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Journal articles on the topic 'Presidential candidates'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 30 July 2024

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1

Ogletree, Shirley Matile, Mary C. Coffee, and Shyla A. May. "Perceptions of Female/Male Presidential Candidates: Familial and Personal Situations." Psychology of Women Quarterly 16, no. 2 (June 1992): 201–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1471-6402.1992.tb00250.x.

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A factor mediating attitudes toward female/male political candidates may be the potential effect of a candidate's private life. The impact of a familial situation on attitudes towards a hypothetical presidential candidate was investigated in Study 1. Although main effects for candidate sex and familial situation were found, our data did not support differential effects by candidate sex. In Study 2 the potential impact of a candidate's personal problem was examined. A male with past psychological problems was perceived as more electable than three of four female candidates. In both studies, male candidates were perceived as more likely to win the election than were female candidates.

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Bukari, Gbensuglo Alidu, Justice Yaw Adua, and Mohammed Alhassan. "How Did Voters Decide in the 2012 and 2016 Presidential Elections in Ghana? The Implications for Future Elections." Applied Economics and Finance 10, no. 4 (November 29, 2023): 41. http://dx.doi.org/10.11114/aef.v10i4.6566.

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This paper analysed the determinants and citizens’ choice of a presidential candidate in the Ghanaian 2012 and 2016 elections. The analysis utilised survey data obtained from respondents in the study areas. It examined perspectives of the individual voters on various issues matters pertaining to elections as well as their sentiments regarding personal and communal socio-economic outcomes. The findings revealed that voting for a presidential candidate in an election is influenced by individual voter access to income, education level, employment status, and development policy in the 2012 and 2016 presidential elections. The results also revealed that voters are influence by other factors such as the candidate's capacity to enhance and advance the national economy, political party affiliation, candidate orientation and likability. The findings of the analysis suggest that political parties and presidential candidates in an election in Ghana should give careful consideration to the elements and issues identified. Based on the findings, the we recommended that presidential candidates/or political parties should prioritise the issues identified in their campaign strategies and policy agendas.

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Herfani, Febriani Khatimah, and Ngusman Abdul Manaf. "TINDAK TUTUR KOMISIF DAN EKSPRESIF DALAM DEBAT CAPRES-CAWAPRES PADA PILPRES 2019." Jurnal Bahasa dan Sastra 8, no. 1 (June 6, 2020): 36. http://dx.doi.org/10.24036/81088710.

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This study aims to: (1) formulate the types of commissive speech acts used by presidential and vice presidential candidates in the presidential and vice presidential debates at the 2019 presidential election, (3) formulate the types of expressive speech acts used by presidential and vice presidential candidates in the presidential and vice presidential debates at the 2019 presidential election, (2) formulating the speech strategy used by presidential and vice presidential candidates in the presidential and vice presidential debates at the 2019 presidential election. This type of research is a qualitative research with descriptive methods. The data source in this study is the speech of the 2019 presidential and vice presidential candidates downloaded via Youtube. Based on the results of data analysis, three findings were concluded. First, the types of commissive speech acts used by presidential and vice-presidential candidates in the presidential and vice presidential debates at the presidential election, namely (1) promising, (2) vowing, (3) offering, (4) swearing, and (5) intending. Second, the types of expressive speech acts that exist in the vice presidential debate in the 2019 presidential election are, (1) congratulate, (2) say thank you, (3) apologize, (4) praise, (5) criticize, (6) insinuate , and (7) complaining. Third, the speech strategy used in the vice presidential candidate debate in the 2019 presidential election, (1) speaking without further ado, (2) speaking with positive politeness politeness, (3) speaking with negative politeness pleasantries, and (4) speak vaguely.

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4

Reijven, Menno H. "The co-construction of campaign argumentation on U.S.A. late-night talk shows." Journal of Argumentation in Context 10, no. 3 (December 14, 2021): 397–417. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jaic.20006.rei.

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Abstract This study shows that when presidential candidates visit, late-night talk show discourse is argumentative, and that this argumentation is co-constructed by the host and the candidate. Through their questions, hosts implicitly invoke arguments by casting doubt on the candidate’s presidential bid. By treating the host’s questions as critical questions expressing skepticism whether people should vote for the candidate, politicians prototypically use two types of argument schemes to defend their case. First, to argue that their policy proposals are needed, candidates use complex problem-solving argumentation. Second, to maintain that they have the skills and character to succeed as president, candidates use symptomatic argumentation. In their response, candidates also deal with other critical questions belonging to the argument scheme invoked through the host’s question. Which critical questions of that argument scheme the candidate addresses in addition to the one posed by the host depends on the type of question the host has asked.

