Relevant bibliographies by topics / Presidential Commission on Election Administration

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers

Academic literature on the topic 'Presidential Commission on Election Administration'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 11 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Presidential Commission on Election Administration"

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Burden, Barry C., and Brian J. Gaines. "Presidential Commission on Election Administration: Absentee and Early Voting: Weighing the Costs of Convenience." Election Law Journal: Rules, Politics, and Policy 14, no. 1 (March 2015): 32–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1089/elj.2014.0270.

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Hartlyn, Jonathan, Jennifer McCoy, and Thomas M. Mustillo. "Electoral Governance Matters." Comparative Political Studies 41, no. 1 (October 17, 2007): 73–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414007301701.

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This article provides a systematic cross-national analysis of the role of electoral administration in explaining acceptable democratic presidential elections in 19 countries in Latin America since the year 1980 or the first pivotal, transitional election. The authors provide two alternative measures of election administration, one focused on the degree of partisanship or professional independence and another on formal—legal institutional independence, as well as on other key factors, to test partial proportional odds-ordered logit models predicting the probability of an acceptable, flawed, or failed electoral process. The results show an important positive role for professional, independent electoral commissions on electoral outcomes in Latin America, controlling for other socioeconomic and political factors; formal-legal independence matters when the rules of the game are likely to be respected. In addition, low-quality elections are found disproportionately where incumbents seek reelection and where victory margins are extremely wide rather than narrow.
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Respati, Wira. "Analisis Strategi Komunikasi Pemasaran Terpadu dalam Meningkatan Partisipasi Pemilih pada Pemilu 2014." Humaniora 6, no. 1 (January 30, 2015): 29. http://dx.doi.org/10.21512/humaniora.v6i1.3295.

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As the institution in charge of election administration, Election Commission of Republic of Indonesia or Komisi Pemilihan Umum (KPU) has consistently conducted campaign to increase number of voters who will participate in election. As a matter of fact, result of previous elections showed how the level of participation has been decreased. Lack of political awareness, level of knowledge upon the importance of election as well as skepticism on government and representatives’ performance were believed to be the trigger. Hence, it is important for KPU to enhance effective marketing communication program, ranging from the stages of planning, implementation and evaluation to promote public awareness to participate in the election. Therefore, this study aims to find how the principles of social marketing are actually implemented in designing communication program to increase voter awareness upon the importance of 2014 election. This study used qualitative method. Data were gathered from interview with related parties and literature study. Research found that the principles of social marketing to build awareness of voters basically have already been integrated in the programs of KPU toward the entire group of voters. In addition, KPU is quite aware of the importance of synergy between the programs of their communications both above the line and below the line. On April 9th legislative election, level of participation were increasing, reached 75.11%, up from 71% in the previous 2009 election. However, the level of participation of the July 9th presidential election dropped to 70% compared to the previous election in 2009, 72%. The result of these two elections should be considered as another challenge to KPU in improving their marketing communication strategy in the future.
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Rannie, Mahesa. "LEGAL REGULATIONS FOR THE GENERAL ELECTION SYSTEM IN INDONESIA FROM THE 1955 ELECTION TO THE CONCURRENT ELECTION OF 2019." Nurani: Jurnal Kajian Syari'ah dan Masyarakat 20, no. 2 (December 31, 2020): 247–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.19109/nurani.v20i2.6927.

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Throughout its history, Indonesia has held general elections many times from 1955 to 2019. During that long period of time, Indonesia implemented a different electoral system at each election. The arrangement of the electoral system in Indonesia always changes from time to time in each election administration. In the process of changing the laws and the regulations for every election, there has always been legal political dynamics. After the 2014 elections, there have been changes regarding the conduct of elections in Indonesia. The Constitutional Court (MK) granted the petition for a judicial review of Law Number 42 of 2008 concerning the Election of President and Vice President in 2014, so that the implementation of elections in Indonesia entered a new phase in 2019 and beyond. In 2019, for the first time Indonesia held simultaneous elections. The methodology used in this study is normative. The approaches used in this study are the historical approach, the statute approach, the legal analysis approach, and the conceptual approach. Legal arrangements regarding the conduct of elections always change, starting from the highest level of legislative regulations to the lowest (from the laws to the General Election Commission regulations, presidential decrees, ministerial regulations, or other regulations). The changes in the regulations regarding the implementation of elections in Indonesia have been present since the time of the 1955 elections until the 2019 elections. Since the implementation of the 1955 elections, Indonesia has always practiced a proportional electoral system, the electoral system that is considered suitable to be applied in Indonesia. This proportional electoral system is practiced with various modifications (both the open proportional electoral system and the closed proportional system). There are even district elements in the proportional electoral system in Indonesia, for example there are electoral districts that can be equated with districts in the district electoral system. The practice of the electoral system to be used in the elections in Indonesia is almost always subject to debate, both among constitutional law intellectuals and politics.
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Merivaki, Thessalia, and Daniel A. Smith. "A Failsafe for Voters? Cast and Rejected Provisional Ballots in North Carolina." Political Research Quarterly 73, no. 1 (September 19, 2019): 65–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1065912919875816.

