Academic literature on the topic 'President Hussein'
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Journal articles on the topic "President Hussein"
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Bolemanová, Kristína, and Rastislav Kazanský. "The Consequences of the Iraq War – Lesson Learned?" Security Dimensions 26, no. 26 (June 29, 2018): 188–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0012.7250.
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In his first address to the United Nations in September 2017, the American President Donald Trump blamed North Korea and Iran for developing missiles and nuclear weapons program, suppressing human rights and sponsoring terrorism. He also called Iran a “rogue state” what relived the memories from 2003, when President Bush used similar term of “axis of evil” to describe the regime of Saddam Hussein. Soon after, the US intervened to Iraq to launch a war against terrorism and the Hussein´s undemocratic regime. This article seeks to analyse what impact had the Iraq war on the stability and security of the country and its region. The war in Iraq also teaches us a lesson of how dangerous and counterproductive it can be, when a world superpower labels other country a “rogue state” and decides to fight alleged threats by using military power. If the US President fulfils his promise of “destroying North Korea” if under threat and launching action against its government, it could result in a very similar situation as in Iraq. A creation of another failed state would not only bring more instability but also open new military threats for the US as well as the world economy.
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Rudalevige, Andrew. "Narrowcasting the Obama Presidency." Perspectives on Politics 11, no. 4 (December 2013): 1126–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592713002788.
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In the United States we like to ‘rate’ a President,” Richard Neustadt observed. “We measure him as ‘weak’ or ‘strong’ and call what we are measuring his ‘leadership.’ We do not wait until a man is dead; we rate him from the moment he takes office.” Half a century later, that habit has been amplified and accelerated by an unending news cycle and the outsized demand for commentary across the online world. The polarizing figure of Barack Hussein Obama has been catnip here: Observers from all spaces on the spectra of partisanship and sanity began weighing in on the Obama presidency long before he actually took office in January 2009.
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Khairallah, Daoud. "The Hariri and Saddam tribunals: two expressions of tortured justice." Contemporary Arab Affairs 1, no. 4 (October 1, 2008): 589–611. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550910802391118.
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This article establishes that politically motivated pursuit of criminal justice at the international level undermines trust in the international legal order and inflicts multilateral harm that goes far beyond the facts subject to judicial process. The author analyzes the pursuit of justice in relation to two major events: the murder of Rafiq Hariri, a former Lebanese prime minister, and the international crimes that Saddam Hussein, former president of Iraq, was accused of committing. In the first example, the author examines the role of the UN Security Council, including reference to the efforts of the US, relative to the investigation and establishment of a special tribunal for Lebanon; and in the second, the role of the US in the trial and execution of Saddam Hussein. Both cases demonstrate that justice is the main victim of politicizing the judicial process.
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Hamilton, Phyllis Pieper. "List of Current Proceedings: Update." Leiden Journal of International Law 13, no. 1 (March 2000): 171–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s092215650000011x.
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On December 17, 1999 the President of the Eritrea/Yemen Arbitration Tribunal, Sir Robert Jennings, presented the representatives of those Governments with the Tribunal's Unanimous Decision (Award) determining the international maritime boundary between Eritrea and Yemen in the Red Sea. In an Award ceremony hosted by the British Foreign Office, Foreign Minister for Eritrea, Haile Weldensae and the Ambassador to London from Yemen, Dr. Hussein Abdullah El-Amri, were presented with the decision regarding the boundary.
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Quynh Trang, Ngo, and Dang Thi Phuong. "HIGH-CONTEXT AND LOW-CONTEXT ELEMENTS IN TWO INAUGURAL ADDRESSES OF 2009 AND 2013 BY AMERICAN PRESIDENT BARACK HUSSEIN OBAMA." Journal of Science, Social Science 61, no. 12 (2016): 56–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.18173/2354-1067.2016-0106.
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Lewis, George. "Barack Hussein Obama: the use of history in the creation of an ‘American’ president." Patterns of Prejudice 45, no. 1-2 (February 2011): 43–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0031322x.2011.563144.
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Lazar, Annita, and Michelle M. Lazar. "Discourse of global governance." Journal of Language and Politics 7, no. 2 (November 3, 2008): 228–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.7.2.03laz.