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Asidiky, Zakie. "The Multimodal Portrayal of The 2019 Indonesian Presidential Candidates' Rivalry on English Tempo's Cover Stories." Indonesian Journal of EFL and Linguistics 7, no. 1 (June 5, 2022): 109. http://dx.doi.org/10.21462/ijefl.v7i1.472.

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This research has investigated how English Tempo magazine's cover stories portrayed the Indonesian presidential candidate's rivalry between Joko Widodo (Jokowi) and Prabowo Subianto (Prabowo) to audiences. Four English Tempo's cover stories were then selected as the data and analyzed by the Multimodal Discourse Analysis (MDA) approach. Furthermore, this research uses a qualitative method with descriptive perspective for data analysis. Moreover, the results have shown that (i) the presidential and vice-presidential candidates' photographs and caricatures, (ii) the illustrations of presidential candidates' actions related to specific political events at the time, and (iii) the main titles could multimodally portray the presidential candidates' rivalry to the audiences. The photographs and caricatures in the cover stories' pictorial components visually manifested the candidates' rivalry. Moreover, the cover stories' main titles explained the photographs and caricatures. Furthermore, those semiotic components combined in each cover story could modulate some multimodal communicative acts to portray the rivalry between presidential candidates. Meanwhile, the benefit of this research result is to provide the readers with the formulation of how English Tempo Magazine presents the topic of rivalry between Indonesian presidential candidates by visualizing issues concerning presidential candidates in the cover stories.

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Dwiana, Ressi, and Rehia Barus. "TikToker Political Campaign in the 2024 Presidential and Vice Presidential Election." KomunikA 20, no. 01 (April 3, 2024): 47–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.32734/komunika.v20i01.15805.

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This article discusses the campaign style of supporters of presidential candidates (capres) and vice presidential candidates (cawapres) who are contesting in the 2024 General Election (Pemilu). The research focuses on the five presidential and cawapres debates held. During the debate period, supporters of the presidential and vice presidential candidates carried out amplification by uploading video clips of the debate on TikTok. This research uses a descriptive qualitative approach. Data was collected during the presidential and vice presidential debate period. The research results show that TikTokers creatively use typical TikTok features to highlight the advantages of the presidential candidate pairs they support. However, on the other hand, the TikTokers' posts were not equipped with the data presented by the candidates during the debate. With this TikToker campaign model, even though it is successful in terms of political marketing, it lacks political education. Keyword: political campaign, 2024 Election, TikTok

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7

Stubenrauch, James M. "The Presidential Candidates." AJN, American Journal of Nursing 104, no. 9 (September 2004): 33–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/00000446-200409000-00020.

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8

Ardiansyah, Rizka. "ANALISIS SENTIMEN CALON PRESIDEN DAN WAKIL PRESIDEN PERIODE 2019-2024 PASCA DEBAT PILPRES DI TWITTER." ScientiCO : Computer Science and Informatics Journal 2, no. 1 (July 3, 2019): 21. http://dx.doi.org/10.22487/j26204118.2019.v2.i1.13068.

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Social networking sites, such as Twitter and Facebook are one of the important spaces for political engagement. Twitter or Facebook have become common elements in political campaigns and elections, especially for Indonesia’s presidential election 2019. for the period 2019 - 2024 there are two presidential and vice presidential candidates namely Ir. H. Joko Widodo - Prof. Dr. K.H. Ma'ruf Amin and Lieutenant General (Ret.) H. Prabowo Subianto - H. Sandiaga Uno. B.B.A., M.B.A. the two candidates who ran for the election triggered a lot of related public opinion where the most suitable candidate to become the president of the next period. Public opinion is generally one of the determining factors for presidential candidates who will later win the election. Presidential candidate debate is the efforts of the election commission to facilitate the presidential candidates to introduce their work programs to the public while building public opinion that they are the right people to become leaders of the next period. Although of course, this is not the only major factor that shapes public opinion. The purpose of this study is to summarize the opinions of the people voiced through social media related to the election of candidates for the Indonesian President and Vice President for the period 2019-2024 post debate on the presidential election. While the benefit is to help the community so that they can understand in a broader context such as what the public opinion about presidential candidates, especially on social media Twitter. The results of this study were presidential candidate Joko Widodo - Makruf Amin obtained a 25% positive sentiment, 4.5% negative sentiment and 70.5% neutral sentiment. while the Prabowo Subianto - Sandiaga Uno pair received a 5.1% positive sentiment, 2.5% negative sentiment and 92.4% neutral sentiment.

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Hill, Jeffrey S., Elaine Rodriquez, and Amanda E. Wooden. "Stump Speeches and Road Trips: The Impact of State Campaign Appearances in Presidential Elections." PS: Political Science & Politics 43, no. 02 (April 2010): 243–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096510000077.

