the normative term “overweight” and the pathologising term “obese/obesity” (Lee and Pausé para 3). Who is and who isn’t fat, we suggest, is best left to self-determination, although it is generally accepted by fat activists that the term is most appropriately adopted by individuals who are unable to buy clothes in any store they choose. Using a tweet from conservative commentator Ann Coulter as a leaping-off point, we examine the narratives around women in the public sphere and explore how fat bodies might transgress further the norms set by society. The public representations of women in politics and protest are then are set in the context of ‘activist wisdom’ (Maddison and Scalmer) from two sides of the globe. Activist wisdom gives preference to the lived knowledge and experience of activists as tools to understand social movements. It seeks to draw theoretical implications from the practical actions of those on the ground. In centring the experiences of ourselves and other activists, we hope to expand existing understandings of body politics, gender, and political power in this piece. It is important in researching social movements to look both at the representations of protest and protestors in all forms of media as this is the ‘public face’ of movements, but also to examine the reflections of the individuals who collectively put their weight behind bringing social change.A few days after the 45th President of the United States was elected, people around the world spilled into the streets and participated in protests; precursors to the Women’s March which would take place the following January. Pictures of such marches were shared via social media, demonstrating the worldwide protest against the racism, misogyny, and overall oppressiveness, of the newly elected leader. Not everyone was supportive of these protests though; one such conservative commentator, Ann Coulter, shared this tweet: Image1: A tweet from Ann Coulter; the tweet contains a picture of a group of protestors, holding signs protesting Trump, white supremacy, and for the rights of immigrants. In front of the group, holding a megaphone is a woman. Below the picture, the text reads, “Without fat girls, there would be no protests”.Coulter continued on with two more tweets, sharing pictures of other girls protesting and suggesting that the protestors needed a diet programme. Kivan Bay (“Without Fat Girls”) suggested that perhaps Coulter was implying that skinny girls do not have time to protest because they are too busy doing skinny girl things, like buying jackets or trying on sweaters. Or perhaps Coulter was arguing that fat girls are too visible, too loud, and too big, to be taken seriously in their protests. These tweets provide a point of illustration for how fat women protesting challenge norms of womanhood, the place of women in society, and who has the power to have their say in public spaces While Coulter’s tweet was most likely intended as a hostile personal attack on political grounds, we find it useful in its foregrounding of gender, bodies and protest which we consider in this article, beginning with a review of fat girls’ role in social justice movements.Across the world, we can point to fat women who engage in activism related to body politics and more. Australian fat filmmaker and activist Kelli Jean Drinkwater makes documentaries, such as Aquaporko! and Nothing to Lose, that queer fat embodiment and confronts body norms. Newly elected Ontario MPP Jill Andrew has been fighting for equal rights for queer people and fat people in Canada for decades. Nigerian Latasha Ngwube founded About That Curvy Life, Africa’s leading body positive and empowerment site, and has organised plus-size fashion show events at Heineken Lagos Fashion and Design Week in Nigeria in 2016 and the Glitz Africa Fashion Week in Ghana in 2017. Fat women have been putting their bodies on the line for the rights of others to live, work, and love. American Heather Heyer was protesting the hate that white nationalists represent and the danger they posed to her friends, family, and neighbours when she died at a rally in Charlottesville, North Carolina in late 2017 (Caron). When Heyer was killed by one of those white nationalists, they declared that she was fat, and therefore her body size was lauded loudly as justification for her death (Bay, “How Nazis Use”; Spangler).Fat women protesting is not new. For example, the Fat Underground was a group of “radical fat feminist women”, who split off from the more conservative NAAFA (National Association to Aid Fat Americans) in the 1970s (Simic 18). The group educated the public about weight science, harassed weight-loss companies, and disrupted academic seminars on obesity. The Fat Underground made their first public appearance at a Women’s Equality Day in Los Angeles, taking over the stage at the public event to accuse the medical profession of murdering Cass Elliot, the lead singer of the folk music group, The Mamas and the Papas (Dean and Buss). In 1973, the Fat Underground produced the Fat Liberation Manifesto. This Manifesto began by declaring that they believed “that fat people are full entitled to human respect and recognition” (Freespirit and Aldebaran 341).Women have long been disavowed, or discouraged, from participating in the public sphere (Ginzberg; van Acker) or seen as “intruders or outsiders to the tough world of politics” (van