Relevant bibliographies by topics / President Boris Yeltsin referendum

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Academic literature on the topic 'President Boris Yeltsin referendum'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 16 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "President Boris Yeltsin referendum"

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Brudny, Yitzhak M. "In Pursuit of the Russian Presidency: Why and How Yeltsin Won the 1996 Presidential Election." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 30, no. 3 (September 1, 1997): 255–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0967-067x(97)00007-x.

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This article seeks to explain why Boris Yeltsin was able to win I996 Russian presidential election despite prolonged economic crisis and the war in Chechnya. The paper advances the argument which emphasizes Yeltsin's ability to recreate political and social alliances which were crucial to his previous electoral successes, on the one hand, and poor electoral strategy and political beliefs of Yeltsin's main challenger, the head of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation Gennady Zyuganov, on the other. In particular, the paper highlights Yeltsin's campaign strategy of turning the election into a referendum on communism rather on his own record and the success of his two candidates only strategy. The paper also argues that Zyuganov communist-nationalist, rather than social-democratic, world view determined his electoral strategy and played a major role in his electoral defeat.
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Cottrell, Robert. "Russia’s Parliamentary and Presidential Elections." Government and Opposition 31, no. 2 (April 1996): 160–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1996.tb00602.x.

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In December 1995 General Elections Took Place in Russia for the lower house of parliament, the Duma. In constitutional terms the Duma is a relatively weak body, comparable with the French National Assembly. It initiates and enacts legislation, but must find a two-thirds majority if it is to override a presidential veto. The December elections were, however, of a disproportionate significance. The fact that they were taking place was important in itself. The Duma elected in December 1995 was only the second Duma to be elected in post-Soviet Russia, and the first to be elected in relatively normal circumstances. (The preceding Duma had been elected in 1993 only after President Boris Yeltsin had used tanks against the old Supreme Soviet, created a new parliament almost literally out of its ashes, and legitimized his actions by means of a new constitution approved by a national referendum.)
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Gershunsky, Boris S. "An Open Letter to Boris Yeltsin, President of Russia." Educational Forum 63, no. 3 (September 30, 1999): 230–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00131729908984422.

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Desai, Padma. "Russian Retrospectives on Reforms from Yeltsin to Putin." Journal of Economic Perspectives 19, no. 1 (February 1, 2005): 87–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/0895330053147903.

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The kamikaze crew of liberal reformers, picked by former President Boris Yeltsin in the early 1990s, succeeded in overturning the planned economy and the authoritarian political arrangements of seven decades of Soviet Communism. However, the resulting breakdown of political cohesion and the urgency of restoring stability prompted Yeltsin to select Vladimir Putin as his successor. The consolidating impetus under Putin, who was elected president in early 2000, has raised concerns about the continuation of economic and political reforms under his leadership. In this essay, nine Russian interviewees look back on the reform issues under Yeltsin and look ahead on the unfolding political economy scenario under Putin. They include three principle economic reformers under Yeltsin, three economic policy analysts, and three banking professionals.
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Nash, Marian. "Contemporary Practice of the United States Relating to International Law." American Journal of International Law 88, no. 3 (July 1994): 515–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2203722.

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A congressional inquiry to the Department of State concerned the practice of signing documents such as the Trilateral Statement concluded at Moscow on January 14, 1994, by President William J. Clinton, Russian Federation President Boris Yeltsin, and Ukraine President Leonid M. Kravchuk and the status of such documents under both United States and international law and practice.
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Chandler, Andrea. "Presidential Veto Power in Post-Communist Russia, 1994-1998." Canadian Journal of Political Science 34, no. 3 (September 2001): 487–516. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423901777980.

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This article examines the use of presidential veto power in Russia from 1994 to 1998. Russia's 1993 constitution enables the president to veto legislation, but allows the bicameral Federal Assembly to overturn vetoes with a two-thirds majority. President Boris Yeltsin was a controversial figure in Russia's difficult post-communist transition, and although he had considerable executive powers, his power to veto legislation has rarely been examined as an independent variable which shapes Russian politics. This article looks at patterns of presidential vetoing in Russia within their comparative and historical context, and argues that unpredictable vetoing has become a substantial issue that has aggravated executive-legislative relations. Increasingly, the parliamentary opposition challenged presidential vetoes, with profound implications for the future constitutional order in Russia.
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SMYTH, REGINA. "Building State Capacity from the Inside Out: Parties of Power and the Success of the President's Reform Agenda in Russia." Political Theory 30, no. 4 (August 2002): 555–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0090591702030004003.