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AbstractTravel, stump speeches, and pressing-the-flesh make up a large part of any presidential electoral campaign. Obviously, candidates feel that their appearances are important, as they make hundreds of appearances between Labor Day and Election Day. But are they right? Well over 100 million people cast ballots in November, but only the tiniest fraction of voters meets or catches a glimpse of either of the candidates. Do candidate appearances and contact sway voters in some way? In this article, we use changes in weekly state tracking polls to determine the impact of candidate appearances in battleground and non-battleground states. Using polling data from the 2000, 2004, and 2008 elections, we find that campaign appearances can change a candidate's polling percentages, and that the impact varies by candidate and location (battleground state, safe Democratic state, or safe Republican state). We also find that the selection of a vice-presidential candidate is important, because of this candidate's ability to campaign effectively.

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Soleimani, Hassan, and Maliheh Nouraei Yeganeh. "The Study of Politeness and Face in 2013 Presidential Election Candidates of Iran." Theory and Practice in Language Studies 6, no. 5 (May 17, 2016): 978. http://dx.doi.org/10.17507/tpls.0605.10.

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The present paper investigates pragmatic competence by considering some corpora of 2013 Iran presidential debates.The Fararu news source was used for sampling third debate. The present study examined two aspects of pragmatic competence for analyzing the materials. First, Brown and Levinson’s (1987) politeness theory was used to examine the positive and/or negative politeness of each candidate’s speech. Then, the study used the Pearson chi-square formula to examine the frequency of politeness strategies used by candidates. Second, Arundale’s (2010) face theory was used to analyze criticism responses exchanges between the candidates. The researchers assumed that, following the theories, pragmatic competence might have a great effect on election’s outcomes and mitigate the threat to candidates’ face. The findings showed a statistically significant difference between the frequencies of politeness strategies used by Iran’s 2013 presidential candidates. Moreover, there was one by one relation between the mitigating of face threatening acts and face constituting strategies used by candidaes. We hope the findings could add to the body of knowledge in both pragmatics and presidential election context.

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Akmal, Artha Dini, Iip Permana, Hidayatul Fajri, and Yuliarti Yuliarti. "Opini Masyarakat Twitter terhadap Kandidat Bakal Calon Presiden Republik Indonesia Tahun 2024." Jurnal Manajemen dan Ilmu Administrasi Publik (JMIAP) 4, no. 4 (December 31, 2022): 292–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.24036/jmiap.v4i4.160.

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Registration for the 2024 presidential candidates began at the end of 2023, but the euphoria of the supporters of the 2024 presidential candidates began to be felt from the beginning of 2022. Several survey institutions released public opinions regarding several prospective 2024 presidential candidates. One of the approaches taken in the survey was by conducting direct interviews with the public. However, political dynamics can change the results of political surveys at great expense. Public opinion about the 2024 presidential candidates cannot only be acquired through direct interviews. Public opinion acquisition can also be done through social media such as Twitter. This article aims to find out public opinion on the candidates for the 2024 presidential candidate on Twitter social media. This article uses a Twitter dataset and data analysis tools using orange data mining. The crawling dataset was carried out using the hashtags #capres2024 and #presiden2024 and the keywords anies baswedan, prabowo subianto and ganjar pranowo with 10,000 tweet data in content written in Indonesian. Text preprocessing includes transformation, tokenization, filtering and normalization applied to data before analysis is carried out with topic modeling and sentiment towards the presidential candidates. The results of the word cloud analysis show a very high level of popularity for candidate Ganjar Pranowo, but the results of the sentiment analysis show that Ganjar Pranowo has a negative sentiment.

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Taufiq, Ivan, and Yudi Daherman. "Simulation Political Branding #Ganjarpresiden2024 Base on Media Sosial Analysis." Calathu: Jurnal Ilmu Komunikasi 6, no. 1 (April 5, 2024): 35–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.37715/calathu.v6i1.4454.

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Talking about 2024 is certainly talking about the political year in Indonesia. Year of 2024 is the year when legislative candidates and of course presidential and vice-presidential candidates starts contesting. Currently, one of the presidential candidates from the party that won the 2014 and 2019 elections is Ganjar Pranowo. As one of the presidential candidates in 2024, Ganjar Pranowo really needs to present himself as a person who deserves to be the president of Indonesia in 2024, so it is important for Ganjar Pranowo to utilize his social media and then through the concept of hyperreality give an effect to a wide audience through social media. This research was conducted to find out how Ganjar Pranowo's political branding simulation in preparation for the 2024 Presidential Election is based on big data analysis on Tiktok social media through content related to Ganjar's candidacy as a Presidential candidate in 2024. The focus of the research is the arrangement and meaning of #GanjarPresiden2024 signs and messages on mainstream social media received by digital society and then forming a simulation of Ganjar Pranowo's political branding which is the result of the digital communication process towards Ganjar's political representation as a 2024 presidential candidate. The research method uses Jean Baudrillard's theory with a simulation approach.