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This article is based on the view that in the post-Cold War period, a US-defined New World Order discourse has been in formation. Adopting a critical discourse analytical perspective, the paper examines the deployment of American liberal democratic political ideology, which forms the basis of the New World Order discourse. American liberal democracy is construed vis--vis the articulation of illiberal global threats (namely, Osama bin Laden and Saddam Hussein); through international consensus-building based on universalized American principles of freedom and democracy; and through Americas self-election to global leadership. While the primary focus of the study is on the speeches of President George W. Bush since the 11 September 2001 attacks, the analysis also includes speeches by the former post-Cold War presidents, Bill Clinton and George H.W. Bush, in the context of earlier historic events. An intertextual analysis of the speeches shows the hegemonic form(ul)ation of American liberal democratic internationalism in the post-Cold War environment.
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Schmidt, Elizabeth. "Introduction." African Studies Review 53, no. 2 (September 2010): 3–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/arw.2010.0017.
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The euphoria greeting the election of Barack Hussein Obama as the forty-fourth president of the United States seized the popular imagination in Africa, much as it did in the U. S. There was hope and enormous goodwill on the continent, derived from President Obama's special tie to Africa—the dreams from his father that he has translated so eloquently. There was hope that the Obama administration would initiate new policies based on mutual respect, multilateral collaboration, and an awareness that there will be no security unless there is common security—and also that security must be broadly defined, extending beyond the military to include the environment, the economy, and health, as well as political and social rights. Yet as many anticipated, given the enormous and wide-ranging problems confronting the new administration, Africa has not been front and center on its agenda. Although President Obama visited Egypt in June and Ghana in July 2009, only a few months into his presidency, Africa has not become a centerpiece of his foreign policy.In his much-publicized speech in Accra, President Obama lauded Ghana for its “repeated peaceful transfers of power,” declared that “development depends on good governance,” and urged Africans to take responsibility for their continent: “to hold [their] leaders accountable, and to build institutions that serve the people.” He pledged that the United States would support their efforts and committed his administration to opening the doors to African goods and services in ways that previous administrations have not. He pledged $63 billion to a new, comprehensive global health strategy that would promote public health systems and combat HIV/AIDS, malaria, tuberculosis, polio, and other devastating diseases. In the months that followed, he pledged to double American foreign aid to $50 billion a year and to develop a multilateral program to combat hunger.
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Wudie, Alelign Aschale. "Analysis of Speeches by the Former President of the US, Barack Hussein Obama, Regarding the Middle East and Northern Africa." International Journal of Translation, Interpretation, and Applied Linguistics 2, no. 1 (January 2020): 20–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijtial.2020010102.
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The main intention in this article is to critically analyze the ex-president Barack Obama's speeches regarding the Middle East and (North) Africa and see how US-America, Middle East, and Africa are framed in political ideologies. Data is collected from the four speeches delivered by the ex-president of the USA in different places and settings. The data is analyzed using critical discourse analysis (CDA). The findings revealed that political ideology sleeplessly aspires to safeguard the interests of America and her “true” allies to sustain their world power and to suppress the “others” in the counterfeit names of tolerance, engagement, aid and support, democracy and freedom, knowledge-driven economy, peace and security, etc., that targets the younger generation. Contemporary pretexts and extensions have been done with discourse manipulations and real-life interventions.
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Yoo, John. "International Law and the War in Iraq." American Journal of International Law 97, no. 3 (July 2003): 563–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3109841.
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In his speech before the United Nations (UN) in September 2002, President George W. Bush characterized the possible use of force against Iraq as necessary to enforce existing Security Council resolutions and to eliminate a dangerous threat to international peace and security. The Security Council responded by adopting Resolution 1441, which found Iraq to be in material breach of previous Security Council resolutions and threatened serious consequences for further intransigence. When Iraq refused to fully comply with these resolutions, the United States led an ad hoc “coalition of the willing” that invaded Iraq on March 19,2003, quickly defeated Iraq’s armed forces, and ended the regime of Saddam Hussein and the Ba’ath party. On May 1,2003, President Bush announced that major combat operations in Iraq had ended. At the time of this writing, the United States has assumed the position of an occupying power that is responsible for rebuilding Iraq, as recognized by the Security Council in Resolution 1483.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "President Hussein"
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lundahl, catherine. "Irakkriget 030320 : En komparativ studie av svensk och amerikansk nyhetsrapportering." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för informatik och media, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-145764.