Acker 118). The feminist slogan the personal is political was intended to shed light on the role that women needed to play in the public spheres of education, employment, and government (Caha 22). Across the world, the acceptance of women within the public sphere has been varied due to cultural, political, and religious, preferences and restrictions (Agenda Feminist Media Collective). Limited acceptance of women in the public sphere has historically been granted by those ‘anointed’ by a male family member or patron (Fountaine 47).Anti-feminists are quick to disavow women being in public spaces, preferring to assign them the role as helpmeet to male political elite. As Schlafly (in Rowland 30) notes: “A Positive Woman cannot defeat a man in a wrestling or boxing match, but she can motivate him, inspire him, encourage him, teach him, restrain him, reward him, and have power over him that he can never achieve over her with all his muscle.” This idea of women working behind the scenes has been very strong in New Zealand where the ‘sternly worded’ letter is favoured over street protest. An acceptable route for women’s activism was working within existing political institutions (Grey), with activity being ‘hidden’ inside government offices such as the Ministry of Women’s Affairs (Schuster, 23). But women’s movement organisations that engage in even the mildest form of disruptive protest are decried (Grey; van Acker).One way women have been accepted into public space is as the moral guardians or change agents of the entire political realm (Bliss; Ginzberg; van Acker; Ledwith). From the early suffrage movements both political actors and media representations highlighted women were more principled and conciliatory than men, and in many cases had a moral compass based on restraint. Cartoons showed women in the suffrage movement ‘sweeping up’ and ‘cleaning house’ (Sheppard 123). Groups like the Women’s Christian Temperance Union were celebrated for protesting against the demon drink and anti-pornography campaigners like Patricia Bartlett were seen as acceptable voices of moral reason (Moynihan). And as Cunnison and Stageman (in Ledwith 193) note, women bring a “culture of femininity to trade unions … an alternative culture, derived from the particularity of their lives as women and experiences of caring and subordination”. This role of moral guardian often derived from women as ‘mothers’, responsible for the physical and moral well-being of the nation.The body itself has been a sight of protest for women including fights for bodily autonomy in their medical decisions, reproductive justice, and to live lives free from physical and sexual abuse, have long been met with criticisms of being unladylike or inappropriate. Early examples decried in NZ include the women’s clothing movement which formed part of the suffrage movement. In the second half of the 20th century it was the freedom trash can protests that started the myth of ‘women burning their bras’ which defied acceptable feminine norms (Sawer and Grey). Recent examples of women protesting for body rights include #MeToo and Time’s Up. Both movements protest the lack of bodily autonomy women can assert when men believe they are entitled to women’s bodies for their entertainment, enjoyment, and pleasure. And both movements have received considerable backlash by those who suggest it is a witch hunt that might ensnare otherwise innocent men, or those who are worried that the real victims are white men who are being left behind (see Garber; Haussegger). Women who advocate for bodily autonomy, including access to contraception and abortion, are often held up as morally irresponsible. As Archdeacon Bullock (cited in Smyth 55) asserted, “A woman should pay for her fun.”Many individuals believe that the stigma and discrimination fat people face are the consequences they sow from their own behaviours (Crandall 892); that fat people are fat because they have made poor decisions, being too indulgent with food and too lazy to exercise (Crandall 883). Therefore, fat people, like women, should have to pay for their fun. Fat women find themselves at this intersection, and are often judged more harshly for their weight than fat men (Tiggemann and Rothblum). Examining Coulter’s tweet with this perspective in mind, it can easily be read as an attempt to put fat girl protestors back into their place. It can also be read as a warning. Don’t go making too much noise or you may be labelled as fat. Presenting troublesome women as fat has a long history within political art and depictions. Marianne (the symbol of the French Republic) was depicted as fat and ugly; she also reinforced an anti-suffragist position (Chenut 441). These images are effective because of our societal views on fatness (Kyrölä). Fatness is undesirable, unworthy of love and attention, and a representation of poor character, lack of willpower, and an absence of discipline (Murray 14; Pausé, “Rebel Heart” para 1).Fat women who protest transgress rules around body size, gender norms, and the appropriate place for women in society. Take as an example the experiences of one of the authors of this piece, Sandra Grey, who was thrust in to political limelight nationally with the Campaign for MMP (Grey and Fitzsimmons) and when elected as the President of the New Zealand Tertiary Education Union in 2011. Sandra is a trade union activist who breaches