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Bolemanová, Kristína, and Rastislav Kazanský. "The Consequences of the Iraq War – Lesson Learned?" Security Dimensions 26, no. 26 (June 29, 2018): 188–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0012.7250.
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In his first address to the United Nations in September 2017, the American President Donald Trump blamed North Korea and Iran for developing missiles and nuclear weapons program, suppressing human rights and sponsoring terrorism. He also called Iran a “rogue state” what relived the memories from 2003, when President Bush used similar term of “axis of evil” to describe the regime of Saddam Hussein. Soon after, the US intervened to Iraq to launch a war against terrorism and the Hussein´s undemocratic regime. This article seeks to analyse what impact had the Iraq war on the stability and security of the country and its region. The war in Iraq also teaches us a lesson of how dangerous and counterproductive it can be, when a world superpower labels other country a “rogue state” and decides to fight alleged threats by using military power. If the US President fulfils his promise of “destroying North Korea” if under threat and launching action against its government, it could result in a very similar situation as in Iraq. A creation of another failed state would not only bring more instability but also open new military threats for the US as well as the world economy.
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Rudalevige, Andrew. "Narrowcasting the Obama Presidency." Perspectives on Politics 11, no. 4 (December 2013): 1126–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592713002788.
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In the United States we like to ‘rate’ a President,” Richard Neustadt observed. “We measure him as ‘weak’ or ‘strong’ and call what we are measuring his ‘leadership.’ We do not wait until a man is dead; we rate him from the moment he takes office.” Half a century later, that habit has been amplified and accelerated by an unending news cycle and the outsized demand for commentary across the online world. The polarizing figure of Barack Hussein Obama has been catnip here: Observers from all spaces on the spectra of partisanship and sanity began weighing in on the Obama presidency long before he actually took office in January 2009.
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Khairallah, Daoud. "The Hariri and Saddam tribunals: two expressions of tortured justice." Contemporary Arab Affairs 1, no. 4 (October 1, 2008): 589–611. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550910802391118.
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This article establishes that politically motivated pursuit of criminal justice at the international level undermines trust in the international legal order and inflicts multilateral harm that goes far beyond the facts subject to judicial process. The author analyzes the pursuit of justice in relation to two major events: the murder of Rafiq Hariri, a former Lebanese prime minister, and the international crimes that Saddam Hussein, former president of Iraq, was accused of committing. In the first example, the author examines the role of the UN Security Council, including reference to the efforts of the US, relative to the investigation and establishment of a special tribunal for Lebanon; and in the second, the role of the US in the trial and execution of Saddam Hussein. Both cases demonstrate that justice is the main victim of politicizing the judicial process.
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Hamilton, Phyllis Pieper. "List of Current Proceedings: Update." Leiden Journal of International Law 13, no. 1 (March 2000): 171–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s092215650000011x.
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On December 17, 1999 the President of the Eritrea/Yemen Arbitration Tribunal, Sir Robert Jennings, presented the representatives of those Governments with the Tribunal's Unanimous Decision (Award) determining the international maritime boundary between Eritrea and Yemen in the Red Sea. In an Award ceremony hosted by the British Foreign Office, Foreign Minister for Eritrea, Haile Weldensae and the Ambassador to London from Yemen, Dr. Hussein Abdullah El-Amri, were presented with the decision regarding the boundary.
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Quynh Trang, Ngo, and Dang Thi Phuong. "HIGH-CONTEXT AND LOW-CONTEXT ELEMENTS IN TWO INAUGURAL ADDRESSES OF 2009 AND 2013 BY AMERICAN PRESIDENT BARACK HUSSEIN OBAMA." Journal of Science, Social Science 61, no. 12 (2016): 56–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.18173/2354-1067.2016-0106.
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Lewis, George. "Barack Hussein Obama: the use of history in the creation of an ‘American’ president." Patterns of Prejudice 45, no. 1-2 (February 2011): 43–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0031322x.2011.563144.
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Lazar, Annita, and Michelle M. Lazar. "Discourse of global governance." Journal of Language and Politics 7, no. 2 (November 3, 2008): 228–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.7.2.03laz.
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This article is based on the view that in the post-Cold War period, a US-defined New World Order discourse has been in formation. Adopting a critical discourse analytical perspective, the paper examines the deployment of American liberal democratic political ideology, which forms the basis of the New World Order discourse. American liberal democracy is construed vis--vis the articulation of illiberal global threats (namely, Osama bin Laden and Saddam Hussein); through international consensus-building based on universalized American principles of freedom and democracy; and through Americas self-election to global leadership. While the primary focus of the study is on the speeches of President George W. Bush since the 11 September 2001 attacks, the analysis also includes speeches by the former post-Cold War presidents, Bill Clinton and George H.W. Bush, in the context of earlier historic events. An intertextual analysis of the speeches shows the hegemonic form(ul)ation of American liberal democratic internationalism in the post-Cold War environment.
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Schmidt, Elizabeth. "Introduction." African Studies Review 53, no. 2 (September 2010): 3–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/arw.2010.0017.
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The euphoria greeting the election of Barack Hussein Obama as the forty-fourth president of the United States seized the popular imagination in Africa, much as it did in the U. S. There was hope and enormous goodwill on the continent, derived from President Obama's special tie to Africa—the dreams from his father that he has translated so eloquently. There was hope that the Obama administration would initiate new policies based on mutual respect, multilateral collaboration, and an awareness that there will be no security unless there is common security—and also that security must be broadly defined, extending beyond the military to include the environment, the economy, and health, as well as political and social rights. Yet as many anticipated, given the enormous and wide-ranging problems confronting the new administration, Africa has not been front and center on its agenda. Although President Obama visited Egypt in June and Ghana in July 2009, only a few months into his presidency, Africa has not become a centerpiece of his foreign policy.In his much-publicized speech in Accra, President Obama lauded Ghana for its “repeated peaceful transfers of power,” declared that “development depends on good governance,” and urged Africans to take responsibility for their continent: “to hold [their] leaders accountable, and to build institutions that serve the people.” He pledged that the United States would support their efforts and committed his administration to opening the doors to African goods and services in ways that previous administrations have not. He pledged $63 billion to a new, comprehensive global health strategy that would promote public health systems and combat HIV/AIDS, malaria, tuberculosis, polio, and other devastating diseases. In the months that followed, he pledged to double American foreign aid to $50 billion a year and to develop a multilateral program to combat hunger.
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Wudie, Alelign Aschale. "Analysis of Speeches by the Former President of the US, Barack Hussein Obama, Regarding the Middle East and Northern Africa." International Journal of Translation, Interpretation, and Applied Linguistics 2, no. 1 (January 2020): 20–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijtial.2020010102.
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The main intention in this article is to critically analyze the ex-president Barack Obama's speeches regarding the Middle East and (North) Africa and see how US-America, Middle East, and Africa are framed in political ideologies. Data is collected from the four speeches delivered by the ex-president of the USA in different places and settings. The data is analyzed using critical discourse analysis (CDA). The findings revealed that political ideology sleeplessly aspires to safeguard the interests of America and her “true” allies to sustain their world power and to suppress the “others” in the counterfeit names of tolerance, engagement, aid and support, democracy and freedom, knowledge-driven economy, peace and security, etc., that targets the younger generation. Contemporary pretexts and extensions have been done with discourse manipulations and real-life interventions.
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Yoo, John. "International Law and the War in Iraq." American Journal of International Law 97, no. 3 (July 2003): 563–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3109841.
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In his speech before the United Nations (UN) in September 2002, President George W. Bush characterized the possible use of force against Iraq as necessary to enforce existing Security Council resolutions and to eliminate a dangerous threat to international peace and security. The Security Council responded by adopting Resolution 1441, which found Iraq to be in material breach of previous Security Council resolutions and threatened serious consequences for further intransigence. When Iraq refused to fully comply with these resolutions, the United States led an ad hoc “coalition of the willing” that invaded Iraq on March 19,2003, quickly defeated Iraq’s armed forces, and ended the regime of Saddam Hussein and the Ba’ath party. On May 1,2003, President Bush announced that major combat operations in Iraq had ended. At the time of this writing, the United States has assumed the position of an occupying power that is responsible for rebuilding Iraq, as recognized by the Security Council in Resolution 1483.
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Mendible, Myra. "Scarlet-Letter Politics: The Rhetoric of Shame in the Campaign to Unseat President Barack Hussein Obama." Ethnic Studies Review 35, no. 1 (January 1, 2012): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/esr.2012.35.1.1.
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Wiley, William H. "THE CASE OF TAHA YASEEN RAMADAN BEFORE THE IRAQI HIGH TRIBUNAL: AN INSIDER'S PERSPECTIVE." Yearbook of International Humanitarian Law 9 (December 2006): 181–243. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1389135906001814.
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AbstractTaha Yaseen Ramadan was a long-time ally of Saddam Hussein and Vice-President of Iraq at the time of the United States-led invasion in 2003; he was captured by American forces in 2004 and, in 2005-2006, tried before the Iraqi High Tribunal (IHT), alongside Saddam Hussein. The Trial Chamber hearing the case found Taha Yaseen guilty of,inter alia, the crime against humanity of wilful killing; he was handed a sentence of life imprisonment in November 2006. This sentence was appealed by the IHT Prosecutor; the IHT Appellate Chamber responded several days later with an order that the Trial Chamber award Taha Yaseen a capital sentence. The process of re-sentencing, which ultimately led to the execution of Taha Yaseen in March 2007, was, like many other key phases of the trial of Saddam Hussein and Taha Yaseen, undermined by Iraqi political interference emanating, in the main, from the office of Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki. The fairness of the proceedings against Taha Yaseen and his co-accused was further undermined throughout by the near total ignorance of the those involved in the case (i.e., the Iraqi Judges, Prosecutors and Defence counsel) of the substantive law that they were meant to be applying, in particular, International Criminal Law, which had been received into Iraqi law almostverbatimin 2004 from the Statute of the International Criminal Court. This combination of professional ignorance and political interference gave rise to a travesty of justice that cannot be reversed, that is, the execution of a man who was manifestly not guilty of the crime for which he was hanged.