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Provisional ballots constitute a failsafe for voters who have their registration or voter identification questioned by poll workers. Scholars have yet to examine who is more likely to cast a provisional ballot, and more importantly, why some provisional ballots are rejected. We suggest that beyond individual-level factors, there are administrative reasons why some prospective voters are more likely to be required to cast provisional ballots than others, and why some provisional ballots are rejected. Drawing on county data collected by the U.S. Election Assistance Commission’s (EAC) biennial Election Administration and Voting Surveys (EAVS) from 2012 to 2016, and individual records of provisional ballots cast in the 2016 Presidential Election in North Carolina, we examine aggregate- and individual-level reasons to explain who casts provisional ballots and why some are rejected. Our findings raise normative questions concerning whether voters casting provisional ballots are treated equally under the law.
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Zelizer, Julian E. "Seeds of Cynicism: The Struggle over Campaign Finance, 1956–1974." Journal of Policy History 14, no. 1 (January 2002): 73–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jph.2002.0006.

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“It is a cesspool, it is a source of infection for the body politic,” Senator Hubert Humphrey (D-Minn.) warned his fellow senators in 1973 about the private financing of elections. “[I]f it doesn't stop, there are going to be good men in this hall right here today who are going down the drain, not that you are guilty, not that you have done anything wrong, but that the public is disenchanted with all of us, and they are going to want somebody new and say I want a fresh one here.” From 1971 through President Nixon's resignation in 1974, Congress enacted the boldest campaign finance reforms in American history, including strong disclosure laws, public financing for presidential elections, contribution and spending limits, and an independent enforcement commission. Despite these reforms, after only a decade under the new laws, citizens still felt that campaign finance was corrupt.
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Vasetsky, A. A., and D. Yu Ivanov. "Russian Presidential Academy of National Economy and Public Administration (North-West Institute of Management, Branch of RANEPA)." Administrative Consulting, no. 10 (November 27, 2020): 35–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/10.22394/1726-1139-2020-10-35-44.

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Comprehensive processes of digital change in socio-economic reality actualized and concentrated the attention of decision makers and scientists on the adaptation of administrative systems to new challenges. The state program “Digital Economy of the Russian Federation” contains a number of design areas for the digital transformation of the Russian public administration system. The system of election commissions of Russia was actively included in this program and formed a set of project initiatives that are designed to significantly change the appearance and content of the entire electoral system and the electoral process. It is obvious that the rapid nature of the ongoing external (global) and internal changes and challenges required flexible response methods. The project management methodology, according to the authors, is adequate to modern reality and is optimal when implementing initiatives aimed at information development. In the article, the authors examine in detail digital projects and digital services of the Russian electoral system, as well as form a series of proposals aimed at further improving project initiatives. The authors believe that from a scientific and applied point of view, the stake on the project approach in the implementation of digital projects is justified, especially in the context of a constant change in the strategic priorities of socio-economic development.
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Vasetsky, A. A., and D. Yu Ivanov. "Russian Presidential Academy of National Economy and Public Administration (North-West Institute of Management, Branch of RANEPA)." Administrative Consulting, no. 10 (November 27, 2020): 35–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/1726-1139-2020-10-35-44.