too many norms set for the “good woman protestor,” as well as the norms for being a “good fat woman”. She looms large on a stage – literally – and holds enough power in public protest to make a crowd of 7,000 people “jump to left”, chant, sing, and march. In response, some perceive Sandra less as a tactical and strategic leader of the union movement, and more as the “jolly fat woman” who entertains, MCs, and leads public events. Though even in this role, she has been criticised for being too loud, too much, too big.These criticisms are loudest when Sandra is alongside other fat female bodies. When posting on social media photos with fellow trade union members the comments often note the need of the group to “go on a diet”. The collective fatness also brings comments about “not wanting to fuck any of that group of fat cows”. There is something politically and socially dangerous about fat women en masse. This was behind the responses to Sandra’s first public appearance as the President of TEU when one of the male union members remarked “Clearly you have to be a fat dyke to run this union.” The four top elected and appointed positions in the TEU have been women for eight years now and both their fatness and perceived sexuality present as a threat in a once male-dominated space. Even when not numerically dominant, unions are public spaces dominated by a “masculine culture … underpinned by the undervaluation of ‘women’s worth’ and notions of womanhood ‘defined in domesticity’” (Cockburn in Kirton 273-4). Sandra’s experiences in public space show that the derision and methods of putting fat girls back in their place varies dependent on whether the challenge to power is posed by a single fat body with positional power and a group of fat bodies with collective power.Fat Girls Are the FutureOn the other side of the world, Tara Vilhjálmsdóttir is protesting to change the law in Iceland. Tara believes that fat people should be protected against discrimination in public and private settings. Using social media such as Facebook and Instagram, Tara takes her message, and her activism, to her thousands of followers (Keller, 434; Pausé, “Rebel Heart”). And through mainstream media, she pushes back on fatphobia rhetoric and applies pressure on the government to classify weight as a protected status under the law.After a lifetime of living “under the oppression of diet culture,” Tara began her activism in 2010 (Vilhjálmsdóttir). She had suffered real harm from diet culture, developing an eating disorder as a teen and being told through her treatment for it that her fears as a fat woman – that she had no future, that fat people experienced discrimination and stigma – were unfounded. But Tara’s lived experiences demonstrated fat stigma and discrimination were real.In 2012, she co-founded the Icelandic Association for Body Respect, which promotes body positivity and fights weight stigma in Iceland. The group uses a mixture of real life and online tools; organising petitions, running campaigns against the Icelandic version of The Biggest Loser, and campaigning for weight to be a protected class in the Icelandic constitution. The Association has increased the visibility of the dangers of diet culture and the harm of fat stigma. They laid the groundwork that led to changing the human rights policy for the city of Reykjavík; fat people cannot be discriminated against in employment settings within government jobs. As the city is one of the largest employers in the country, this was a large step forward for fat rights.Tara does receive her fair share of hate messages; she’s shared that she’s amazed at the lengths people will go to misunderstand what she is saying (Vilhjálmsdóttir). “This isn’t about hurt feelings; I’m not insulted [by fat stigma]. It’s about [fat stigma] affecting the livelihood of fat people and the structural discrimination they face” (Vilhjálmsdóttir). She collects the hateful comments she receives online through screenshots and shares them in an album on her page. She believes it is important to keep a repository to demonstrate to others that the hatred towards fat people is real. But the hate she receives only fuels her work more. As does the encouragement she receives from people, both in Iceland and abroad. And she is not alone; fat activists across the world are using Web 2.0 tools to change the conversation around fatness and demand civil rights for fat people (Pausé, “Rebel Heart”; Pausé, “Live to Tell").Using Web 2.0 tools as a way to protest and engage in activism is an example of oppositional technologics; a “political praxis of resistance being woven into low-tech, amateur, hybrid, alternative subcultural feminist networks” (Garrison 151). Fat activists use social media to engage in anti-assimilationist activism and build communities of practice online in ways that would not be possible in real life (Pausé, “Express Yourself” 1). This is especially useful for those whose protests sit at the intersections of oppressions (Keller 435; Pausé, “Rebel Heart” para 19). Online protests have the ability to travel the globe quickly, providing opportunities for connections between protests and spreading protests across the globe, such as SlutWalks in 2011-2012 (Schuster 19). And online spaces open up unlimited venues for women to participate more freely in protest than other forms (Harris 479; Schuster 16; Garrison 162).Whether