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Abstract Title: Irakkriget 030320 – en komparativ studie av svensk och amerikansk nyhetsrapportering. (Iraq war 030320 – a Comparative Study of Swedish and American Newsreport) Author: Catherine Lundahl Tutor: Christian Christensen Course: Media and Communication C – Bachelor Thesis University: Uppsala Universitet Keywords: Iraq war, framing, war journalism, propaganda, Swedish press, American press, democracy, totalitarianism, president Bush, president Hussein, the UN, victims. Aim The purpose with this essay is to compare the Swedish and American press during the 2003 Iraq war newsreport. Focus is put on the framework of news each country presents. Material/Methodology The essay represent a selection of articles during the week before the invasion 030313-030320 which delimited to a material of 20 newsarticles from each country. The essay represent a methodology based on the critical discourse analysis. Theoretical perspectives The essay leans on the theory of framing which is a common and well suitable theory for war journalism. The theory’s purpose has delimited to focus on the frameworks of the newsreport and not the frames affect of the public opinion. Conclusion The essay reveals both differences and similarities between the Swedish and American news frames. The most articulated similarity between the countries articles were the “evil” framing of president Saddam Hussein as well as the framing of the opposite relationship between democracy and totalitarianism. Indicators of propaganda reflected the most articulated differences between each country where the Swedish press neglected this kind of news framing. Other articulated differences reflected framing of president Bush as well as the civil Iraqi people as victims.
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Nel, Coligny. "United States policy and nuclear non-proliferation: a preliminary comparison of the Bush and Obama administrations' approaches." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/4129.
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Thesis (MA (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The United States of America (USA) has a new president in the White House - a president whose rhetoric appears to distance himself from the policies of the previous administration. This also appears to hold true for his approach with regard to nuclear nonproliferation. The overarching research aim of this study is to explore whether the Obama administration’s policy with regard to nuclear non-proliferation will differ significantly from that of the Bush administration. The broader subject of nuclear non-proliferation will be subdivided into three themes, namely: disarmament, proliferation by non-nuclear states and nuclear terrorism. In order to sketch the international context within which the USA’s policy must be viewed, an overview of the nuclear non-proliferation regime is provided. This will be followed by an exploration of disarmament, proliferation by nonnuclear states (with Iran and North Korea as case studies) and nuclear terrorism. In each case, a comparison between the Bush administration and the Obama administration’s policies will be done. Finally, an analysis will be done of the main similarities and differences between the two administrations’ approaches, with a focus on the use of hard, soft and smart power. The study concludes that the primary difference between the Bush and Obama administration’s approaches is that Bush pursued only one policy option (hard power) at a time, while Obama intends to use many different policy options (smart power) at the same time, with a focus on increasing the use of soft power. This sort of pragmatism may just be what the USA needs right now in order to address the problem of nuclear proliferation.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die Verenigte State van Amerika (VSA) het ‘n nuwe president in die Withuis – ‘n president wie se uitsprake hom van die beleide van die vorige administrasie blyk te distansieer. Dit wil ook voorkom asof dit van toepassing is op sy benadering tot kernwapen versperring. Die oorhoofse navorsingsdoelwit van hierdie studie is om te ondersoek of die Obama administrasie se beleid ten opsigte van kernwapen versperring aansienlik van die van die Bush administrasie gaan verskil. Die breër onderwerp van kernwapen versperring kan in drie temas opgedeel word, naamlik: ontwapening, proliferasie deur nie-kernwapenstate, en kernwapen terrorisme. Ten einde die internasionale konteks te skets waarin die VSA se beleid moet geskied, begin die studie met ‘n oorsig van die kernwapen versperring regime. Dit word gevolg deur ‘n ondersoek van onderskeidelik ontwapening, proliferasie deur nie-kernwapenstate (met Iran en Noord-Korea as gevallestudies) en kernwapen terrorisme. By elkeen van die drie temas word ‘n vergelyking tussen die Bush administrasie en die Obama adminstrasie se beleide getref. Laastens word ‘n analise van die hoof verskille en ooreenkomste tussen die twee administrasies se benaderings onderneem, met die klem op die gebruik van harde, sagte en slim mag. Die bevinding van die studie is dat die hoof verskille tussen die Bush en Obama administrasies se benaderings behels dat Bush slegs een beleidsopsie (harde mag) op ‘n slag nagevolg het, terwyl Obama beoog om terselfdertyd van verskillende beleidsopsies (slim mag) gebruik te maak, met veral ‘n fokus op ‘n toename in die gebruik van sagte mag. Die soort pragmatisme mag dalk net wees wat die VSA tans nodig het om die probleem van kernwapen proliferasie aan te spreek.