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Ilham, Muhammad. "Analisis Gaya Komunikasi Calon Presiden dalam Menanggapi Isu Menjelang Pemilihan Presiden 2019." Journal of Communication Sciences (JCoS) 2, no. 2 (August 11, 2020): 80–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.55638/jcos.v2i2.448.

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Facing the 2019 presidential election contestation of the Republic of Indonesia, competing presidential candidates face a variety of things, especially issues that develop ahead of the presidential election. This issue, which was packaged in the mainstream media, social media and online media, has had an extraordinary influence on the electability and image of the candidate. Various issues that have drawn attention are more concerned with issues of background, ideology, ideology and even to personal problems, which are very draining the energy of the presidential candidate to look for loopholes to refute, confirm or give an open statement to clarify the matter.In this study, an analysis was conducted based on the characteristics of critical discourse analysis through action, context, history of power and ideology to gain knowledge about the communication styles of presidential candidates in responding to issues leading up to the presidential election. The results show that the communication style of presidential candidate Joko Widodo is more directed to the systematic style while presidential candidate Prabowo Subianto is more spirited style.

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Firdaus, Mochamad Rizki, and Justito Adiprasetio. "Milenial, Pemimpin Politik, dan Debat Capres Indonesia 2019." Tuturlogi 1, no. 1 (January 9, 2020): 43. http://dx.doi.org/10.21776/ub.tuturlogi.2020.001.01.4.

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<p>This study tries to explain and the reception of millenial generation in Universitas Padjadjaran towards the representation of leaders in the nonverbal message and the substance of the message of Indonesian Presidential candidates in 2019 presidential debate. Data was collected by in-depth interviews and FGDs of eight informants. The results of this study indicate that the reading of informants on the representation of the leaders of the candidates for the substance and nonverbal candidates in the 2019 Indonesian Presidential Debate shows candidate 01 superior to candidate 02. Candidate 01 excels in five variables: nonverbal kinesik, nonverbal artifactual, substance alignment topics, substance selection and alternative solution arguments, and the substance of the stimulation of alternative solutions. Whereas candidate 02 is only one variable superior namely nonverbal paralinguistic.</p>

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Alqis Rausanfita, Arip Ramadan, Muhammad Dzulfikar Fauzi, Qori Emalia Putri Mafidah, Emilia Ramona, and Yudha Mahardika Putra. "Sentiment Analysis of Comments on Instagram Posts of Indonesia's 2024 Presidential Candidates Using The Support Vector Machine Method." Tech-E 7, no. 1 (August 28, 2023): 21–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.31253/te.v7i1.2289.

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The rising number of Instagram user affecting higher number of comments appear on post especially Instagram accounts of Indonesia's 2024 presidential candidates that made it difficult to understand the public sentiment towards presidential candidate. Therefore, this research aims to classify Indonesian sentiment on Instagram comments of 2024 Indonesian presidential candidates using the Support Vector Machine method. The classified sentiment is divided into three classes, namely positive, negative, and neutral. The results shows that Sentiment Analysis of Comments on Instagram Posts of Indonesia's 2024 Presidential Candidates Using The Support Vector Machine Method has a good accuracy value of 89.41%. This results also obtain recall and precision values of 89% and 87% respectively.

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Fallis, Pamela B. "IAET PRESIDENTIAL AND VICE-PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATES NAMED." Journal of Wound, Ostomy and Continence Nursing 12, no. 3 (May 1985): 32A. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/00152192-198505000-00019.

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Baumgartner, Jody C., S. Robert Lichter, and Jonathan S. Morris. "Research note: negative news and late-night comedy about presidential candidates." HUMOR 32, no. 4 (October 25, 2019): 605–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/humor-2018-0067.

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Abstract In this paper we explore the creation of jokes told on late night talk shows targeted at major party nominees for president from 1992–2008. We hypothesize that the number of jokes told about candidates are related to variations in polling numbers, mainstream media coverage, and party identification of the candidates. Our results show a positive relationship between the number of jokes told at a candidate’s expense and the amount of negative news coverage about the candidate. In addition, we find that Republicans are targeted with more frequency than Democrats. Results suggest that favorability ratings and whether or not a presidential candidate is an incumbent has no effect on the number of jokes targeting a candidate.