online or offline, women are represented as dangerous in the political sphere when they act without male champions breaching norms of femininity, when their involvement challenges the role of woman as moral guardians, and when they make the body the site of protest. Women must ‘do politics’ politely, with utmost control, and of course caringly; that is they must play their ‘designated roles’. Whether or not you fit the gendered norms of political life affects how your protest is perceived through the media (van Acker). Coulter’s tweet loudly proclaimed that the fat ‘girls’ protesting the election of the 45th President of the United States were unworthy, out of control, and not worthy of attention (ironic, then, as her tweet caused considerable conversation about protest, fatness, and the reasons not to like the President-Elect). What the Coulter tweet demonstrates is that fat women are perceived as doubly-problematic in public space, both as fat and as women. They do not do politics in a way that is befitting womanhood – they are too visible and loud; they are not moral guardians of conservative values; and, their bodies challenge masculine power.ReferencesAgenda Feminist Media Collective. “Women in Society: Public Debate.” Agenda: Empowering Women for Gender Equity 10 (1991): 31-44.Bay, Kivan. “How Nazis Use Fat to Excuse Violence.” Medium, 7 Feb. 2018. 1 May 2018 <https://medium.com/@kivabay/how-nazis-use-fat-to-excuse-violence-b7da7d18fea8>.———. “Without Fat Girls, There Would Be No Protests.” Bullshit.ist, 13 Nov. 2016. 16 May 2018 <https://bullshit.ist/without-fat-girls-there-would-be-no-protests-e66690de539a>.Bliss, Katherine Elaine. Compromised Positions: Prostitution, Public Health, and Gender Politics in Revolutionary Mexico City. Penn State Press, 2010.Caha, Omer. Women and Civil Society in Turkey: Women’s Movements in a Muslim Society. London: Ashgate, 2013.Caron, Christina. “Heather Heyer, Charlottesville Victim, Is Recalled as ‘a Strong Woman’.” New York Times, 13 Aug. 2017. 1 May 2018 <https://www.nytimes.com/2017/08/13/us/heather-heyer-charlottesville-victim.html>.Chenut, Helen. “Anti-Feminist Caricature in France: Politics, Satire and Public Opinion, 1890-1914.” Modern & Contemporary France 20.4 (2012): 437-452.Crandall, Christian S. "Prejudice against Fat People: Ideology and Self-Interest." Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 66.5 (1994): 882-894.Damousi, Joy. “Representations of the Body and Sexuality in Communist Iconography, 1920-1955.” Australian Feminist Studies 12.25 (1997): 59-75.Dean, Marge, and Shirl Buss. “Fat Underground.” YouTube, 11 Aug. 2016 [1975]. 1 May 2018 <https://youtu.be/UPYRZCXjoRo>.Fountaine, Susan. “Women, Politics and the Media: The 1999 New Zealand General Election.” PhD thesis. Palmerston North, NZ: Massey University, 2002.Freespirit, Judy, and Aldebaran. “Fat Liberation Manifesto November 1973.” The Fat Studies Reader. Eds. Esther Rothblum and Sondra Solovay. New York: NYU P, 2009. 341-342.Garber, Megan. “The Selective Empathy of #MeToo Backlash.” The Atlantic, 11 Feb 2018. 5 Apr. 2018 <https://www.theatlantic.com/entertainment/archive/2018/02/the-selective-empathy-of-metoo-backlash/553022/>.Garrison, Edith. “US Feminism – Grrrl Style! Youth (Sub)Cultures and the Technologics of the Third Wave.” Feminist Studies 26.1 (2000): 141-170.Garvey, Nicola. “Violence against Women: Beyond Gender Neutrality.” Looking Back, Moving Forward: The Janus Women’s Convention 2005. Ed. Dale Spender. Masterton: Janus Trust, 2005. 114-120.Ginzberg, Lori D. Women and the Work of Benevolence: Morality, Politics, and Class in the Nineteenth-Century United States. Yale UP, 1992.Grey, Sandra. “Women, Politics, and Protest: Rethinking Women's Liberation Activism in New Zealand.” Rethinking Women and Politics: New Zealand and Comparative Perspectives. Eds. John Leslie, Elizabeth McLeay, and Kate McMillan. Victoria UP, 2009. 34-61.———, and Matthew Fitzsimons. “Defending Democracy: ‘Keep MMP’ and the 2011 Electoral Referendum.” Kicking the Tyres: The New Zealand General Election and Electoral Referendum of 2011. Eds. Jon Johansson and Stephen Levine. Victoria UP, 2012. 285-304.———, and Marian Sawer, eds. Women’s Movements: Flourishing or in Abeyance? London: Routledge, 2008.Harris, Anita. “Mind the Gap: Attitudes and Emergent Feminist Politics since the Third Wave.” Australian Feminist Studies 25.66 (2010): 475-484.Haussegger, Virginia. “#MeToo: Beware the Brewing Whiff of Backlash.” Sydney Morning Herald, 7 Mar. 2018. 1 Apr. 2018 <https://www.smh.com.au/national/metoo-beware-the-brewing-whiff-of-backlash-20180306-p4z33s.html>.Keller, Jessalynn. “Virtual Feminisms.” Information, Communication and Society 15.3(2011): 429-447.Kirston, Gill. “From ‘a Woman’s Place Is in Her Union’ to ‘Strong Unions Need Women’: Changing Gender Discourses, Policies and Realities in the Union Movement.” Labour & Industry: A Journal of the Social and Economic Relations of Work 27.4 (2017): 270-283.Kyrölä, Katariina. The Weight of Images. London: Routledge, 2014.Ledwith, Sue. “Gender Politics in Trade Unions: The Representation of Women between Exclusion and Inclusion.” European Review of Labour and Research 18.2 (2012): 185-199.Lyndsey, Susan. 