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Ribeiro, Joana Margarida Jacinto. "President Obama vs. President W. Bush: can a president's leadership style be an effective and efficient influence for US diplomacy and foreign policy?" Master's thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.6/2825.
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This dissertation intends, as it main purpose, to study and characterise leadership style of both George W. Bush and Barack H. Obama during the period of their first mandate regarding diplomatic and foreign affairs issues in Islamic countries. It will analyse if Muslim countries’ leaders changed the way they saw and interacted with the West, particularly the United States of America, in response to a different type of leadership. This work will also try to answer the question of whether the relationship between USA and Islamic countries can be reinvented by the diplomatic behaviour of a president and how media conveys these images and ideas in order to influence the homeland public as well as the public abroad.
The present essay will examine different Islamic countries such as Iraq, with which USA is at war, and Iran, both of them antagonists of what America stands for, and Turkey an associated country of USA.
The main research question guiding this analysis is: How do leadership styles and presidential charisma influence US Foreign Policy design and efficiency towards the Muslim world? This problematic will be viewed by several angles, for there a numerous theories that can help perceive this issue. As a result, both Presidents’ leadership style and charisma will be analysed.
Afterwards, this dissertation will frame its most important notions giving them a conceptual delimitation, supplied by renowned authors of social sciences such as International Relations, Communications, Psychology, Sociology and Political Studies.
The case study, with direct and indirect sources, will focus on relevant Islamic countries to US, some because are sworn enemies (Iraq and Iran) and others (Turkey) because are loyal to what the North America stands for.
George W. Bush is a Republican who served two times as President of the USA, during which, America was offended with the most assertive and horrifying terrorist attack ever seen in US soil, in a day that forever more will live in infamy: 11th of September. On the other hand, Barack Obama is an African-American Democrat with Muslim roots of his own, who campaigned against war abroad but ended up involving his country, through NATO’S intervention, in another one (Libya).
The dissertation will end with the conclusions to whatever results may be found in the pursuit of this question: Are leadership styles and charismatic behaviours an influence in efficiency and efficacy of the Foreign Affairs Policy towards Islamic Countries?
In order to respond as accurately as possible all sources will be considered in this study, the statements made by the two Presidents during their first mandate, their official
Books on the topic "President Hussein"
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Barack Hussein Onyango Obama: The first president of the world. Harare, Zimbabwe: Nerumedzo Enterprises, 2014.
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Hussein, Saddam. President Hussein interviewed by Kuwaiti press on Gulf War, February 20, 1988. Baghdad, Iraq: Dar al-Maʼmun for Translation and Pub., 1988.
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Bennett, Dudley. REBIRTHING THE AMERICAN DREAM: CELEBRATING INAUGURATION OF BARACK HUSSEIN OBAMA, 44TH PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. Bloomington, IN: authorHOUSE, 2009.
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Turi, Munthe, ed. The Saddam Hussein reader. New York: Thunder's Mouth Press, 2002.
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Dr. Zakir Hussain. New Delhi: Publications Division, Ministry of Information & Broadcasting, 2006.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "President Hussein"
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Hiro, Dilip. "Saudi Arabia at the Center of the Twentieth Century’s Last Major War." In Cold War in the Islamic World, 125–40. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190944650.003.0008.
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At the end of 1990, Saddam Hussein’s invasion and occupation of Kuwait in August of that year dominated headlines internationally. US President George H. W. Bush, an oilman, saw that by annexing Kuwait, Hussein would control 20 per cent of the global oil reserves almost on a par with Saudi Arabia’s. That would deprive Riyadh of being the swing producer able to cause rise or fall in petroleum prices. Such an eventuality had to be aborted with the backing of the international community, with Saudi Arabia as a crucial part of the project. After convincing King Fahd, on the basis of dodgy evidence, that Hussein was readying to attack his country, Bush got invited by Fahd to send US troops to the Desert Kingdom. It was thus that Saudi Arabia became the center of the century’s last major war. By December 1990, the Pentagon, leading a coalition of twenty-eight nations, thirteen of them Arab or Muslim, assembled the most lethal fighting machine since the Second World War to confront 545,000 Iraqi troops in Kuwait and southern Iraq. The fighting between 16 January and 28 February 1991 ended with the defeat of Iraq and the liberation of Kuwait.