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In contrast to his predecessor Boris Yeltsin, Russia's President Vladimir Putin continues to successfully neutralize legislative opposition and push his reform agenda through the State Duma. His success is due in large part to the transformation of the party system during the 1999 electoral cycle. In the face of a less polarized and fragmented party system, the Kremlin-backed party of power, Unity, became the foundation for a stable majority coalition in parliament and a weapon in the political battle to eliminate threatening opponents such as Yuri Luzhkov's Fatherland-All Russia and the Communist Party of the Russian Federation.
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Mason, David S., and Svetlana Sidorenko-Stephenson. "Public Opinion and the 1996 Elections in Russia: Nostalgic and Statist, Yet Pro-Market and Pro-Yeltsin." Slavic Review 56, no. 4 (1997): 698–717. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2502118.

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Between 1991 and 1996 Russia underwent a precipitous economic and social decline with decreases in production, gross national product, and wages, and increases in inequality, crime, and corruption. Most people experienced a decline in their standard of living, and many fondly recalled the security and stability of the communist era. Nevertheless, in the two main cases when the Russian electorate was confronted with a choice of directions in economic policy–the referendum of 1993 and the presidential elections of 1996–the majority chose reform. Writing about Boris Yeltsin's surprising victory in the 1996 presidential elections, a Pravda commentator mused: “Logically, he should have lost, since he was unable to fully solve any of the problems that have piled up: the stagnation of production, the impoverishment of a majority of the people, growing unemployment, the chronic nonpayment of wages, the decline in science, culture and education, the continuing conflict in Chechnya, etc. Nevertheless, Yeltsin received a majority of the electorate's votes.”
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Rivera, David W., and Sharon Werning Rivera. "Yeltsin, Putin, and Clinton: Presidential Leadership and Russian Democratization in Comparative Perspective." Perspectives on Politics 7, no. 3 (August 19, 2009): 591–610. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592709990880.

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Immediately after coming to power, the Clinton administration declared the consolidation of market and democratic institutions in Russia to be a vital American interest. The administration's central tactic for promoting this outcome was to help Boris Yeltsin remain in power. In a major assault on Clinton's historical legacy, much of the scholarly community maintains that U.S. policy was fundamentally flawed, both morally and strategically. In the view of these analysts, post-Soviet Russia's founding president was an autocratic leader who derailed the country's progress toward democracy. However, this body of research focuses exclusively on the Russian Federation and fails to utilize comparative referents. In contrast, we analyze the experiences of the full population of post-communist states of Eastern Europe and Eurasia from 1991 to the present. Whether examined in cross-national or longitudinal perspective, we find that Russian democracy under Yeltsin was, relatively speaking, a success. We conclude that the Clinton administration's policy of support for Yeltsin both served various American foreign policy interests and strengthened the prospects for democratic consolidation in Russia, thereby fulfilling the dictates of both real- and idealpolitik. In addition, the relative success of Russia's democratization in the 1990s, the reversal of that pattern in this decade, and the magnitude of the transformation of the polity under Putin all demonstrate the pivotal role played by presidential leadership in Russia's transition.
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Boltunova, Ekaterina. "The President Has Entered the Building! The Boris Yeltsin Presidential Center and Memorial Tradition in Contemporary Russia." Ab Imperio 2017, no. 3 (2017): 165–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/imp.2017.0058.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "President Boris Yeltsin referendum"

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Glad, Lotte Marie. "A Comparative Content Analysis of ITAR-TASS's and the United Press International's Coverage of the Russian Referendum in April 1993." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1994. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc500855/.

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A comparative content analysis was conducted to determine whether the Russian (ITAR-TASS) and the American (UPI) wire service coverage of President Boris Yeltsin in the April 25, 1993, referendum was balanced and unbiased. Also, the amount of space dedicated to this topic was measured. Study results indicate that ITAR-TASS was more critical of Yeltsin prior to the referendum than UPI, and that there was no statistically important difference between the two wire services in their post referendum coverage. UPI articles were almost 30% longer than the ITAR-TASS articles. Each UPI article was on an average more than 220 words longer than were the ITAR-TASS articles.
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Books on the topic "President Boris Yeltsin referendum"

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Boris Yeltsin: First president of Russia. Greensboro, N.C: Morgan Reynolds, 1994.

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Miller, Calvin Craig. Boris Yeltsin: First President of Russia (Champions of Freedom). Morgan Reynolds Publishing, 1995.

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Miller, Craig A. A Time for All Things. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/med/9780190073947.001.0001.