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Social Media and Young Women’s Political Participation.” Political Science 65.1 (2013): 8-24.Sheppard, Alice. "Suffrage Art and Feminism." Hypatia 5.2 (1990): 122-136.Simic, Zora. “Fat as a Feminist Issue: A History.” Fat Sex: New Directions in Theory and Activism. Eds. Helen Hester and Caroline Walters. London: Ashgate, 2015. 15-36.Spangler, Todd. “White-Supremacist Site Daily Stormer Booted by Hosting Provider.” Variety, 13 Aug. 2017. 1 May 2018 <https://variety.com/2017/digital/news/daily-stormer-heather-heyer-white-supremacist-neo-nazi-hosting-provider-1202526544/>.Smyth, Helen. Rocking the Cradle: Contraception, Sex, and Politics in New Zealand. Steele Roberts, 2000.Tiggemann, Marika, and Esther D. Rothblum. "Gender Differences in Social Consequences of Perceived Overweight in the United States and Australia." Sex Roles 18.1-2 (1988): 75-86.Van Acker, Elizabeth. “Media Representations of Women Politicians in Australia and New Zealand: High Expectations, Hostility or Stardom.” Policy and Society 22.1 (2003): 116-136.Vilhjálmsdóttir, Tara. Personal interview. 1 June 2018.

This article reflects on part of a three-year battle over the redevelopment of an iconic Melbourne music venue, the Palace-Metro Nightclub (the Palace), involving the tactical use of Facebook Page data at trial. We were invited by the Save the Palace group, Melbourne City Council and the National Trust of Australia to provide Facebook Page data analysis as evidence of the social value of the venue at an appeals trial heard at the Victorian Civil Administration Tribunal (VCAT) in 2016. We take a reflexive ethnographic approach here to explore the data production, collection and analysis processes as these represent and constitute a “data public”.Although the developers won the appeal and were able to re-develop the site, the court accepted the validity of social media data as evidence of the building’s social value (Jinshan Investment Group Pty Ltd v Melbourne CC [2016] VCAT 626, 117; see also Victorian Planning Reports). Through the case, we elaborate on the concept of data publics by considering the “affordising” (Pollock) processes at play when extracting, analysing and visualising social media data. Affordising refers to the designed, deliberate and incidental effects of datafication and highlights the need to attend to the capacities for data collection and processing as they produce particular analytical outcomes. These processes foreground the compositional character of data publics, and the unevenness of data literacies (McCosker “Data Literacies”; Gray et al.) as a factor of the interpersonal and institutional capacity to read and mobilise data for social outcomes.We begin by reconsidering the often-assumed connection between social media data and their publics. Taking onboard theoretical accounts of publics as problem-oriented (Dewey) and dynamically constituted (Kelty), we conceptualise data publics through the key elements of a) consequentiality, b) sufficient connection over time, c) affective or emotional qualities of connection and interaction with the events. We note that while social data analytics may be a powerful tool for public protest, it equally affords use against public interests and introduces risks in relation to a lack of transparency, access or adequate data literacy.Urban Protest and Data Publics There are many examples globally of the use of social media to engage publics in battles over urban development or similar issues (e.g. Fredericks and Foth). Some have asked how social media might be better used by neighborhood organisations to mobilise protest and save historic buildings, cultural landmarks or urban sites (Johnson and Halegoua). And we can only note here the wealth of research literature on social movements, protest and social media. To emphasise Gerbaudo’s point, drawing on Mattoni, we “need to account for how exactly the use of these media reshapes the ‘repertoire of communication’ of contemporary movements and affects the experience of participants” (2). For us, this also means better understanding the role that social data plays in both aiding and reshaping urban protest or arming third sector groups with evidence useful in social institutions such as the courts.New modes of digital engagement enable forms of distributed digital citizenship, which Meikle sees as the creative political relationships that form through exercising rights and responsibilities. Associated with these practices is the transition from sanctioned, simple discursive forms of social protest in petitions, to new indicators of social engagement in more nuanced social media data and the more interactive forms of online petition platforms like change.org or GetUp (Halpin et al.). These technical forms code publics in specific ways that have implications for contemporary protest action. That is, they provide the operational systems and instructions that shape social actions and relationships for protest purposes (McCosker and Milne).All protest and social movements are underwritten by explicit or implicit concepts of participatory publics as these are shaped, enhanced, or threatened by communication technologies. But participatory protest publics are uneven, and as Kelty asks: “What about all the people who are neither protesters nor Twitter users? In the broadest possible sense this ‘General Public’ cannot be said to exist as an actual entity, but only as a kind of virtual entity” (27). Kelty is pointing to the porous boundary between a general public and an organised