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"Barack Hussein Obama: the use of history in the creation of an ‘American’ president." In Obama and Race, 51–68. Routledge, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315878041-8.
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"MARIO M. CUOMO ON THE DEATH PENALTY, SADDAM HUSSEIN, PRESIDENT BUSH, CHRISTMAS, AND GRANDCHILDREN." In Vox Populi, 153–55. Fordham University Press, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctt14bs06b.44.
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Hiro, Dilip. "The Iran-Iraq War Steels Khomeini’s Regime." In Cold War in the Islamic World, 93–110. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190944650.003.0006.
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Khomeini’s exhortations to the Shia majority in Iraq to revolt against the regime of President Saddam Hussein, the Sunni head of the secular Arab Baath Socialist Party, incensed not only the Iraqi leader but also the Saudi and Kuwaiti monarchs. Encouraged by reports of low morale in the depleted Iranian military, and by the Saudi and Kuwaiti rulers, Hussein invaded Iran in September 1980. His scenario visualized the ethnic Arab minority in Iran’s oil-rich Khuzistan province welcoming Iraqi soldiers as liberators, and starting a chain reaction that would culminate in the collapse of Khomeini’s regime within a few months. Iran fought the war using its limited resources. By contrast, Iraq received massive financial aid from Saudi Arabia and Kuwait, which shipped their oil on its behalf, and loans from Western nations and Japan. Nominally neutral America helped it by passing on satellite and high resolution reconnaissance images of Iranian troops to Riyadh, which transmitted these to Baghdad. After ninety-five months of warfare, neither Iran nor Iraq lost much territory. And there was no a regime change in either country. The unintended consequence of the longest war of the twentieth century was to enable Khomeini to consolidate the Islamic revolution.
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Meierding, Emily. "Red Herrings." In The Oil Wars Myth, 81–103. Cornell University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501748288.003.0006.
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This chapter investigates two prominent red herrings: the Chaco War from 1932 to 1935 and the Iran–Iraq War from 1980 to 1988. It explains that the two red herring conflicts were widely assumed to have been oil driven. It also mentions Bolivia and Paraguay that purportedly fought over the Chaco Boreal's prospective petroleum endowments, as well as Iraqi president Saddam Hussein who supposedly invaded Iran in order to seize its oil-rich Khuzestan Province. The chapter points out that in the Chaco War, Bolivia and Paraguay knew that the contested territory did not contain oil resources, while in the Iran–Iraq War, Saddam's territorial ambitions were limited to small areas along the states' bilateral boundary. It emphasizes how the Chaco War and Iran–Iraq War were not fought to grab petroleum resources.
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Gikandi, Simon. "Coda." In Slavery and the Culture of Taste. Princeton University Press, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691140667.003.0007.
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This chapter describes three events. The first is Republican representative from New York James Tallmadge Jr.'s proposed amendment to the to the bill seeking to grant statehood to Missouri. On February 13, 1819, he proposed that “the further introduction of slavery or involuntary servitude be prohibited” in Missouri as a condition for its entry into the union and that “all children of slaves, born within the said state, after admission thereof into the union, shall be free at the age of twenty-five years.” The second is the discovery in June 1991 in Lower Manhattan of the remains of four hundred Africans, mostly slaves, some of whom had been buried as early as the 1690s. The third is Barack Hussein Obama's inauguration as the forty-fourth president of the United States on January 20, 2009.
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Rankine, Patrice D. "Classics for All?" In Classicisms in the Black Atlantic, 267–90. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198814122.003.0011.