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Amalia, Luky Sandra, Aisah Putri Budiatri, Mouliza KD Sweinstani, Atika Nur Kusumaningtyas, and Esty Ekawati. "Simultaneous Elections and the Rise of Female Representation in Indonesia." Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 40, no. 1 (April 2021): 50–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1868103421989716.

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In the 2019 election, the proportion of women elected to Indonesia’s People’s Representative Assembly ( Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat, DPR) increased significantly to almost 21 per cent. In this article, we ask whether an institutional innovation – the introduction of simultaneous presidential and legislative elections – contributed to this change. We examine the election results, demonstrating that, overall, women candidates did particularly well in provinces where the presidential candidate nominated by their party won a majority of the vote. Having established quantitatively a connection between results of the presidential elections and outcomes for women legislative candidates, we turn to our qualitative findings to seek a mechanism explaining this outcome. We argue that the simultaneous elections helped women candidates by easing their access to voters who supported one of the presidential candidates, but who were undecided on the legislative election. Rather than imposing additional burdens on female candidates, simultaneous elections assisted them.

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Rhodes, Jesse H., and Zachary Albert. "The transformation of partisan rhetoric in American presidential campaigns, 1952–2012." Party Politics 23, no. 5 (October 19, 2015): 566–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068815610968.

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What are the dynamics of partisan rhetoric in presidential campaigns? (How) has presidential candidate partisanship changed over time? Analyzing a comprehensive dataset of party-related statements in presidential campaign speeches over the 1952–2012 period, we show that Democratic and Republican candidates have taken distinctive approaches to partisanship. Overall, Democratic candidates have been partisans, while Republicans have largely refrained from partisan rhetoric on the campaign trail. However, this difference has narrowed substantially over time, due to a dramatic decline in the partisanship of Democratic presidential candidates. We argue that Democratic and Republican candidates have adopted different campaign strategies that reflect both enduring party differences and changing political contexts. Though naturally inclined to partisanship, Democratic candidates have adopted more conciliatory strategies primarily in response to growing public antipathy toward partisan rancor. In contrast, Republicans’ tendency toward more conciliatory rhetoric has been reinforced by political developments discouraging partisan campaigning.

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Saragih, Amrin, Yuni Khairina, and Khairunnisa Br. Batubara. "Political contestation: Ideology and linguistic realization by 2024 prospective Indonesian presidential candidates." JOALL (Journal of Applied Linguistics and Literature) 9, no. 1 (March 30, 2024): 182–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.33369/joall.v9i1.31677.

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The political statements of prospective presidential candidates in the Republic of Indonesia (RI) in the pre-election period of 2024, in 2023, constitute texts of political contestation (PC) loaded with ideology. This research examines those PC texts. The texts are based on the respective ideologies of each presidential candidate. More specifically, this study investigates the ideologies of the presidential candidates, the linguistic realization used to express those ideologies, and the reasons behind the use of ideology and its linguistic realization. This research employs a qualitative descriptive design. Data collection tools included observation, document analysis, and interviews. The data sources were KP texts from three presidential candidates: Anies Rasyid Baswedan, Ganjar Pranowo, and Prabowo Subianto, obtained from newspapers, television, and social media platforms such as WhatsApp, Twitter, Instagram, and Facebook. The data, in the form of KP texts, were analyzed using the framework of systemic functional linguistic theory (SFL) as developed by Halliday (2014) and other SFL experts. The research findings indicate that, in addition to similarities, the three presidential candidates have differences in leadership ideology, the linguistic realization of that ideology, and the causes or reasons used. The theoretical contribution of this research enriches applied linguistic theories, especially political discourse analysis (PDA), and simultaneously benefits voters in the 2024 election by helping them understand the ideologies of presidential candidates. This understanding can solidify their decision to vote for a specific candidate, thus reducing the social friction that always occurs during elections in Indonesia.

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Rahmayanti, Mubarik, and Irfan Amir. "JURIDICAL ANALYSIS OF IMPLEMENTING THE PRESIDENTIAL THRESHOLD IN THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION OF INDONESIA." Jurnal Al-Dustur 4, no. 1 (June 16, 2021): 83–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.30863/jad.v4i1.1477.

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Since issuing the Constitutional Court Decision Number 14/PUU-XI/2013, the general election design must be carried out simultaneously between the election of legislative members and the election of the President and Vice President (Pilpres). Article 6A Paragraph (2) of the 1945 Constitution mandates that pairs of candidates for President and Vice-President are proposed by political parties or coalitions of political parties taking part in the general election prior to implementing the general election. Accordingly, in order to strengthen the presidential system, pairs of candidates proposed in the presidential election are required to meet the "presidential threshold," which essentially limits the rights of political parties in proposing presidential and vice-presidential candidates. This study analyzes the relevance of presidential threshold requirements elections simultaneously. The research method used is normative juridical, using an approach to the application of laws and an analytical approach. This study shows that the application of the presidential threshold that must be met by political parties or a combination of political parties in carrying out the presidential and vice-presidential candidate pairs in the simultaneous general election is less relevant and limits the rights of political parties. In addition, the political party that wins the majority vote has strong dominance to pressure other parties in determining the candidate. Although it does not have high dominance, it still has substantial authority to nominate it.