public, or formal enterprise, as a reminder that we cannot take for granted representations of a public, or the public as a given, in relation to Like or follower data for instance.If carefully gauged, the concept of data publics can be useful. To start with, the notions of publics and publicness are notoriously slippery. Baym and boyd explore the differences between these two terms, and the way social media reconfigures what “public” is. Does a Comment or a Like on a Facebook Page connect an individual sufficiently to an issues-public? As far back as the 1930s, John Dewey was seeking a pragmatic approach to similar questions regarding human association and the pluralistic space of “the public”. For Dewey, “the machine age has so enormously expanded, multiplied, intensified and complicated the scope of the indirect consequences [of human association] that the resultant public cannot identify itself” (157). To what extent, then, can we use data to constitute a public in relation to social protest in the age of data analytics?There are numerous well formulated approaches to studying publics in relation to social media and social networks. Social network analysis (SNA) determines publics, or communities, through links, ties and clustering, by measuring and mapping those connections and to an extent assuming that they constitute some form of sociality. Networked publics (Ito, 6) are understood as an outcome of social media platforms and practices in the use of new digital media authoring and distribution tools or platforms and the particular actions, relationships or modes of communication they afford, to use James Gibson’s sense of that term. “Publics can be reactors, (re)makers and (re)distributors, engaging in shared culture and knowledge through discourse and social exchange as well as through acts of media reception” (Ito 6). Hashtags, for example, facilitate connectivity and visibility and aid in the formation and “coordination of ad hoc issue publics” (Bruns and Burgess 3). Gray et al., following Ruppert, argue that “data publics are constituted by dynamic, heterogeneous arrangements of actors mobilised around data infrastructures, sometimes figuring as part of them, sometimes emerging as their effect”. The individuals of data publics are neither subjugated by the logics and metrics of digital platforms and data structures, nor simply sovereign agents empowered by the expressive potential of aggregated data (Gray et al.).Data publics are more than just aggregates of individual data points or connections. They are inherently unstable, dynamic (despite static analysis and visualisations), or vibrant, and ephemeral. We emphasise three key elements of active data publics. First, to be more than an aggregate of individual items, a data public needs to be consequential (in Dewey’s sense of issues or problem-oriented). Second, sufficient connection is visible over time. Third, affective or emotional activity is apparent in relation to events that lend coherence to the public and its prevailing sentiment. To these, we add critical attention to the affordising processes – or the deliberate and incidental effects of datafication and analysis, in the capacities for data collection and processing in order to produce particular analytical outcomes, and the data literacies these require. We return to the latter after elaborating on the Save the Palace case.Visualising Publics: Highlighting Engagement and IntensityThe Palace theatre was built in 1912 and served as a venue for theatre, cinema, live performance, musical acts and as a nightclub. In 2014 the Heritage Council decided not to include the Palace on Victoria’s heritage register and hence opened the door for developers, but Melbourne City Council and the National Trust of Australia opposed the redevelopment on the grounds of the building’s social significance as a music venue. Similarly, the Save the Palace group saw the proposed redevelopment as affecting the capacity of Melbourne CBD to host medium size live performances, and therefore impacting deeply on the social fabric of the local music scene. The Save the Palace group, chaired by Rebecca Leslie and Michael Raymond, maintained a 36,000+ strong Facebook Page and mobilised local members through regular public street protests, and participated in court proceedings in 2015 and February 2016 with Melbourne City Council and National Trust Australia. Joining the protesters in the lead up to the 2016 appeals trial, we aimed to use social media engagement data to measure, analyse and present evidence of the extent and intensity of a sustained protest public. The evidence we submitted had to satisfy VCAT’s need to establish the social value of the building and the significance of its redevelopment, and to explain: a) how social media works; b) the meaning of the number of Facebook Likes on the Save The Palace Page and the timing of those Likes, highlighting how the reach and Likes pick up at significant events; and c) whether or not a representative sample of Comments are supportive of the group and the Palace Theatre (McCosker “Statement”). As noted in the case (Jinshan, 117), where courts have traditionally relied on one simple measure for contemporary social value – the petition – our aim was to make use of the richer measures available through social media data, to better represent sustained engagement with the issues over time.Visualising