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This essay examines the contradiction of classics for all, evident in but not exclusive to the not-for-profit enterprise by the same name (Classics for All) that seeks to promote the Greek and Latin classics in schools across the United Kingdom. Embodying a form like the classics can mean not slavish mastery, but an improvisational artistry that alters the form so that it bends to one’s will. Issues of access, however, problematize the simple assertion of classics for all. The realities that necessitated the Black Lives Matter movement, in contrast to a more hopeful, turn-of-the-twentieth-century Du Boisan notion of the removal of the Veil of segregation, run counter to classics for all. There have been sufficient signs within the twenty-first century of the rejection of a broad, democratic, multicultural movement toward American wholeness symbolized in the election of President Barack Hussein Obama. Nevertheless, economic disparities that separate black and white in the United States remain, and the post-Obama era evidences significant backlash across the “Black Atlantic” world. The classics is caught up in this backlash.
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Host, Jim, and Eric A. Moyen. "A Time of Transition." In Changing the Game, 185–200. University Press of Kentucky, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5810/kentucky/9780813179551.003.0013.
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After Coca-Cola’s NCAA sponsorship, CBS ended its contract with HCI. Bull Run brought in Gordon Whitener as Host’s replacement, and Host resigned as CEO in 2003. No longer involved in operating the company he had founded, Host agreed to serve as Kentucky’s secretary of commerce in Governor Ernie Fletcher’s cabinet. In that role, Host promoted business development in the commonwealth and enhanced Kentucky’s branding with the new slogan “Unbridled Spirit” and a new logo. Host created the Kentucky Sports Authority to bring athletic events to the Bluegrass, and he was intimately involved in two of its key projects: building a new arena in Louisville, and bringing the World Equestrian Games to Kentucky. Host convinced Pearse Lyons to pay $10 million to make his company, Alltech, the title sponsor of the World Equestrian Games. Host lobbied the legislature to fund needed improvements to the Kentucky Horse Park and worked closely with the International Equestrian Federation (FEI) and its president, Princess Haya Bint al-Hussein of Jordan, on logistics. The 2010 games were a resounding success.
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Hiro, Dilip. "Iran’s Nuclear Saga; And Iraq Averts an Inter-Sectarian War." In Cold War in the Islamic World, 201–40. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190944650.003.0011.
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Alarmed by the news in August 2002 that Iran was hiding a uranium enrichment facility from the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), Riyadh strengthened its ties with Pakistan, a declared nuclear power. With the election of radical conservative Mahmoud Ahmadinejad as Iran’s president in 2005, the issue of Tehran’s nuclear program turned into a crisis which was referred to the United Nations Security Council. This reassured Riyadh. On the other hand, it refused to face the reality that once the US, as the occupying power in Iraq, had introduced free and fair elections in post-Saddam Hussein era, the long-suppressed Shia majority would gain power through elections. This happened in late 2005. The alienated Sunni militants, forming Al Qaida in Mesopotamia, bombed a sacred Shia shrine in Samarra in February 2006, and triggered low-intensity warfare between Shias and Sunnis. Washington and Baghdad worked jointly to dampen sectarian violence, and succeeded by buying Sunni tribal leaders’ loyalties with cash. In his secret cable to the State Department in September 2009, the US ambassador in Baghdad conceded that Iran’s influence in Iraq was pervasive. In other words, the balance of power in the Saudi-Iranian Cold War had shifted in Tehran’s favor.
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Abdelhay, Ashraf, and Sinfree Makoni. "‘Arabic is Under Threat’: Language Anxiety as a Discourse on Identity and Conflict." In Language, Politics and Society in the Middle East. Edinburgh University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474421539.003.0006.
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This article, jointly written by Ashraf Abdelhay and Sinfree Makoni, lays out a series of critical reflections on the discourses of language anxiety that characterise Arabic as a ‘threatened language’. Examining Arabic as a site of social contestation in the Sudan, Abdelhay and Makoni analyse three statements that express a specific set of ideas and social attitudes about language, identity and society. The first statement was made at a rally by President Bashir a few weeks before the southern referendum held in 2011. The second statement comes from an article written by the Sudanese journalist Hussein Khojali. Finally, the third statement is a metalinguistic commentary made by the late South Sudanese leader John Garang de Mabior. Despite the different contexts surrounding their statements and the differences between them, Abdelhay and Makoni demonstrate that all three statements are metalinguistic commentaries which bring language to the fore as a proxy for articulating wider social and political concerns. All statements are ideological; they all link language with the extra-linguistic world of identity politics and power. The authors thus conclude that in contexts of conflict, individuals display awareness of the indexical values of language, ‘and they exploit the symbolism of language to articulate social and political issues’.