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Mamedov, R. Sh, and M. A. Sapronova. "Features of the Political Development of Iraq in 2003—2020: the Formation of a New Elite." Nauchnyi dialog, no. 1 (January 27, 2021): 357–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2021-1-357-370.
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The features of recruiting the political elite of Iraq after the overthrow of the regime of President Saddam Hussein in 2003 are considered. The relevance of the study is due to the need to study the processes of elite formation in the Middle East during the period of regional transformations. The key mechanisms and principles of the formation of the Iraqi political elite within the framework of the emerging post-Saddam political system have been identified. It is shown that the political leaders who came into power with the support of the Americans until 2003 were the “counter-elite” of S. Hussein, therefore participation in the opposition movements became an important criterion for recruiting. Special attention is paid to the informal (traditional) principles of recruiting the new elite, which have become the main mechanism of this process. In particular, the following principles are described: “muhassasa taifiyya”, which assumes the distribution of political positions in accordance with the share of ethno-confessional groups in the general population, clan solidarity, and religious institutions. It is emphasized that the role of Shiite religious structures, including spiritual leaders, and their influence on the formation of the political elite have significantly increased compared to the pre-occupation period.
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Waśko-Owsiejczuk, Ewelina. "American Plans to Build Democracy in the Middle East After 9/11: the Case of Iraq." International Studies. Interdisciplinary Political and Cultural Journal 21, no. 1 (June 30, 2018): 11–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1641-4233.21.02.
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The “Freedom Agenda” of President George W. Bush for the Middle East assumed that the liberation of Iraq from the dictatorship of Saddam Hussein and the start of political change would trigger the process of democratization of the entire region. Encouraged by financial and economic support, Arab countries should have been willing to implement political and educational support, which would lead to the creation of civil society and grass-roots political changes initiated by society itself. A number of mistakes made by the Bush administration in Iraq has not only caused the mission of the democratization of Iraq to be a failure, but also influenced the situation that today Iraq is closer to being a failed state than a democracy.
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KENNEDY-PIPE, CAROLINE, and RHIANNON VICKERS. "‘Blowback’ for Britain?: Blair, Bush, and the war in Iraq." Review of International Studies 33, no. 2 (April 2007): 205–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210507007474.
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ABSTRACTAs debate continues over the conduct, the legality and the morality of the war in Iraq, this article addresses how and why Prime Minister Blair decided on the British road to war in Iraq. The article argues that Tony Blair was working within a mindset at both the domestic and international levels that meant he was predisposed to use military force against Iraq and indeed against other perceived threats to the West. His mindset arose, we will argue, through fear rather than arrogance, through the experiences of the past two decades as much as contemporary events, and this meant that he systematically over-estimated the threat posed by Saddam Hussein. We postulate that Blair was not pressured into invading Iraq by President Bush. Rather, he believed that it was the right path for Britain to take, and that the overthrow of Saddam Hussein was actually the logical outcome of the ‘Doctrine of the International Community’ outlined in his Chicago speech in 1999. We go on to make the claim that by concentrating on supporting the United States in its grand strategy, Tony Blair misunderstood the pattern of politics at home and perhaps more seriously of the ‘threat’ to the domestic security of the United Kingdom. This was not a danger from Iraqi WMD or even from ‘foreign’ terrorists as had happened on 9/11 but from home-grown suicide bombers, some of whom claimed to be inspired by opposition to Blair’s wars. This was the blowback that mattered – and will continue to do so – for the UK.
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Baram, Amatzia. "Neo-Tribalism in Iraq: Saddam Hussein's Tribal Policies 1991–96." International Journal of Middle East Studies 29, no. 1 (February 1997): 1–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800064138.
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The intention of this article is to show that, when applying his tribal policies, Saddam Hussein altered the Baʿth Party's most central tenets of faith, how and why he did this, and what it meant for Iraqi society and for the ruling party. Saddam Hussein's tribal policy started soon after the party came to power in July 1968, but it went through a quantum leap in the late 1980s and the early 1990s. First, rather than eliminating the tribal shaykh as a sociopolitical power, as dictated by party doctrine, he endeavored to manipulate the shaykhs and, through a process of socialization (or “Baʿthization”), turn them into docile tools in the service of the regime. Second, and a far sharper departure from party tradition, he turned the tribal shaykhs into legitimate partners for power-sharing; he tribalized the regime's Praetorian Guard; and he worked to reawaken long-suppressed and often forgotten tribal affinities in that part of Iraqi society which is no longer tribal and to graft onto it tribal values, or what he considered to be such values. Furthermore, he even took some steps to tribalize the party itself, and tribal customs, real or imagined, permeated the state's legal system. Kinship was legitimized as a principle guiding the selection of party leaders, and leaders' tribal roots were played up; tribal honor became a legitimate guiding principle behind foreign-policy decisions; and at least once, the president even called the Baʿth Party itself “a tribe.”
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Roberts, Mark. "Debriefing the President: The Interrogation of Saddam Hussein. By John Nixon. New York: Penguin Random House, Blue Rider Press, 2016." Journal of Strategic Security 10, no. 2 (June 2017): 125–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.5038/1944-0472.10.2.1602.
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Alhabib, Aram A. "Appraisal Devices Realizing Attitudes in Barack Obama’s First Inaugural Speech." International Journal of Linguistics 12, no. 5 (October 12, 2020): 142. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/ijl.v12i5.17618.
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Following Martin and Rose’s (2007) Systemic Functional Linguistics (SFL) approach, this paper, adopting qualitative analysis, analyzed Barack Hussein Obama’s Inaugural Address “new era of responsibility” from the perspective of Appraisal System. Martin and Rose (2007) divided Appraisal System into three distinct sub-systems: Source (Engagement), Amplification, and Attitude. In the process of detailed analysis, this paper focused on Obama’s Attitude, the feelings, and values that are negotiated with the audience (Affect, Judgment, and Appreciation), towards his speech. Analyzing the data that falls under the genre of political discourse, it could be inferred that the address employed three kinds of Attitudes; Affect, Judgment, and Appreciation. The findings of the study revealed that Obama’s speech was full of hope and a positive attitude toward the future of the United States. The president used accessible language but still formal; he used affirmative and simple direct sentences in his speech, so he can easily shorten the distance between him and the audience.
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Sassoon, Joseph. "The East German Ministry for State Security and Iraq, 1968–1989." Journal of Cold War Studies 16, no. 1 (January 2014): 4–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00429.
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Despite the close relationship between the German Democratic Republic (GDR) and Iraq from the late 1960s until the mid-1970s, new evidence from documents of the former East German Ministry for State Security (Stasi) and the Iraqi Ba'th Party archives, combined with interviews of senior East German diplomats who served in the Arab world, indicates that the Stasi changed its policy in the second half of the 1970s and persisted with that policy in the 1980s after the outbreak of the Iran-Iraq War. This article gives an overview of relations between the Stasi and Iraq following the rise of the Ba'th to power in 1968 under Saddam Hussein (who later became president of Iraq in 1979) and examines Iraq's efforts to obtain assistance from the Stasi. The Iraqi regime's persecution of Communists within Iraq and its targeting of Iraqi Communists in Eastern Europe were important in discouraging the Stasi from establishing close cooperation with Iraq.
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Harvey, Frank P. "President Al Gore and the 2003 Iraq War: A Counterfactual Test of Conventional “W”isdom." Canadian Journal of Political Science 45, no. 1 (March 2012): 1–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423911000904.
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Abstract.The almost universally accepted explanation for the Iraq war is very clear and consistent, namely, the US decision to attack Saddam Hussein's regime on March 19, 2003, was a product of the ideological agenda, misguided priorities, intentional deceptions and grand strategies of President George W. Bush and prominent “neoconservatives” and “unilateralists” on his national security team. Notwithstanding the widespread appeal of this version of history, however, the Bush-neocon war thesis (which I have labelledneoconism) remains an unsubstantiated assertion, a “theory” without theoretical content or historical context, a position lacking perspective and a seriously underdeveloped argument absent a clearly articulated logical foundation.Neoconismis, in essence, a popular historical account that overlooks a substantial collection of historical facts and relevant causal mechanisms that, when combined, represent a serious challenge to the core premises of accepted wisdom. This article corrects these errors, in part, by providing a much stronger account of events and strategies that pushed the US-UK coalition closer to war. The analysis is based on both factual and counterfactual evidence, combines causal mechanisms derived from multiple levels of analysis and ultimately confirms the role of path dependence and momentum as a much stronger explanation for the sequence of decisions that led to war.Résumé.L'explication quasi-universellement acceptée de la guerre d'Irak est très claire et sans équivoque : la décision des États-Unis de renverser le régime de Saddam Hussein le 19 mars 2003 était le résultat d'un programme idéologique, de priorités erronées, de déceptions intentionnelles, de grandes manœuvres stratégiques du président George W. Bush, d'éminents «néoconservateurs» et partisans de l'« unilatéralisme » présents dans l'équipe chargée de la sécurité nationale. Certes cette version de l'histoire constitue une idée largement répandue, mais la thèse de la guerre-néocon-de-Bush – que je désigne sous le terme neoconism – demeure une assertion dénuée de fondements, une ‘théorie’ sans contenu théorique ou contexte historique, un point de vue sans perspective, un argument qui ne fait pas de poids, et qui ne repose sur aucun raisonnement logique clairement articulé. Le neoconism est essentiellement un compte rendu historique populaire qui néglige une ensemble important de faits historiques et de mécanismes de causalité pertinents qui, mis ensemble, constituent un défi taille aux principaux prémisses de la sagesse acceptée. Le présent article se propose de corriger en partie les erreurs surévoquées, en en fournissant un compte rendu beaucoup plus solide des faits et stratégies qui ont amené la coalition États-Unis – Royaume-Uni à aller en guerre contre le régime irakien d'alors. L'analyse se fonde à la fois sur des preuves factuelles et contrefactuelles, avec l'appui des mécanismes de cause à effet inspirés de différents niveaux d'analyse, et confirme enfin le rôle joué par le concept de Path dependence (Dépendance au chemin emprunté) et de la dynamique comme explication beaucoup plus convaincante de la série de décisions ayant conduit à la guerre.