a protest public in this way raises two significant problems for a workable concept of data publics. The first involves the “affordising” (Pollock) work of both the platform and our data analysis. This concerns the role played by data access and platform affordances for data capture, along with methodological choices made to best realise or draw out the affordances of the data for our purposes. The second concerns the issue of digital and data literacies in both the social acts that help to constitute a data public in the first place, and the capacity to read and write public data to represent those activities meaningfully. That is, Facebook and our analysis constitutes a data public in certain ways that includes potentially opaque decisions or processes. And citizens (protesters or casual Facebook commenters alike) along with social institutions (like the courts) have certain uneven capacity to effectively produce or read public protest-oriented data. The risk here, which we return to in the final section, lies in the potential for misrepresentation of publics through data, exclusions of access and ownership of data, and the uneven digital literacies at each stage of data production, analysis and sensemaking.Facebook captures data about individuals in intricate detail. Its data capture strategies are geared toward targeting for the purposes of marketing, although only a small subset of the data is publicly available through the Facebook Application Programming Interface (API), which is a kind of data “gateway”. The visible page data tells only part of the story. The total Page Likes in February 2016 was 36,828, representing a sizeable number of followers, mainly located in Melbourne but including 45 countries in total and 38 different languages. We extracted a data set of 268,211 engagements with the Page between February 2013 and August 2015. This included 45,393 post Likes and 9,139 Comments. Our strategy was to demarcate a structurally defined “community” (in the SNA sense of that term as delineating clusters of people, activities and links within a broader network), by visualising the interactions of Facebook users with Posts over time, and then examine elements of intensity of engagement. In other words, we “affordised” the network data using SNA techniques to most clearly convey the social value of the networked public.We used a combination of API access and Facebook’s native Insights data and analytics to extract use-data from that Page between June 2013 and December 2015. Analysis of a two-mode or bipartite network consisting of users and Posts was compiled using vosonSML, a package in the R programming language created at Australian National University (Graham and Ackland) and visualised with Gephi software. In this network, the nodes (or vertices) represent Facebook users and Facebook Posts submitted on the Page, and ties (or edges) between nodes represent whether a user has commented on and/or liked a post. For example, a user U might have liked Post A and commented on Post B. Additionally, a weight value is assigned for the Comments ties, indicating how many times a user commented on a particular post (note that users can only like Posts once). We took these actions as demonstrating sufficient connection over time in relation to an issue of common concern.Figure 1: Network visualisation of activity on the Save the Palace Facebook Page, June 2013 to December 2015. The colour of the nodes denotes which ‘community’ cluster they belong to (computed via the Infomap algorithm) and nodes are sized by out-degree (number of Likes/Comments made by users to Posts). The graph layout is computed via the Force Atlas 2 algorithm.Community detection was performed on the network using the Infomap algorithm (Rosvall and Bergstrom), which is suited to large-scale weighted and directed networks (Henman et al.). This analysis reveals two large and two smaller clusters or groups represented by colour differences (Fig. 1). Broadly, this suggests the presence of several clusters amongst a sustained network engaging with the page over the three years. Beyond this, a range of other colours denoting smaller clusters indicates a diversity of activity and actors co-participating in the network as part of a broader community.The positioning of nodes within the network is not random – the visualisation is generated by the Force Atlas 2 algorithm (Jacomy et al.) that spatially sorts the nodes through processes of attraction and repulsion according to the observed patterns of connectivity. As we would expect, the two-dimensional spatial arrangement of nodes conforms to the community clustering, helping us to visualise the network in the form of a networked public, and build a narrative interpretation of “what is going on” in this online social space.Social value for VCAT was loosely defined as a sense of connection, sentiment and attachment to the venue. While we could illustrate the extent of the active connections of those engaging with the Page, the network map does not in itself reveal much about the sentiment, or the emotional attachment to the Save the Palace cause. This kind of affect can be understood as “the energy that drives, neutralizes, or entraps networked publics” (Papacharissi 7), and its measure presents a particular challenge, but also interest, for understanding a data public. It is often measured through sentiment analysis