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Wahyuningsih, Wahyuningsih, and Deli Nirmala. "Perlocutionary Act of Euphemism in Indonesian Presidential Election Debate 2019." Indonesian Journal of EFL and Linguistics 5, no. 1 (May 28, 2020): 113. http://dx.doi.org/10.21462/ijefl.v5i1.230.

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Presidential election debate attracts public attention toward general election. Through the presidential debate, euphemism is uttered by candidates, and it creates effect to other debaters. This paper is focused on examining effect (perlocutionary act)of euphemism in presidential election debate 2019. The corpus covers the utterances containing euphemism and their responses as the effect produced by the candidates in the prime presidential election debate 2019. The methods used in analyzing data were pragmatics identity method and referential method. The results show that the effect of using euphemism includes verbal perlocutionary act acceptance namely agreement and verbal perlocutionary act refusal includes contradiction, rebuttal, disagreement, denial and criticism. Verbal perlocutionary act acceptance is only expressed by a candidate from the same party as support. However, the verbal perlocutionary act of refusal is expressed by candidates respectively. It indicates that each candidate has different ideology and communication strategy.

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Miller, M. Mark, Julie L. Andsager, and Bonnie P. Riechert. "Framing the Candidates in Presidential Primaries: Issues and Images in Press Releases and News Coverage." Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly 75, no. 2 (June 1998): 312–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/107769909807500207.

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Media coverage of presidential primaries is crucial to voters, and candidates often complain that news coverage fails to present their positions. This study used computerized content analysis to examine how the 1996 GOP presidential candidates framed themselves in press releases and how elite newspapers covered them. The analysis reveals that (1) candidate images were distinct in press releases and news stories; (2) candidate positions were represented differently in both; and (3) candidates were differentially successful in getting news media to reflect their positions. News media covered substantive concerns that were not included in candidate press releases.

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Aulawi, Rahmat Rizki. "Pemberlakuan Penggunaan Presidential Threshold Terhadap Pencalonan Presiden dan Wapres Indonesia Pada Pilpres 2019." Jurnal Lex Renaissance 7, no. 2 (April 1, 2022): 427–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.20885/jlr.vol7.iss2.art15.

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This study presents the following objectives: first, the application of the Presidential Threshold to the Presidential and Vice-Presidential Candidacy in Indonesia in the 2019 Presidential Election; and second, must the Presidential Threshold still be applied in the future Presidential and Vice Presidential candidacy. This is a normative research, which the approach employed is the statutory approach. The results of the study conclude that the implications of Presidential Threshold provision relates to the number of pairs of Presidential and Vice Presidential candidates in the 2019 general election which shall not exceed 2 pairs of candidates. If the Presidential Threshold remains applicable, injustice will arise for new parties that previously did not participate in the 2014 election. Whether the Presidential Threshold is in fact still relevant or not should be addressed by bearing in mind that it tends to harm the new parties. Hence it should be lowered so that the presidential threshold would allow for alternative candidate pairs that can be carried by parties with minority votes.

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Miller, Arthur H., Martin P. Wattenberg, and Oksana Malanchuk. "Schematic Assessments of Presidential Candidates." American Political Science Review 80, no. 2 (June 1986): 521–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1958272.

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This article applies theories of social cognition in an investigation of the dimensions of the assessments of candidates employed by voters in the United States. An empirical description of the public's cognitive representations of presidential candidates, derived from responses to open-ended questions in the American National Election Studies from 1952 to 1984, reveals that perceptions of candidates are generally focused on “personality” characteristics rather than on issue concerns or partisan group connections. Contrary to the implications of past research, higher education is found to be correlated with a greater likelihood of using personality categories rather than with making issue statements. While previous models have interpreted voting on the basis of candidate personality as indicative of superficial and idiosyncratic assessments, the data examined here indicate that they predominately reflect performance-relevant criteria such as competence, integrity, and reliability. In addition, both panel and aggregate time series data suggest that the categories that voters have used in the past influence how they will perceive future candidates, implying the application of schematic judgments. The reinterpretation presented here argues that these judgments reflect a rich cognitive representation of the candidates from which instrumental inferences are made.