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Maier, Janine. "The significance of International Cooperation and Associated Travels for the Development of Women’s Football in Jordan." Zeitschrift für Tourismuswissenschaft 12, no. 2 (October 12, 2020): 299–315. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/tw-2020-0003.
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AbstractThe long running-battle for equality in sports has now reached a new peak in women’s soccer. An increasing number of countries newly add women’s soccer programs and several existing national teams fight for a further professionalization and equal payments. This demand is part of an empowerment process. In soccer, women still form a marginalized group, but they increasingly gain more scope within the social subsystem “soccer”. In this context, sports have a considerable social and spatial significance on the individual, socio-cultural and structural level. This article focusses on one aspect of this multi-layer empowerment process and deals with the influences related to international cooperation, like traveling of delegates and teams as a form of sports tourism. The main goal is to carve out the increasing importance of such travel activities for a further development of sports and through sports. Therefore, the article raises the question, which role do international cooperation and associated travel activities play within the sports development context and do they foster structural and social developments in a certain regional context? What are the most common ways of exchange within the sports sector? Which role do particular settings and regional backgrounds play? With regard to women’s football in Arab countries, this article deals with the developments in Jordan. In Jordan, the deregulation of the ban on headscarves and the support by HRH Prince Ali bin al-Hussein, president of the Jordan Football Association (JFA), former FIFA vice-president and half-brother of King Abdullah II, have achieved a decisive boost. Prior to the FIFA U-17 Women’s World Cup 2016 and the Asian Cup 2018, JFA has signed several Memoranda of Understanding (MoU) with different associations. These MoU play a vital role because they are important for the transfer of knowledge, the structural developments in Jordanian women’s football and include several travel activities.
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Falk, Richard A. "What Future for the UN Charter System of War Prevention?" American Journal of International Law 97, no. 3 (July 2003): 590–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3109844.
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President George W. Bush historically challenged the United Nations Security Council when he uttered some memorable words in the course of his September 12, 2002, speech to the General Assembly: “Will the UN serve the purpose of its founding, or will it be irrelevant?” In the aftermath of the Iraq war there are at least two answers to this question. The answer of the U.S. government would be to suggest that the United Nations turned out to be irrelevant due to its failure to endorse recourse to war against the Iraq of Saddam Hussein. The answer of those who opposed the war is that the UN Security Council served the purpose of its founding by its refusal to endorse recourse to a war that could not be persuasively reconciled with the UN Charter and international law. This difference of assessment is not just factual, whether Iraq was a threat and whether the inspection process was succeeding at a reasonable pace; it was also conceptual, even jurisprudential. The resolution of this latter debate is likely to shape the future role of the United Nations, as well as influence the attitude of the most powerful sovereign state as to the relationship between international law generally and the use of force as an instrument of foreign policy.
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Ul Haq, Irfan. "The Twenty-Second Annual Conference of the AMSS." American Journal of Islam and Society 11, no. 1 (April 1, 1994): 122–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v11i1.2462.
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The Twenty-Second Annual Conference of the Association of MuslimSocial Scientists (AMSS) was jointly organized by the Intemational Instituteof Islamic Thought (IIIT) and the AMSS and was held at the IIITpremises in Hemdon, VA. The open-theme conference featured eighteenpanels organized into fourtem sessions.The opening session consisted of the welcoming address by DilnawazSiddiqui, President (Clarion University of Pennsylvania, Clarion, PA), remarksby Mushtaqur Rahman, Conference Chairman (University of Iowa,Ames, IA), and the inaugural address of Taha al 'Alwani (President,IIIT). The second session, "Islamic Philosophy and Compamtive Approaches,"was chaired by Ja'afar Sheikh Idris (Institute of Islamic andArabic Sciences, Fairfax, VA). Presentations included "Islamic Theory ofKnowledge: A Reapptaisal" by Sirajul Husain (Islamic Research and DevelopmentCouncil, Cleveland, OH), "Islamization of the Creative Imaginationand Its Ramifications in the Visual Arts of Islam" by Halide A.Salam (Radford University, Radford, VA), and "The Concept of Free Willin the Comments of al Ash'ari, al Hilli, and Taftazani" by Anne E.Francisse (Seattle, WA).The third session had two concurrent panels: "Concept of Shzird andDemocracy in Islam," chaited by Mumtaz Ahmad (Hampton University,Hampton, VA) and "Culture and Communication," chaired by Ali Ramadan(IIIT). The first panel comprised Aziza a1 Hibri (University of Richmond,Richmond VA) and Ja'afar Shaikh Idris. Al Hibri pointed out thatshura (mutual consultation) is part of Islamic constitutional theory and reflectsthe divine dimension of an Islamic political framework-while democracyis one process of shzirti reflecting the human will in the politicalplane. Also featured was Hamid al-Ghazali (Islamic Center of Lawrence,Lawrence, MO), who gave a special report on the removal of an unjustleader from an Islamic institution that had been presented to the CircuitCourt of Jackson County, Missouri.The culture and communication panel had three presentors. ShamfRahman (Northern State Univedty, Aberdeen, SD) spoke on media typesand Muslim culture vis-8-vis Pakistani films and videos. Hussein Abiva(Chicago, IL) dealt with the role and importance of Sufi orders in Balkan ...
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Danchev, Alex. "The Anschluss." Review of International Studies 20, no. 1 (January 1994): 97–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500117802.
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Historical analogiesOn 2 August 1990, much to everyone's surprise, Hitler invaded Kuwait. The ensuing conflict was mired in history—as Francis Fukuyama might say—or at least in historical analogy. The ruling analogy was with the Second World War; more exactly, with the origins and nature of that war. George Bush's constant reference during the Second Gulf War was Martin Gilbert's Second World War, a monumental construction well described as ‘a bleak, desolate evocation of the horrors of war, a modern Waste Land, an unremitting catalogue of killing, atrocity and exiguous survival’. The paperback edition of this exacting volume weighs three pounds. The text runs to 747 pages. Understandably, the President stashed his copy on board Air Force One. ‘I'm reading a book’, he informed an audience in Burlington, Vermont, in October 1990, ‘and it's a book of history, a great, big, thick history of World War II, and there's a parallel between what Hitler did to Poland and what Saddam Hussein has done to Kuwait’. As Paul Fussell has reminded us, the wartime refrain was Remember Pearl Harbor. “ ‘No one ever shouted or sang Remember Poland’? Not until 1990, that is. Of course, Bush himself had served in that war, as he was not slow to remind the electorate: he flew fifty-eight missions as a pilot in the Pacific. For those who wondered what he knew of Poland, Gilbert's book—at once a chronicle of remembrance and an indictment—told him this:
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Saleh, Mohamed. "Public Mass Modern Education, Religion, and Human Capital in Twentieth-Century Egypt." Journal of Economic History 76, no. 3 (August 30, 2016): 697–735. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050716000796.
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Public mass modern education was a major pillar of state-led development in the post-Colonial period. I examine the impact of Egypt's transformation in 1951–1953 of traditional elementary schools (kuttabs) into modern primary schools on the Christian-Muslim educational and occupational differentials, which were in favor of Christians. The reform granted kuttabs' graduates (where Muslim students were over-represented) access to higher stages of education that were previously confined to primary schools' graduates. Exploiting the variation in exposure to the reform across cohorts and districts of birth among males in 1986, I find that the reform benefited Muslims but not Christians. What Europe is suffering from is the result of generalizing education among all levels of society… they have no chance of avoiding what happened [Europe's 1848 revolutions]. So if this is an example in front of us, our duty is simply to teach them how to read and write to a certain limit in order to encourage satisfactory work and not to spread education beyond that point.Muhammad Ali Pasha, Ottoman Viceroy of Egypt (1805–1848), in a private letter to his son, Ibrahim Pasha (in Judith Cochran 1986, p. 6)Education is like the water we drink and the air we breathe.Taha Hussein, Egyptian liberal intellectual and Egypt's Minister of Education (1950–1952)The poor go to heaven, but can't they have a share on Earth too? They are willing to give up a share in heaven in exchange for a share on Earth.Gamal Abdul-Nasser, President of Egypt (1956–1970) (Excerpt from a public speech)
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Nzongola-Ntalaja, Georges. "Putting Africa's House in Order to Deal with Developmental Challenges." African Studies Review 53, no. 2 (September 2010): 12–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/arw.2010.0029.