of content, but we targeted reach and engagement events – particular moments that indicated intense interaction with the Page and associated events.Figure 2: Save the Palace Facebook Page: Organic post reach November—December 2014The affective connection and orientation could be demonstrated through two dimensions of post “reach”: average reach across the lifespan of the Page, and specific “reach-events”. Average reach illustrates the sustained engagement with the Page over time. Average un-paid reach for Posts with links (primarily news and legal updates), was 12,015 or 33% of the total follower base – a figure well above the standard for Community Page reach at that time. Reach-events indicated particular points of intensity and illustrates the Page’s ability to resonate publicly. Figure 2 points to one such event in November 2015, when news circulated that the developers were defying stop-work orders and demolishing parts of The Palace. The 100k reach indicated intense and widespread activity – Likes, Shares, Comments – in a short timeframe. We examined Comment activity in relation to specific reach events to qualify this reach event and illustrate the sense of outrage directed toward the developers, and expressions of solidarity toward those attempting to stop the redevelopment. Affordising Data Publics and the Transformative Work of AnalyticsEach stage of deriving evidence of social value through Page data, from building public visibility and online activity to analysis and presentation at VCAT, was affected by the affordising work of the protesters involved (particularly the Page Admins), civil society groups, platform features and data structures and our choices in analysis and presentation. The notion of affordising is useful here because, as Pollock defines the term, it draws attention to the transformative work of metrics, analytics, platform features and other devices that re-package social activity through modes of datafication and analysis. The Save the Palace group mobilised in a particular way so as to channel their activities, make them visible and archival, to capture the resonant effects of their public protest through a platform that would best make that public visible to itself. The growth of the interest in the Facebook Page feeds back on itself reflexively as more people encounter it and participate. Contrary to critiques of “clicktivism”, these acts combine digital-material events and activities that were to become consequential for the public protest – such as the engagement activities around the November 2015 event described in Figure 2.In addition, presenting the research in court introduced particular hurdles, in finding “the meaningful data” appropriate to the needs of the case, “visualizing social data for social purposes”, and the need to be “evocative as well as accurate” (Donath, 16). The visualisation and presentation of the data needed to afford a valid and meaningful expression of the social significance the Palace. Which layout algorithm to use? What scale do we want to use? Which community detection algorithm and colour scheme for nodes? These choices involve challenges regarding legibility of visualisations of public data (McCosker and Wilken; Kennedy et al.).The transformative actions at play in these tactics of public data analysis can inform other instances of data-driven protest or social participation, but also leave room for misuse. The interests of developers, for example, could equally be served by monitoring protesters’ actions through the same data, or by targeting disagreement or ambiguity in the data. Similarly, moves by Facebook to restrict access to Page data will disproportionately affect those without the means to pay for access. These tactics call for further work in ethical principles of open data, standardisation and data literacies for the courts and those who would benefit from use of their own public data in this way.ConclusionsWe have argued through the case of the Save the Palace protest that in order to make use of public social media data to define a data public, multiple levels of data literacy, access and affordising are required. Rather than assuming that public data simply constitutes a data public, we have emphasised: a) the consequentiality of the movement; b) sufficient connection over time; and c) affective or emotional qualities of connection and interaction with public events. This includes the activities of the core members of the Save the Palace protest group, and the tens of thousands who engaged in some way with the Page. It also involves Facebook’s data affordances as these allow for the extraction of public data, alongside our choices in analysis and visualisation, and the court’s capacity and openness to accept all of this as indicative of the social value (connections, sentiment, attachment) it sought for the case. The Senior Member and Member presiding over the case had little knowledge of Facebook or other social media platforms, did not use them, and hence themselves had limited capacity to recognise the social and cultural nuances of activities that took place through the Facebook Page. This does not exclude the use of the data but made it more difficult to present a picture of the relevance and consequence of the data for understanding the social value evident in the contested building. 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