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Shah, Dhavan V., Alex Hanna, Erik P. Bucy, David S. Lassen, Jack Van Thomme, Kristen Bialik, JungHwan Yang, and Jon C. W. Pevehouse. "Dual Screening During Presidential Debates." American Behavioral Scientist 60, no. 14 (December 2016): 1816–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764216676245.

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The impact of presidential debates on candidate evaluations remains an open topic. Research has long sought to identify the factors that matter most in citizens’ responses to debate content, including what candidates say, how they say it, and the manner in which they appear. This study uses detailed codings of the first and third 2012 presidential debates to evaluate the impact of candidates’ verbal and nonverbal behaviors on viewers’ “second screen” response—their use of computers, tablets, and mobile devices to express their reactions to the viewing experience. To examine the relationship between candidates’ on-screen behaviors and the social media response, we conduct generalized least squares regression (Prais–Winstein estimation) relating two data sources: (a) a shot-by-shot content analysis coded for rhetorical/functional, tonal, and visual elements of both candidates’ behavior during the debates, and (b) corresponding real-time measures of the volume and valence of online expression about the candidates on Twitter. We find that the nonverbal communication behaviors of candidates—their facial expressions, physical gestures, and blink rate—are consistent, robust, and significant predictors of the volume and valence of public expression during debates, rivaling the power of memes generated by candidates and contributing more than rhetorical strategies and speech tone.

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Barhamudin, Barhamudin. "PEMILIHAN UMUM SERENTAK DAPAT MEMPERKUAT SISTEM PRESIDENSIAL." Solusi 16, no. 3 (September 1, 2018): 227–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.36546/solusi.v16i3.118.

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The purpose of this research is to find out whether general elections simultaneously have an influence on strengthening presidential systems. To find out the implications of simultaneous elections on elections in Indonesia. The research method in this study uses a normative juridical approach used to study or analyze secondary data in the form of legal materials, especially primary legal materials and secondary legal materials. Primary legal material is the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia, Law Number 7 of 2017 concerning General Elections, Decision of the Constitutional Court Number 14 / PUU-XI / 2013 etc. Secondary legal materials are those that provide explanations and interpretations of sources of primary legal materials such as law books, legal journals, and others. Tertiary legal materials are legal materials that provide guidance or explanation of primary and secondary legal materials such as legal dictionaries, encyclopedias, and related documents. The results of the study were argued that the holding of elections simultaneously with the plurality system itself actually tended to produce few presidential candidates. When presidential elections the supporters of candidates in this system tend to ignore candidates who are not competitive (non-viable) so they can focus on the top two candidates. This encouraged a coalition process between parties from the start because there was only one election round. The party that should submit its own candidate but the candidate is less competitive tends to drop the candidate and endorse one of the two most competitive candidates. The plurality system, if implemented separately from the legislative elections, the parties in the legislative elections do not need to think about the influence of the presidential election. This plurality mechanism affects parties when carried out simultaneously with legislative elections. The parties tend to nominate one of the two most competitive candidates, and lead to gathering support for the legislative parties in the two candidates. When one of the candidates wins the presidential election, then support for the president in the legislature tends to be the majority or close to the majority. The combination of the presidential plurality election system carried out simultaneously with legislative elections is the most likely to help strengthen multi-party presidential systems. Thus the simultaneous implementation of elections will strengthen the presidential system in which the President and Vice-President are elected to gain strong legitimacy from the people, in order to realize the effectiveness of government and also the support base of the DPR.

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Munoz, Caroline Lego, and Terri Towner. "Do high engagement Instagram images influence presidential candidate evaluation? The moderating effect of familiarity." Journal of Research in Interactive Marketing, October 11, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jrim-01-2021-0003.

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Purpose This paper aims to examine how exposure to a presidential candidate's high engagement Instagram images influences a citizen's candidate evaluations. Design/methodology/approach Data were collected via Amazon MTurk. A 3 × 2 experimental design was employed to test the persuasive effect of exposure of the “most liked” and “most commented on” images of the top four 2016 US presidential primary candidates on a US citizen's candidate evaluation. Findings Results reveal that highly engaging Instagram images of unfamiliar presidential candidates positively influenced candidate evaluations. However, the same was not true for more well-known presidential candidates. Research limitations/implications This study was not conducted during a live campaign and only examined four of the top 2016 presidential primary candidates. Practical implications The research includes implications for marketers seeking to increase engagement and reach in Instagram marketing campaigns. This study shows that even brief exposure to a highly engaged post involving an unfamiliar person/product on social media can significantly alter evaluations of that person or product. Originality/value To the authors' knowledge, no experimental designs have addressed how Instagram posts influence users' political attitudes and behaviors within the political marketing and communications literature.

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"Presidential Candidates." Africa Research Bulletin: Political, Social and Cultural Series 44, no. 8 (September 2007): 17180A. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-825x.2007.01174.x.