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However proud Africans must be to have a person of African descent in the White House, they should have no illusions as to how much President Barack Hussein Obama can do for Africa. Africans must put their own house in order for purposes of dealing successfully with the major challenges facing the continent, the most important of which is that of democratic and developmental governance. Obama's priorities are not necessarily those of Africans. They have to do with the role of the United States as a superpower in a global system in which the American military and business corporations play a hegemonic role. In this context, Africa is relevant to American and Obama's global priorities when its resources are needed to strengthen this role, on the one hand, or its humanitarian crises are likely to affect them in an adverse manner, on the other.What are these global priorities, and how are they likely to affect Africa during Obama's tenure? Following is a brief examination of four major priorities. The first is limiting the spread of nuclear weapons. Operating on the premise that nuclear weapons should be limited to the few countries now possessing them (U.S., Russia, Britain, France, China, Israel, India, and Pakistan), the U.S. government has led an international campaign against the acquisition of nuclear weapons technology by other countries, particularly those deemed hostile to Western interests, such as Iran and North Korea. Since South Africa destroyed the nuclear arsenal of the former apartheid state and Libya gave up its nuclear ambitions, the only relevant issue with respect to Africa's role in the spread of nuclear weapons is the question of who has access to Africa's abundant supply of uranium. Denying access to African uranium to “rogue states” and terrorist organizations is an important foreign policy objective of any American government, including the Obama administration.
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Ahmad, Mumtaz. "IRAQ." American Journal of Islam and Society 2, no. 2 (December 1, 1985): 313–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v2i2.2774.
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At the end of 1979 when the fall of the Shah of Iran was imminent, all eyeswere set on Iraq. Iraq was then seen as the new giant of the Gulf. It had remainedcompletely aloof from all the major inter-Arab disputes and contnwersiesfor almost a decade and had exclusively focused its attention on its ownsocio-economic development. Its development performance during the 1970shad been phenomenal. Iraqi economic planning was rated by internationaldevelopment experts as the most prudent, rational and well-implemented inthe entire Middle East. Notwithstanding-or perhaps because of- its oppressivepolitical apparatus, the Ba'thist state had imposed a code of strict, puritanicalfinancial ethics on its international economic transactions. Iraqi developmentexperience was thus regarded as unique in the Third World in that it was theleast hog-tied by malpractices, pay-offs and personal empire-building by theleadership.Iraq in 1979 was thus a nation with great promise. The size of its oil reservesand potential oil revenues, its capacity for sustained economic developmentbased on a non-oil economy, and its vast water resources that offered thepossibility of an expanded economic base in both agriculture and industry,were some of the major advantages Iraq enjoyed over other Arab oil-producingstates. Its geographical position bordering Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Syria, Jordan,Turkey, and Iran placed it in an area of great geostrategic concern forboth regional and global ewers. Its pivotal position between Israel to thewest and the Gulf to the east, where it forms what Christine Moss Helmshas called "the eastern flank of the Arab World" was regarded as unique inthe Middle East.But then, Iraqi President Saddam Hussein took the greatest gamble of hislife-and lost. He misjudged the vulnerability of the newly installed IslamicRepublic of Iran under the leadership of Ayatullah Khomeini and, believingin his own rhetoric about the invincibility of the Iraqi armed forces, decidedto invade Iran on some filmsy pretexts. Five and a half years after the war ...
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Bullock, Katherine. "Editorial." American Journal of Islam and Society 21, no. 1 (January 1, 2004): i—iv. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v21i1.1812.
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Have the tragic events of 9/11 resulted in a profound change in the interactionsbetween the Muslim world and the West, or has the carnage simplyaccelerated an already present trend of strained relations? It is too earlyto know, but when historians begin looking back, they will likely find evidenceto support both assertions. With the introduction of the USAPATRIOT Act, which allows the government unprecedented opportunitiesto spy on people, greatly infringing upon their civil liberties, the treatmentof the detainees at Guantanamo Bay, racial profiling, and the harassmentand deportation of Muslims residing in the country, the Bush administrationappears to be leading the “free world” into a new variant of right-wingauthoritarian government.On the other hand, the American occupation of Iraq and the Bushadministration’s plans to reshape the Middle East bear an uncanny resemblanceto a policy paper published in 1996 by an Israeli think-tank, theInstitute for Advanced Strategic and Political Studies: “A Clear Break: ANew Strategy for Securing the Realm.” Of course the symmetry betweenthe 1996 proposals (i.e., remove Saddam Hussein and weaken Syria andIran) and the current policies are no surprise, since three of the eight coauthorsnow hold key Bush administration positions: Richard Perle, memberof the Pentagon’s Defense Policy Board; Douglas Feith, undersecretaryof defense for policy; and David Wurmser, Vice President Dick Cheney’sMiddle East advisor. Thus, 9/11 has simply given the neo-conservatives anexcuse and the ability to execute what had already been envisaged. TheMiddle East, long under colonial subjugation, is re-experiencing westernaims to dominate, control, and reshape it. Thus, from a Muslim perspective,9/11 appears to have confirmed, with a vengeance, global power structuresinstead of ushering in a new era.In Covering Islam, published by the late Edward Said in 1981, Saidobserved: “For almost every Muslim, the mere assertion of an Islamicidentity becomes an act of nearly cosmic defiance and a necessity for survival(p. 72).” Though written more than 20 years ago, how more true isthis observation now? Even the simple act of naming a child (especiallyboys) is fraught with difficulties. Many of the best-loved Muslim names, ...
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Ambos, Kai. "“Freiburg Lawyers’ Declaration” of 10 February 2003 – On German Participation In A War Against Iraq." German Law Journal 4, no. 3 (March 1, 2003): 247–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200015923.
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[Editors’ Comment: As is well known, opposition to a possible war against Iraq has been, within the Western world, among the strongest in Germany. Accurately sensing an overwhelming rejection of any armed intervention in Iraq among the German populace, the Social-Democrat / Green coalition government led by Chancellor Gerhard Schröder and Foreign Minister Joschka Fischer began to take a stance against the forcible disarmament of Iraq and the toppling of the regime of Iraqi President Saddam Hussein during their reelection campaign in the fall of 2002. Since then, and in the face of an ever more undisguised intention on part of the Bush administration to go ahead with a war under all circumstances, Schröder and Fischer have reiterated and reinforced their position, going as far as to rule out any active German participation in an armed intervention even if such was eventually called for by the Security Council. The German government's position has been complicated by the fact that Germany is currently an elected member of the Security Council, and held its rotating presidency in the month of February. Its relations with the United States have been strained on account of the incompatibility of views on how to resolve the Iraq crisis, and Germany has increasingly found itself in an isolated position on the international plane, though it has recently been joined by France and Russia in its attempts to yet avoid a war. The Christian-Democratic and Liberal opposition have alleged that the Schröder government has internationally isolated the country, and, worse, alienated it from its traditionally strongest ally, the United States, in order to distract from its current domestic unpopularity. Be this as it may, it is probably true to say that the great majority of Germans across all sections of society are genuinely strongly opposed to a war. Such pacifist sentiments link back to the peace movement of the late 1970s and 1980s which saw an equally broad cross-section of society march side by side to protest against the military build-up of the Cold War, and which, among others, brought about the Green party itself. Critics have alleged then and now that such radical pacifism is both naive and the wrong lesson to be learned from Germany's omnipresent Nazi-past. Interestingly, the non UN-sanctioned intervention in Kosovo had the strong support of both this just re-elected government, as well as the general public, although the more mainstream adherents of a German ‘no’ to an Iraq intervention point to the very different circumstances in that case.
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Shryock, Andrew, and Sally Howell. "“EVER A GUEST IN OUR HOUSE”: THE EMIR ABDULLAH, SHAYKH MAJID AL-[ayn]ADWAN, AND THE PRACTICE OF JORDANIAN HOUSE POLITICS, AS REMEMBERED BY UMM SULTAN, THE WIDOW OF MAJID." International Journal of Middle East Studies 33, no. 2 (May 2001): 247–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743801002045.
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The literature on Jordan is awash in studies of the history, politics, and possible futures of the Hashemite family. In a polity so closely identified with its ruling dynasty, one would be surprised if this fixation did not prevail. More curious to the anthropologist is the extent to which the scholarly attention lavished on the Hashemites has centered on the rather obvious fact that they rule, but has given less concern to the fact that they rule as a family—that they express their dominance in a patriarchal rhetoric brimming with kinship metaphors, and that they preside over a body politic in which households and their influential heads are of far greater significance than electoral constituencies, public opinion, or (least of all) individual citizens and their rights. When King Hussein described his realm as “the big Jordanian family” (al-usra al-urduniyya al-kubra¯), he invoked an image of community (and authorized a style of political exchange) that made immediate sense to his subjects. In his final years of rule, Hussein artfully consolidated his role as national father figure. His heir, King Abdullah II, who was 37 years old when he inherited the throne in 1999, affects the “older brother” persona appropriate to his age. In announcing Hussein's death, Abdullah II relied heavily on the vocabulary of political kinship his father had standardized: “Hussein was a father, a brother, to each of you, the same as he was my father. . . . Today you are my brothers and sisters, and with you I find sympathy and condolences under God”1
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Santos, Wagner. "Soberania estatal e intervenção: uma análise de discurso da intervenção militar norte-americana no Iraque em 2003." Revista Brasileira de Ciência Política, no. 23 (August 2017): 111–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0103-335220172304.