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Born in 1908 in Lake Charles, Louisiana, Michael DeBakey is the eldest of six children of Lebanese immigrants. He enjoys conspicuous academic success as a youth and then medical school, displaying intelligence and originality. DeBakey comes under the tutelage of surgery professor Alton Ochsner. He also spends a year training in Europe. Debakey and Ochsner publish important research papers. In World War Two DeBakey is assigned to the Office of the Army Surgeon General, where he excels in administration, rising to the rank of Colonel. He serves beyond the war’s end, contributing to the foundation of postwar federal medical research and veterans’ care. In 1948 he becomes Chair of Surgery at Baylor University medical school in Houston. The department focuses clinical and research efforts on vascular diseases, and leads a revolution in the surgical approach to these problems. DeBakey’s own family suffers from his devotion to his work. In the 1960s DeBakey’s fame grows. His lab pursues an artificial heart. Colleague Denton Cooley implants the first artificial heart with a device taken from DeBakey’s lab, and a forty-year rift between these two giants ensues. DeBakey becomes President, then Chancellor of the Baylor medical school. After the death of his first wife, he remarries in the 1970s. His fame and influence are worldwide. DeBakey operates on the Shah of Iran, and is consulted on the heart surgery of Boris Yeltsin. He is awarded the Congressional Gold Medal in 2008, and dies shortly afterward at age 99, a universally-admired legend.
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Book chapters on the topic "President Boris Yeltsin referendum"

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Selimkhanov, Jahangir. "Museum of the First President of Russia Boris Yeltsin." In Revisiting Museums of Influence, 201–4. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York : Routledge, [2021]: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003003977-46.

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Miller, Chris. "Putin’s Economic Inheritance." In Putinomics. University of North Carolina Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469640662.003.0001.

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This chapter examines the economy that Vladimir Putin inherited when he took power. During the 1990s, Russian President Boris Yeltsin had begun moving Russia toward a market economy, eliminating price controls and privatizing industries and real estate. Yeltsin’s reforms, however, were overshadowed by a deeper structural problem: the collapse of the Soviet state led to an enduring budget crisis. The tax system had stopped functioning; the government funded its deficit by printing money, causing high inflation; and the economy lurched from crisis to crisis throughout the 1990s. Given the disastrous macroeconomic climate, Yeltsin’s team made only halting progress in restructuring industry, rebuilding the state, or establishing a business climate that promoted investment. This was Putin’s economic inheritance.
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Nakachi, Mie. "Epilogue." In Replacing the Dead, 216–22. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190635138.003.0008.

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After the Soviet Union collapsed, the first post-socialist government under Boris Yeltsin supported programs to promote contraception and sexual education. As Russia transitioned to a market economy, foreign contraceptive devices as well as high-quality household appliances became available to those who could afford them. Post-socialist liberal politicians and family planning advocates attempted to reform the USSR’s long-time reliance on abortion for fertility control. They pushed for disseminating sex education and distributing modern contraception. However, this changed when Vladimir Putin became president. Putin identified shrinking population as a national crisis, and worked with the Orthodox Church, to introduce measures to promote motherhood and restrict abortion. Although Putin’s pronatalist policy sometimes stresses the importance of responsible fatherhood, many parallels can be drawn to Soviet pronatalism.
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Rutland, Peter, and Gregory Dubinsky. "14. US foreign policy in Russia." In US Foreign Policy. Oxford University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780199585816.003.0014.

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This chapter examines U.S. foreign policy in Russia. The end of the Cold War lifted the threat of nuclear annihilation and transformed the international security landscape. The United States interpreted the collapse of the Soviet Union as evidence that it had ‘won’ the Cold War, and that its values and interests would prevail in the future world order. The chapter first provides an overview of the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 before discussing U.S.–Russian relations under Bill Clinton and Boris Yeltsin, respectively. It then turns to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and its enlargement, the Kosovo crisis, and the ‘Great Game’ in Eurasia. It also analyses the rise of Vladimir Putin as president of Russia and the deterioration of U.S.–Russian relations and concludes with an assessment of the cautious partnership between the two countries.
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Miller, Craig A. "Houston: 1990–2008." In A Time for All Things, 553–90. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/med/9780190073947.003.0011.

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The era of 1990–2008 sees the establishment of the MicroMed organization to further collaboration with NASA on a left ventricular assist device (LVAD). The High School for Health Sciences in Houston is named for DeBakey. DeBakey is consulted in the heart surgery case of Russian President Boris Yeltsin. Baylor and Methodist Hospital celebrate DeBakey’s 50th anniversary in Houston, but then split. Hurricane Katrina disrupts Tulane Medical School, and DeBakey is instrumental in a temporary transfer of personnel and students to Baylor. DeBakey suffers aortic dissection at age 97, but survives the operation—a procedure which he had helped to develop. He continues in his role as medical statesman. DeBakey receives the Congressional Gold Medal, and there is rapprochement between DeBakey and Cooley. Dr. DeBakey dies in 2008, mourned across the globe and recognized as one of the all-time greatest physician-scientists in history.
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