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"Presidential Candidates." Africa Research Bulletin: Political, Social and Cultural Series 43, no. 3 (April 2006): 16573A. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-825x.2006.00279.x.

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"Presidential Candidates." Africa Research Bulletin: Political, Social and Cultural Series 51, no. 10 (November 2014): 20304A—20304B. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-825x.2014.05933.x.

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Fazekas, Zoltán, and Peter K. Hatemi. "Presidential candidates nobody wants?" Presidential Studies Quarterly, December 2, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/psq.12866.

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AbstractIn a nationally representative study, we explore the public's views of the 2016 presidential nominees. Current measures generally focus on approval of given candidates with closed‐ended questions, but much can be learned by soliciting the public's unconstrained candidate preferences—not only in the direction of how they feel, but the depth of their views and who they really want to see in office. Employing open‐ended questions, we find that more than 75% of the voting public preferred an option other than what was offered. Even when constraining choices to politicians, the Democratic and Republican nominees were not preferred by the majority of the public, and this held true when restricting the analyses to partisans only. We further asked voters to express, in their own words, what they thought of the two candidates for president. The majority of the public described both candidates in negative terms. They spoke with deep disdain for the opposition's candidate, as well as their own party's candidate. The results add support to the view that US primary elections are failing to produce candidates who represent the public's interests and signal the potential for further instability in US government.

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"Benin – Presidential Candidates." Africa Research Bulletin: Political, Social and Cultural Series 58, no. 4 (May 2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-825x.2021.09954.x.

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"Benin – Presidential Candidates." Africa Research Bulletin: Political, Social and Cultural Series 58, no. 2 (March 2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-825x.2021.09871.x.

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"GAMBIA: Presidential Candidates." Africa Research Bulletin: Political, Social and Cultural Series 58, no. 11 (December 2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-825x.2021.10264.x.

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"ZAMBIA: Presidential Candidates." Africa Research Bulletin: Political, Social and Cultural Series 58, no. 5 (June 2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-825x.2021.10000.x.

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"Zambia: Presidential Candidates." Africa Research Bulletin: Political, Social and Cultural Series 58, no. 7 (August 2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-825x.2021.10088.x.

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"Seychelles: Presidential Candidates." Africa Research Bulletin: Political, Social and Cultural Series 43, no. 7 (August 2006): 16713A. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-825x.2006.00438.x.

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"Zambia: Presidential Candidates." Africa Research Bulletin: Political, Social and Cultural Series 43, no. 8 (September 2006): 16751A. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-825x.2006.00498.x.

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"MAURITANIA: Presidential Candidates." Africa Research Bulletin: Political, Social and Cultural Series 44, no. 2 (March 2007): 16969B—16969C. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-825x.2007.00831.x.

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"KENYA: Presidential Candidates." Africa Research Bulletin: Political, Social and Cultural Series 44, no. 11 (December 13, 2007): 17300A—17301B. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-825x.2007.01368.x.

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"Zimbabwe: Presidential Candidates." Africa Research Bulletin: Political, Social and Cultural Series 45, no. 3 (April 2008): 17448C. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-825x.2008.01605.x.

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"Comoros: Presidential Candidates." Africa Research Bulletin: Political, Social and Cultural Series 45, no. 5 (June 2008): 17528C. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-825x.2008.01718.x.

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"MALAWI: Presidential Candidates." Africa Research Bulletin: Political, Social and Cultural Series 46, no. 2 (March 2009): 17860A—17861A. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-825x.2009.02191.x.

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"ALGERIA: Presidential Candidates." Africa Research Bulletin: Political, Social and Cultural Series 46, no. 3 (April 2009): 17891B—17891C. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-825x.2009.02247.x.

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"GABON: Presidential Candidates." Africa Research Bulletin: Political, Social and Cultural Series 46, no. 7 (August 2009): 18032B—18033A. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-825x.2009.02458.x.

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"Tunisia: Presidential Candidates." Africa Research Bulletin: Political, Social and Cultural Series 46, no. 10 (November 2009): 18149A. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-825x.2009.02612.x.

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"SUDAN: Presidential Candidates." Africa Research Bulletin: Political, Social and Cultural Series 47, no. 1 (February 2010): 18258C—18259A. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-825x.2010.03076.x.

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"TOGO: Presidential Candidates." Africa Research Bulletin: Political, Social and Cultural Series 47, no. 1 (February 2010): 18259A. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-825x.2010.03077.x.

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"Sudan: Presidential Candidates." Africa Research Bulletin: Political, Social and Cultural Series 47, no. 2 (March 2010): 18292A—18292B. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-825x.2010.03124.x.

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