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Resumo O objetivo deste artigo é analisar como a soberania estatal iraquiana foi relativizada para que a intervenção norte-americana, iniciada em março de 2003, fosse justificada como necessária. Para esta análise, une-se os aportes analítico, fornecido por Cynthia Weber (1995), e metodológico, apresentado por Lene Hansen (2006), aplicando-os aos discursos do ex-presidente George W. Bush, no intuito de verificar quais foram as estratégias discursivas utilizadas pelo seu governo para iniciar a intervenção militar no Iraque, à época sob domínio de Saddam Hussein. Ao final, conclui-se que, mais do que discurso, os argumentos do ex-presidente foram capazes de moldar uma percepção particular do Iraque e convencer a comunidade internacional a respeito do perigo que o país representava sob a liderança de Saddam Hussein, servindo de possível abrigo para terroristas e produtor de armas de destruição em massa.
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Vertyaev, Kirill. "NORTHERN IRAQ IN TURKISH FOREIGN POLICY DURING THE PRESIDENCY OF TURGUT OZAL (1987–1993)." Eastern Analytics, no. 4 (2020): 114–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2227-5568-2020-04-114-133.
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This article studies Turkish foreign relations with elites from among Iraqi Kurds during the presidency of Turgut Ozal. The article identifies a group of factors that have influenced and changed the foreign policy paradigm of Turkey in the early 90s in an effort to take control of the processes within Iraqi Kurdistan (Northern Iraq).The events are shown against the backdrop of the strengthening of the Kurdish factor in Iraq during the Persian Gulf War against Saddam Hussayin and immediately after it. The article notes that foreign policy approaches of President Turgut Ozal formed the basis of the foreign policy strategy of the Party of Justice and Development (AKP).
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Soemargono, Ahmad Bambang, Fadlil Yani Ainusyamsi, and Wildan Taufiq. "SIMBOL KEKERASAN POLITIK DI IRAK ERA KEPEMIMPINAN SADDAM HUSSEIN DALAM NOVEL UKHRUJ MINHA YA MAL’UN KARYA SADDAM HUSSEIN (KAJIAN SEMIOTIKA CHARLES SANDERS PEIRCE)." Hijai - Journal on Arabic Language and Literature 2, no. 1 (November 21, 2019): 89–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.15575/hijai.v2i1.6474.
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Penelitian ini berjudul simbol kekerasan politik di Irak era kepemimpinan Saddam Hussein dalam novel Ukhruj Minha Ya Mal’un Karya Saddam Hussein. Saddam Hussein adalah seorang presiden di negara Irak sekaligus sastrawan yang hebat. Ia menggunakan karya sastra sebagai alat pengkritik untuk melawan kekerasan-kekerasan yang dilakukan musuhnya. Seperti dalam novel Ukhruj Minha Ya Mal’un yang didalamnya banyak menceritakan kelicikan dan kejahatan yang dilakukan oleh musuhnya yaitu Amerika. Ia juga menciptakan beberapa karya sastra diantaranya novel yang berjudul Zabibah Wa al-Mulk, al-Qal’ah al-Hashinah, Rijal Wa Madinah dan Ukhruj Minha Ya Mal’un. Maka dari itu, peneliti menggunakan novel sebagai objek dalam penelitian ini.Tujuan dari penelitian ini bertujuan untuk memahami simbol kekerasan politik di Irak era kepemimpinan Saddam Hussein dan mendeskripsikan makna kekerasan politik yang terdapat dalam novel Ukhruj Minha Ya Mal’un karya Saddam Hussein. Sehingga dalam novel tersebut, dapat diketahui variasi kekerasan politik yang disimbolkan.Penelitian ini menggunakan metode deskriptif-analitik. Teknik pengumpulan data dalam penelitian ini berdasarkan sesuai dengan hasil menelaah dan mengkaji sumber data yang didapatkan dari novel Ukhruj Minha Ya Mal’un. Sedangkan kajian yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah konsep triadik Semiotika Charles S. Peirce, yaitu mengungkap Representamen (R), Objek (O), serta Interpretan (I).Berdasarkan analisis, penelitian ini ditemukan 20 data yang memberikan simbol-simbol kekerasan politik, diantaranya: (1) kekerasan tidak langsung (indirect violence); (2) kekerasan alienatif (alienative violence); (3) kekerasan refresif (represif violence); (4) peperangan; (5) revolusi. Kekerasan politik adalah suatu kondisi yang sangat tidak ingin dihadapi oleh sebagian besar dari masyarakat serta hanya menguntungkan bagi elit politik saja. Karena hal itu, dengan adanya analisis ini dapat dimanfaatkan oleh masyarakat untuk menjadi dasar dalam mengenal dan mengetahui variasi dari kekerasan politik yang biasa terjadi disekelilingnya.
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Onwumechili, Chuka. "Introduction to the Special Issue on the Barack Hussein Obama Presidency." Howard Journal of Communications 28, no. 1 (November 29, 2016): 1–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10646175.2016.1251273.
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Vylegzhanin, A. N., Tim Potier, and E. A. Torkunova. "Towards Cementing International Law through Renaissance of the United Nations Charter." Moscow Journal of International Law, no. 1 (July 25, 2020): 6–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/0869-0049-2020-1-6-25.
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INTRODUCTION. This year is the 75-th anniversary of the Great Victory of the Allies – Britain, the Soviet Union and the USA – over Nazi Germany. The most important legal result of this victory has become the Charter of the United Nations – the universal treaty initiated by Great Britain, the Soviet Union and the USA (and later – by China and France) aiming to save succeeding generations from the new world war by establishing United Nations mechanisms to maintain international peace and global security. The UN Charter has since become the foundation of modern international law, respected by States across continents and generations. That seems, however, to begin changing after the collapse of the Warsaw Pact, when its former-members «socialist» European countries (including Bulgaria and Poland) became a part of the Western military bloc – North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). NATO seems to demonstrate now a new attitude to fundamental principles of the UN Charter, first of all, to the principle relating to the use of armed force only according to the UN Charter. NATO States-members launched in 1999 an air campaign against Serbia without authorization by the Security Council; then an ad hoc western coalition, led by the United States, resorted to armed force in 2003 against Iraq and organized in the occupied territory of Iraq the death penalty of the President Saddam Hussein. Even some western European States, France and Germany, first of all opposed such military action of the USA for ignoring the UN Charter. The apparent involvement of the USA in the unconstitutional removal of the Ukrainian President Yanukovich from power in Kiev in 2014 and the subsequent local war between those who recognize such a discharge as legitimate and those who do not (both referring to the right of self-defense) – these facts make the problem of international peace especially urgent. In this political environment, the risks of World War III seem to be increasing. This paper addresses such challenges to modern international law.MATERIALS AND METHODS. Th background of this research is represented by the teachings of distinguished scholars and other specialists in international law, as well as international materials including documents of the international conferences relevant to the topic. Some of such materials are alarming, noting that the international legal system is in danger of collapse and it is doubtful whether an international legal order will be possible in the coming decades at all. Others are not so pessimistic. The analytical framework includes also suggested interpretations of the UN Charter and other international treaties regulating interstate relations in the area of global security. The research is based on a number of methods such as comparative law and history of international law, formal logic, including synthesis of relevant facts and analogy.RESEARCH RESULTS. It is acknowledged that there is a need for a more coherent international legal order, with the system of international law being at its heart. Within the context of applicable principles and norms of international law, this article specifically provides the results of analysis of the following issues:1) centrifugal interpretations of international law as they are reflected in its sources; 2) the need for increasing the role of the UN Charter in the global international legal framework; 3) modern values of the UN Charter as an anti-confusion instrument; 4) the contemporary meaning of the Principles embedded in the UN Charter; 5) comparison of the main principles of international law and general principles of law; 6) jus cogens and the UN Charter.DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS. After discussing the issues noted above, this paper concludes that it is in the interest of the community of states as a whole to clarify the normative structure and hierarchy of modern international law. Greater discipline will need to be demonstrated in the use and classification of principles of international law and general principles of law in the meaning of Article 38 of the ICJ Statute. The content of jus cogens norms most probably will be gradually identified, after diffi lt discussions across the international community, both at interstate level and among academics. At the heart of such discussions may be the conclusion suggested in this paper on the peremptoriness of the principles of the United Nations Charter – Articles 1 and 2. Such an approach will further promote international law at the advanced quality of regulation of international relations and, for the good of all mankind, assist in the establishment of an international environment much more dependent on the rule of law.
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Brady, Luther W. "David H. Hussey, MD, President Radiological Society of North America, 2005." Radiology 234, no. 1 (January 2005): 15–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1148/radiol.2341042559.
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Finguerut, Ariel. "Entre George W. Bush e Obama: a relação dos EUA com o Islã e o mundo muçulmano." Malala, no. 1 (August 17, 2013): 23. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/issn.2446-5240.malala.2013.97374.
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A proposta deste ensaio, e como tal tem caráter mais especulativo e reflexivo do que analítico e dedutivo, é discutir as relações entre EUA e o Islã/Mundo Muçulmano a partir de um recorte contemporâneo tendo como balizas o governo de George W. Bush (2000-2008) e Barack Hussein Obama (2009-2012) e como ponto de chegada as primeiras transformações da chamada Primavera Árabe que aqui serão sumariamente apresentadas a luz da percepção dos Estados Unidos. O objetivo desta trajetória ensaística é não só entender e apresentar diferenças e semelhanças entre os dois presidentes americanos como também discutir alguns conceitos e suas consequências políticas que nos ajudam nos estudos sobre as relações entre Ocidente e Mundo Muçulmano.
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KAUR, RAVINDER. "Sacralising Bodies On Martyrdom, Government and Accident in Iran." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 20, no. 4 (October 2010): 441–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s135618631000026x.
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AbstractIn post-revolution Iran, the sacred notion of martyrdom has been transformed into a routine act of government – a moral sign of order and state sovereignty. Moving beyond the debates of the secularisation of the sacred and the making sacred of the secular, this article argues that the moment of sacralisation is realised through co-production within a social setting when the object of sacralisation is recognised as such by others. In contemporary Iran, however, the moment of sacralising bodies by the state is also the moment of its own subversion as the political-theological field of martyrdom is contested and challenged from within. This article traces the genealogy of martyrdom in contemporary Iran in order to explore its institutionalised forms and governmental practices. During the revolution, the Shi'a tradition of martyrdom and its dramatic performances of ritual mourning and self-sacrifice became central to the mass mobilisation against the monarchy. Once the revolutionary government came into existence, this sacred tradition was regulated to create ‘martyrs’ as a fixed category, in order to consolidate the legacy of the revolution. In this political theatre, the dead body is a site of transformation and performance upon which the original narrative of martyrdom takes place even as it displaces it and gives new meanings to the act.A CrashOn the morning of 6 December 2005, an Iranian military plane C-130 carrying journalists and Army officials crashed near Mehrabad airport in Tehran. The plane was attempting an emergency landing when it hit a ten-storey apartment block, setting off a big explosion which set fire to the building. In all, one hundred and sixteen charred bodies were recovered – ninty four passengers and twenty two residents of the building – from the smoke and rubble in this working class area of south-western Tehran. The residents were mostly women and schoolchildren who had stayed home – because of an official anti-pollution drive – to avoid a thick layer of smog that had developed over Tehran skies over the previous few days. Dozens of people were injured on the ground and the riot police had to be called in to clear the area of curious onlookers who were blocking the emergency services.The plane crash was met with grief, guilt and hints of anger. The Iranian media was most vocal in its expression of rage – seventy eight journalists had lost their lives in an instant. The ‘Iran News Daily’, a leading English language newspaper based in Tehran, two days later devoted a full page to the crash coverage including scathing editorials demanding accountability and answers to “disturbing questions” from the government. The editorial entitled ‘Duty and Responsibility’ stated that “condolences are not enough. People, the near and dear ones of victims in particular, have the right to know. Did the C-130 have technical problems? Was it fit for the passenger service? What would have really happened if the flight was cancelled? Who gave the final permission for the journey to go ahead? Is this another case of human error or engine failure? How can such major loss of innocent life be explained, leave [sic] alone justified?”2Similarly, Hossein Shariatmadari, influential editor of the conservative Persian daily ‘Kayhan’, called for a full investigation, not because it would bring “the dead back to life but (to) prevent repetition of similar incidents and further disasters”.3As private and public condolences began pouring in – newspapers had allocated prime space for such purpose – President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad sent a short message through state media that dramatically altered the narrative of grief and anger against the authorities. The message read as follows: “I learned of the catastrophe and the fact that members of the press have been martyred. I offer my condolences to the Supreme Leader and to the families of the victims”. With this message the dead journalists had been officially pronounced ‘martyrs’ – a moral-political subjectivity that traces its genealogy to the martyrdom of Imam Hussein.4In a single moment, the burnt corpses were no longer the bodies of ordinary victims of a plane crash, but the corpses of martyrs, and their charred remains sacrificial relics.
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Siwaju, Fatima. "Opportunities and Challenges of Teaching Islamic Studies in Theological Seminaries." American Journal of Islam and Society 33, no. 1 (January 1, 2016): 160–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v33i1.896.
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On Saturday, November 21, 2015, from 9:00 a.m. to 11:30 a.m., a panel coorganized by the International Institute of Islamic Thought (IIIT) entitled “Opportunitiesand Challenges of Teaching Islamic Studies in TheologicalSeminaries,” was held during the Annual Meeting of the American Academyof Religion (AAR) at the Marriott Hotel in Atlanta, GA. The panel was presidedover by Reverend Dr. Serene Jones (president of Union Theological Seminaryand AAR president-elect), and included contributions from Nazila Isgandarova(Emmanuel College), Munir Jiwa (Graduate Theological Union), JerushaLamptey (Union Theological Seminary), Nevin Reda (Emmanuel College),Feryal Salem (Hartford Seminary), and Ermin Sinanović (IIIT). Amir Hussain(Loyola Marymount University) served as respondent.The purpose of the roundtable was to address the growing trend amongChristian seminaries in North America of offering courses and, in some cases,professional degrees in the study of Islam, which has often involved hiringMuslim academics. The panelists endeavored to explore the opportunitiesand challenges posed by this new context, as well as the possible future directionof theological schools in addition to the future trajectory of Islamicstudies at them.Nazila Isgandarova, a spiritual care coordinator for the Center for Addictionand Mental Health in Canada and a graduate student at Emmanuel College,spoke of her personal experience as a Muslim student in a theological school.She noted that one of the unique advantages of studying Islam in a Christianenvironment is that it provides a space for the exchange of ideas. Isgandarovaidentified clinical pastoral education (CPE) as one of the major advantages ofstudying at a seminary. She emphasized that Islamic spiritual care educationshould be grounded not only in the Islamic tradition, but also in the conceptualand methodological frameworks provided by CPE. While she acknowledged ...
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Lértora Mendoza, Celina A. "Carlos Cossio a treinta años de su muerte." Aula y Ciencia 9, no. 13 (November 14, 2019): 199–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.31381/aula_ciencia.v9i13.2494.
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El Artículo trata sobre el pensamiento de Carlos Cossio, quien fuera profesor de Filosofía del Derecho en la Universidad de la Plata y en Buenos Aires, desde 1946 a 1975, cuya contribución a las demás disciplina filosóficas fue valiosa: fue fundador y presidente del Instituto Argentino de Filosofía Jurídica y Social. Fue el primero en incorporar a las cátedras de Filosofía del Derecho los estudios de Hans Kelsen, Oliver W. Holmes y Karl Marx. Su investigación iusfilosófica se inspira en Kant, Husserl y Heidegger. Carlos Cossio presenta las relaciones de justicia de una manera menos estática e impersonal. Sostiene que cualquier actividad humana tiene que ser entendida, en función de su situación, porque la vida humana es vivida siempre en situaciones (el “estar-siendo-en el-mundo” heideggeriano) La dependencia en que se encuentra cada acto humano, en tanto conducta, es una relación de estructura vital, es decir, una estructura en la cual aparecen cambios a la par que cualitativos.
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Al-Dulaimi, Saleem A. Salih, Mohammad Kamal, and Dalal Mahmoud Elsayed. "The Impact of Sectarian Conflict in Syria on Iran-Gulf Relations." Asian Social Science 13, no. 7 (June 23, 2017): 92. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ass.v13n7p92.
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Iran-Gulf relations are a confusing maze of complexities and contradictions. Iran’s voracious aspirations have been manifest in more than one act and place. The 1979 Revolution created a pervasive atmosphere of anxiety and fear in the Gulf region of that revolution’s ideological expansion into the Gulf states, especially those countries in which Shiites form important parts of their societies. In the Iran-Iraq war 1980, on the other hand, the Arab Gulf states supported Iraq against Iran as it was a proxy war to protect the Arab Gulf states, and Saddam Hussein, nevertheless, ended up occupying Kuwait in 1990. And then the Iranian-Gulf relations took a new turn at the time of both presidents Hashemi Rafsanjani and Mohammad Khatami, who adopted an open approach to the Gulf countries. However, those relations worsened when Ahmadinejad came to power as he started to export the revolutionary thought to the Gulf countries and extended the Iranian influence to Iraq after 2003, to Syria in the aftermath of the revolution that erupted in Syria in 2011 and to the Gulf Cooperation Council states, especially in Saudi Arabia, Kuwait and Bahrain. All this comes at the expense of the Gulf states, particularly Saudi Arabia, which is keen to maintain its influential role in the face of Iranian encroachment in Syria, through the support of the Syrian revolution, which seeks to overthrow Iran's ally in Damascus, Bashar al-Assad. Therefore, this study is trying to find an answer to this question: how has sectarian conflict in Syria impacted the Iranian-Gulf relations?
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Schaller, Klaus. "Patoĉka's Interpretation of Comenius and Its Significance for Present-Day Pedagogics." Science in Context 6, no. 2 (1993): 617–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0269889700001526.
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The ArgumentThe political changes in Czechoslovakia and in other Eastern European countries in 1989 are closely related to Jan Patoĉka's philosophy. He was one of the first speakers for the human rights manifesto “Charta 77” and died following his political interrogations in 1978. Vàclav Havel, the president of the ĉSFR, was one of his students. Patoĉka's philosophy is sketched here following his interpretation of Comenius, beginning with an early work of 1932 and until his interpretation of Comenius' The Paradise of the World and the Labyrinth of the Heart in his book Die Philosophic der Erziehung des J. A. Comenius (1970) (J. A. Comenius' Philosophy of Education).As a phenomenologist who transcends both Husserl and Heidegger, Patoĉka's conflict with the political system of his country was inevitable. The regime could not put up with his thesis on the “open soul” which, due to its existential openness, can hear the “call of conscience.” Behind this thesis stands Patocka's teaching of the three movements of existence. And out of this follows his “Education of the Turning.” Patoĉka's theory of education leads straight to some nondogmatic conceptions of education such as the “Communication Pedagogics” which dates back to the dialogical education of Martin Buber.
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Rapport, Aaron. "The Long and Short of It: Cognitive Constraints on Leaders' Assessments of “Postwar” Iraq." International Security 37, no. 3 (January 2013): 133–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00110.
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The George W. Bush administration's assessments of challenges that might come after the fall of Saddam Hussein's regime in Iraq were wide of the mark, but it is unclear why this was the case. Along with the difficulty of anticipating the future, perhaps the opportunity costs of allocating resources to postconflict considerations were simply too high. Institutional biases and civil-military friction may have also led actors to privilege certain information and plans over others. Although plausible, these hypotheses do not sufficiently explain strategic assessment prior to the 2003 invasion. They cannot account for the substance of most senior policymakers' assessments, especially those of President Bush and Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld, which was optimistic when late-stage operations were considered but not when combat plans were deliberated. An established psychological theory that describes how people mentally represent distant future actions—as opposed to those that are seen as impending—explains the nature of strategic assessment in the Iraq case. As individuals think about actions at the end of a sequence of events, the desirability of their goals becomes increasingly salient relative to the feasibility of achieving them. This makes decisionmakers more prone to underestimate the costs and risks of future actions.
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Zain al-Abedin, Tayyib. "Workshop on lslamization of Knowledge." American Journal of Islam and Society 6, no. 1 (September 1, 1989): 196–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v6i1.2712.
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The Workshop on Islarnization of Knowledge was held Shaban 20-22,1409/March 27-29, 1989 at Usmanu Danfodiyo University in Sokoto, Nigeria.It was jointly sponsored by the University's Center for Islamic Studies, theIslamic Education Trust of Nigeria, the Muslim World League, and theInternational Institute of Islamic Thought (IIIT). The Center for Islamic Studiesis headed by Dr. Omar Bellu, a specialist in Arab Islamic Studies who servesas the University's Vice-President, and as Secretary of the Nigerian Councilof Scholars. The Islamic Education Trust is headed by Al-Hajj Ahmad Lemu,the Supreme Judge in Niger State and a prorrtlnent leader of the IslamicMovement in Nigeria who has established a number of Arabic Islamic Schoolsconsidered among the best for teaching Islamic and secular sciences.Objectives:The objective of the Workshop was to determine the means through whichUsmanu Danfodiyo University, in cooperation with the Islamic EducationTrust and other Islamic organizations could devise a program of action forthe Islamization of general and higher education in Nigeria. It also aimedat revising curricula for various academic disciplines to accommodate Islamicperspectives and to meet Islamic norms; developing and producing teachingand reading materials for various disciplines; and developing staff to servicethe revised curricula along Islamic lines.The Workshop's attendance was restricted to the professors and teachingstaff at Othman Dan Fodio University, and a number of youths from outsidethe university. On average, about eighty persons, including three or fourwomen, attended each session. The participants paid special tribute to themartyr Isma'il al-Faruqi for his pioneering role in the Islarnization ofKnowledge.The Seminar's Discussions:The first working session, chaired by Professor 'Abdul-Karirm Hussain, ...
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Tekelioglu, Ahmet Selim. "The Practice of Islam in America: An Introduction." American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 35, no. 3 (July 1, 2018): 108–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajiss.v35i3.491.
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Since September 11, American Muslim identities, political views, sensi- bilities, and even private lives have been studied by academics, pollsters, government agencies, and think tank researchers. This renewed interest on the nexus of religious and national identity has produced a vast volume of publications, cross-cutting each social science discipline and thematic re- search area. Some are even available online, such as #islamophobiaisracism syllabus, #BlackIslamSyllabus and ISPU’s Muslim American Experience Bibliography page. What is often lost in this conversation, however, are the nuances that influence everyday lives of American Muslims and their practice of Islam. Situated within religious studies and Islamic studies scholarship and speak- ing to a broad disciplinary array, the edited volume The Practice of Islam in America: An Introduction is a much-needed contribution to the scholarship on Islam and American Muslims. The book’s editor, prolific and prominent scholar and historian of Is- lam in America, Edward Curtis IV, explains the goals of the book in this sentence: “This book is driven by the desire to provide clear answers to es- sential, and basic, questions about how observant Muslim Americans prac- tice Islam…” (2). Importantly, the book delivers on its promise to provide a lived religion perspective (3). While the twelve chapters in The Practice of Islam in America examine distinct practices and themes, the chapters synergize in giving voice to a lived religion perspective on American Muslims’ practices. This approach helps the reader to achieve a healthy distance from the significant but often overly dominant political context that influences discourse on American Muslim life. The book opens with an introductory chapter by Curtis, explaining the rationale and background to the project. The chapter is a good prelude to this rich volume, reflecting Curtis’ years of experience working on Muslim American history and experience. For the non-specialist audience, the in- troductory chapter also provides a broad historical overview of American Muslim history, starting from the slave trade and stretching into contem- porary Islamophobia while covering debates within the diverse American Muslim community. The volume is organized across four thematic parts. Each part includes three chapters, producing a rich, twelve-chapter account. Part I examines prayer and pilgrimage and includes chapters on ṣalāt, dhikr, and ḥajj. Part II explores holidays; individual chapters cover Ramadan and Eid celebra- tions, Ashura, and Milad/Mawlid celebrations. Part III takes the reader into the realm of life cycle rituals with chapters on birth, wedding, and funeral/ death rituals. The concluding Part IV touches on Islamic ethics and reli- gious culture. It examines philanthropy, food practices and engagements with the Qur’an with reference to everyday practices of American Muslims. Curtis explains in his introduction that the volume is intentional in de- veloping a lived religion focus. Moreover, almost all authors give examples for how these practices vary in different branches of Islam (Sunni, Twelver and Isma‘ili/Bohra Shi‘i communities) as well as for multiple ethno-racial demographic groups that make up the deeply pluralistic Muslim American fabric. Contributors should be applauded for producing chapters that are ethnographically rich, thematically diverse, and attentive to multiple sites and dynamics. Chapter 1 moves through multiple vignettes that involve ṣalāt, the Muslim ritual prayer. Rose Aslan’s vivid descriptions of the lives of Ameri- can Muslims and her ability to walk the reader along not only the basics of the prayer but also the nuances among individuals with diverse ethno-racial and socioeconomic backgrounds and the post-September 11 securitization of ṣalāt is refreshing. Rosemary R. Corbett’s chapter on dhikr—“medita- tive and sometimes joyous religious litanies,” to use the definition offered by Curtis in the introductory chapter (6)—is a comparative study of three related groups, each springing from the Turkish Halveti Cerrahi order. The historical account around the creation of these groups is helpful especially because one of these figures, Tosun Bayrak of the Spring Valley Halveti Cerrahi order, recently passed away. In the next chapter, Hussein Rashid skillfully walks the reader through the meaning, rites, and politico-eco- nomic realities surrounding ḥajj, the pilgrimage to Mecca in Saudia Arabia. His chapter helps to familiarize the readers with complexities of ḥajj. Part II of the book begins with Jackleen Salem’s nuanced and vivid account of Ramadan, Eid al-Fitr, and Eid al-Adha. In testament to the volume’s attention to inclusivity, Michael Muhammad Knight’s chapter on Ashura is a vivid and informative account of this most popular Shi‘i commemoration. This chapter is less ethnographically driven than other chapters preceding it, perhaps to the advantage of the common reader who learns a great deal about early Muslim history and the background to the Sunni-Shi‘i split. The same is true also for Marcia Hermansen’s chapter on Milad/Mawlid celebrations recognizing Prophet Muhammad’s birth. The chapter strikes a balance between academic information on the subject and a thick description of these ceremonies. She provides a superb account of major debates and disagreements within the Muslim community sur- rounding these celebrations for the benefit of the uninitiated reader. In the first chapter of Part III, Maria Curtis explores birth rituals ranging from baby-showers to naming a child to postpartum complexities faced by moms within the American Muslim community. Her chapter is noteworthy in producing a much-needed addition to these underexplored topics. Juliane Hammer’s chapter on weddings is an exploration of not only ceremonial aspects of marriage but also legal approaches to marriage in America through a rich ethnographic account of three distinct weddings. She gives due attention to textual and Qur’anic interpretations on love and mercy by American Muslims. Her chapter is among those that provide the common reader with a nuanced view of the scholarship on the theme that is under exploration. The same is true for Amir Hussain’s chapter on Muslim funerals. Speaking from within a few funeral processions in southern Cali- fornia, as well as a brief description of the funeral ceremony of Muhammad Ali, Hussain explores the rites of death and burial in the American Muslim landscape.The first chapter of Part IV, by Danielle Witman Abraham, examines philanthropy and social giving in the American Muslim community. The chapter explains the norms in Sunii and Shi‘i communities, including concerns about domestic vs. international giving. Chapter 11, by Magfirat Dahlan, delves into American Muslims’ food consumption choices. She explores the fluid categories of permissible and impermissible food as well as ethical vs. non-ethical food as perceived by her respondents. The final chapter of the book is by Mona Ali and focuses on the Qur’an and how American Muslims engage with Islam’s holy book. Her approach provides a concise and effective summary of the Qur’an’s role in life cycles, identity formation and internal conversations among American Muslims. While the individual chapters’ focus on specific contexts and ethno- graphic accounts is very helpful, some chapters leave the reader with a sense of incompleteness due to the brief attempt to cram information on the broader context in the last two pages of each chapter. For example, in Chapter 1, Rose Aslan invokes the American Muslim debate around cre- ating gender equity in mosques and the third space wave but cannot do justice to the multifaceted conversations and developments around this issue. Chapter 4 by Jackleen Salem also suffers from trying to deliver too much. Salem’s concluding section, “Eid as an American Holiday,” fails to mention the heated debates that defined the “White House Iftar” dinners during President Obama’s presidency. These kinds of omissions create a kind of wedge between the complexities that arise in the everyday practice of Islam and the volume’s broader reflections. Chapter 9, by Amir Hussain, details Muhammad Ali’s funeral but does not fully engage with the debates and choices that marked the funeral. One wonders too if inclusion of other dhikr practices adapted by American Muslim followers of the Tijaniyya or the Ba‘Alawi sufi networks could have been helpful to give voice to dhikr practice in Chapter 2, out- side the Halveti Jerrahi context. Another theme that is neglected lies in the chapter on philanthropy, which does not mention what are often heated debates within American Muslim communities on the jurisprudence (fiqh) of giving to non-Muslims as well as whether certain service organizations (such as those serving students or social justice needs) are zakāt-eligible.There are practices that are left out as well. Du‘a Kumayl, practiced by Shi‘i Muslims on Thursday evenings similar to mawlid ceremonies, is not mentioned in the text. It would have been enriching to include this practice of reading a prayer that is traced to Prophet Muhammad’s cousin and one of the four great caliphs, Imam Ali. Finally, the choice to not cite online resources with their full web ad- dresses seems like an odd choice for a volume this rich in content. The lack of a full pathway in many instances makes it difficult for researchers to access information. These slight omissions notwithstanding, The Practice of Islam in Amer- ica: An Introduction is a great resource for instructors to use in introducto- ry courses in religious studies and American Muslim studies programs, as well as a good supplementary text for anyone teaching Islam in interfaith contexts. It delivers on its promise to provide rich narratives on what Is- lam looks like as a lived religion in America. It is highly relevant for those teaching not only on Islam but also on religion generally. The editor as well as the authors deserve recognition for producing a nuanced and insightful volume.
Ahmet Selim TekeliogluAli Vural Ak Center for Global Islamic StudiesGeorge Mason University
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Sabet, Amr G. E. "Cobra II." American Journal of Islam and Society 25, no. 2 (April 1, 2008): 110–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v25i2.1474.
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This book deals with the April 2003 American invasion and occupation ofIraq. Its title comes from the code name of the military operation designedto drive toward Baghdad. The code name, in turn, was inspired by GeneralGeorge Patton’s 1944 military operation Cobra, during which the Allied forces broke out from Normandy to liberate France – hence Cobra II.Written in a journalistic and investigative style, it chronicles the developmentsand events leading to the Bush administration’s decision to attackIraq. Described as a war of “choice” rather than of “necessity” (p. xxxi), itswiftly defeated the Iraqi army and toppled Saddam Hussein’s regime.However, it was a failure insofar as it generated a virulent insurgencythat the occupyingAmerican army could not suppress. This insurgency wasan unexpected by-product of the program of “transformation” espoused byformer Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld. As part of President GeorgeW. Bush’s vision of overhauling theAmerican military, this programbecamea sort of “official ideology” (p. 8) and response to two main concerns: (1)the long time (six months) it took to plan and amassAmerican forces duringthe lead-up to the 1992 GulfWar that had reversed Iraq’s invasion of Kuwait(this length of time was considered to fall short of credible “superpower”projection), and (2) the American military’s ability to fight two major warssimultaneously, which came to be known as the “two-war doctrine” (pp. 5and 9). The problem with the second consideration was that it required largeground forces to implement the doctrine, at a time when the foreseen transformationsought to trim American forces in favor of high-tech space andprecision weapons ...
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Khan, Shujaat A. "Fourth IIGS International Conference on the Muslim World." American Journal of Islam and Society 13, no. 3 (October 1, 1996): 422–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v13i3.2307.
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The Fourth International Conference on the Muslim World, organizedby the International Islamic Geographic Society, was hosted by Al al-BaytUniversity, Amman, Jordan. This four-day conference brought together adistinguished international gathering of geographers and social scientiststo discuss issues of concern to Muslim countries. The conference was heldin a very pleasant, cordial, and hospitable environment, and the excursiontrip at its end, which provided an opportunity to visit historical places andarchaeological sites, made it all the more enjoyable and memorable.The conference was comprised of five regular sessions and featuredsixteen presentations before a select audience of no more than fifty individuals.Mohammad Adnan Al-Bakhit, president of Al al-Bayt University,gave the welcoming address. He greeted the participants wannly andexpressed the hope that this conference would promote research and motivateyoung Muslim geographers to undertake scholarly pursuits. He saidthat the university is committed to promoting scientific research, with anIslamic outlook, in all fields of knowledge. Mushtaqur Rehman, IIGS secretaryand prominent Muslim geographer and anthropologist, pronouncedthe conference's theme, highlighted its multidisciplinary dimensions, andelaborated on its significance to the Muslim world, which has seriousdevelopmental problems.The first session, chaired by Rehman, started with Hussain A. Amery'sinsightful examination of water management in the geopolitical context ofthe Middle East. He emphasized the need for cooperation among theregion's Muslim states and the use of new technologies for harvesting waterand treating waste water for reuse. A. R. Hamideh focused on the issue ofpopulation growth in Muslim countries and refuted categorically the argumentof Western anthropologists that the Islamic value system is a majorobstacle in dealing with demographic issues.Session two was chaired by Hani D. Tabba and featured three presentations.A. Hussain examined the nation-state in a historical perspective aRdargued that unless Muslim countries abandon this structure, they will beunable to establish an Islamic Common Market and will not achieve economicdevelopment. Abdel Bagi investigated the socioeconomic problemsof rural-urban migration, largely due to desertification, in Sudan. He suggestedthe formulation of policies designed to revitalize the rural economy422and thereby reverse this migration. Salman Abu Settah examined thePalestinian Holocaust of 1984 and deplored the media’s efforts to keep theJewish Holocaust alive while largely ignoring Palestinian massacres, suffering,and humiliation which has been forgotten by the world. Rasheed Al-Feel discussed Muslim problems in a geographical context and concludedthat they could be molved by mobilizing resources and promoting inter-Muslim trade.Session three was chaired by Omar Shadaifat and included two presentations.Rue1 Hanks gave an objective assessment of Uzbekistan’s contemporarysociopolitical environment and concluded that the presentIslamist-secular confrontation will soon end, marking a clear victory forthose committed deeply to an Islamic way of life. Ahmad Agala examinedJordan’s political system and observed that popular participation in Jordanis far higher than in many Muslim republics. Yaser M. Najjar evaluatedJordan’s development planning and remarked that a capital-poor countrylike Jordan cannot achieve industrialization without borrowing high-costcapital and technology from abroad. He suggested that economic cooperationamong Muslim countries could help resolve the problem of capitalscarcity. S. Ali Khan investigated the process of development from the capitalistand Islamic perspectives. He pointed out that material well-being iscapitalism’s only goal, whereas the Islamic approach stresses the realizationof both material and spiritual well-being. He also stated that the realizationof both goals is possible only through restructuring the existing politicaland economic institutions within the context of an Islamic social order ...
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"President Says Saddam Hussein Must Leave Iraq Within 48 Hours." OAH Magazine of History 20, no. 3 (May 1, 2006): 38–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/maghis/20.3.38.
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"Interview with His Royal Highness Prince Hassan of Jordan." International Review of the Red Cross 89, no. 868 (December 2007): 785–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1816383108000222.
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AbstractHis Royal Highness Prince El Hassan bin Talal served as the closest political adviser, confidant and deputy of his brother King Hussein of Jordan until King Hussein's death in 1999. He has founded, and is actively involved in, a number of Jordanian and international institutes, organizations and committees. He is president of the Arab Thought Forum, a former president of the Club of Rome, chairman of the Independent Bureau for Humanitarian Issues and a member of the expert group, appointed by the Secretary-General of the United Nations, to implement the Declaration and Programme of Action of the World Conference against Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related Intolerance that was made in Durban, South Africa, in 2001. A graduate of Oxford University, he holds numerous honorary doctorates in law, letters, theology, and oriental and African studies, and has received many awards, including the Abu Bakr Al-Siddique Medal of the Organization of Arab Red Crescent and Red Cross Societies. His most recently published books are To Be a Muslim (2003), Continuity, Innovation and Change: Selected Essays (2001) and In Memory of Faisal I: The Iraqi Question (2003, in Arabic).
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Polliack, Lily. "The Economic Crisis Seen from Israel: Cause and Effect." Nordicum-Mediterraneum 5, no. 1 (2010). http://dx.doi.org/10.33112/nm.5.1.11.
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Put it briefly, the current economic crisis, primarily affecting the Western world, is the direct consequence of the United States of America’s strategic approach to Middle East conflict resolution, mostly as conducted at the time of the two Bush Administrations, 1988-1992 and 2001-2009. It begins in the summer of 1990, when President George Bush amassed in Saudi Arabia an army of half a million US soldiers who took over the capital – American style. While the US military goal was to prepare there for an offensive intended to oust Saddam Hussein from Kuwait and, if possible, Iraq, the Muslims living in Riyadh considered American social behavior in their city to be offensive to the Muslim way of life. Hence it created an anti-American sentiment that ultimately paved the way for a vanguard of Islamic Fundamentalists to carry out 9/11. Their intention was to oust Western influence from the Middle East, but instead of getting the message, the son of President George Bush went after them, seeking to stamp Islamic Fundamentalism out of Afghanistan, Iraq, Pakistan, Yemen, etc.