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Comprehensive processes of digital change in socio-economic reality actualized and concentrated the attention of decision makers and scientists on the adaptation of administrative systems to new challenges. The state program “Digital Economy of the Russian Federation” contains a number of design areas for the digital transformation of the Russian public administration system. The system of election commissions of Russia was actively included in this program and formed a set of project initiatives that are designed to significantly change the appearance and content of the entire electoral system and the electoral process. It is obvious that the rapid nature of the ongoing external (global) and internal changes and challenges required flexible response methods. The project management methodology, according to the authors, is adequate to modern reality and is optimal when implementing initiatives aimed at information development. In the article, the authors examine in detail digital projects and digital services of the Russian electoral system, as well as form a series of proposals aimed at further improving project initiatives. The authors believe that from a scientific and applied point of view, the stake on the project approach in the implementation of digital projects is justified, especially in the context of a constant change in the strategic priorities of socio-economic development.
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Canon, David T., and Owen Sherman. "Debunking the “Big Lie”: Election Administration in the 2020 Presidential Election." Presidential Studies Quarterly 51, no. 3 (May 15, 2021): 546–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/psq.12721.

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Frears, John. "The 1988 French Presidential Election." Government and Opposition 23, no. 3 (July 1, 1988): 276–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1988.tb00085.x.

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THE 1986 ELECTION WAS THE BEGINNING OF ‘COHABITATION’ and 1988 was the end of it — at least of the Fifth Republic's first experience of it. Cohabitation between the President and a Prime Minister who was his chief political adversary was to be the last great test of the stability and adaptability of the Fifth Republic's political institutions. It had been the dominant theme in 1986 just as the fearsome prospect of cohabitation between left-wing parliamentary majorities and previous presidents had been to the forefront in the parliamentary elections of 1978 and even 1973. It was as the President of cohabitation that FranGois Mitterrand won his extraordinary 1988 victory. The survival of presidential legitimacy against the onslaught of prime ministerial power is what the 1988 presidential election will be remembered for. This is the principal theme of this article.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Presidential Commission on Election Administration"

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Lewandowski, Andrew David. "Obama(TM)| Political branding and participation in the 2012 U.S. presidential election." Thesis, Georgetown University, 2013. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1536653.

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This study examines the relationship between political branding and political participation in the 2012 U.S. presidential election and argues for a consumer-oriented polity to reinvigorate what it means to participate in elections and democracy in the United States in the 21st century. Political branding is positioned at the nexus of political marketing, political consumerism, and political participation. A theoretical framework was developed employing political branding to research its effects on the election. A national survey of 1,398 American adults was conducted to measure political brand recognition, modes of participation, and attitudes toward candidates Barack Obama and Mitt Romney. Findings show young people ages 18-34 participated at higher rates across new and social media modes than people age 35 and older. There is a statistically significant relationship of moderate strength between political brand recognition and political participation, suggesting that strong political branding may encourage participation. Findings also show the Obama brand was stronger than the Romney brand, exhibiting greater social, cultural, and emotional connotations reflected in material and immaterial brand markers and built through time that manifest as political brand equity. The study concludes political branding is a democratizing principle, making the political process more accessible and relevant to average citizens, especially young people.

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Grove, DeeAnn. "An issue of "special opportunity": the politicalization of education in presidential election campaigns, 1968-2012." Diss., University of Iowa, 2014. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/6585.

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This interdisciplinary study examines the issue of education in presidential election campaigns from 1968 through 2012. Historians of education have argued that the public's embrace of The National Commission on Excellence in Education report A Nation at Risk: The Imperative for Educational Reform (ANAR), in 1983 forced education onto the national agenda because political elites had to respond to voters' concerns about educational quality. Yet, historians of education have largely overlooked presidential election campaigns in their analysis of how education became a prominent political issue. In contrast, political scientists have focused a great deal on presidential election campaigns in seeking to understand the interaction between political elites and voters but have given little attention to the issue of education. This study integrates these two lines of inquiry to provide a better understanding of how education became a top-tier political issue and to better reveal the interactions between political elites and voters in that process. This study makes use of source materials that have received little scholarly examination. Internal campaign strategy documents reveal how political elites understood public opinion about education and how they sought to make use of that understanding to win elections. These underutilized sources reveal that historians have overemphasized the role of ANAR in the rise of education on the national political agenda. Long before education appeared in public opinion data as a top voter concern, strategists from both major political parties already wanted to push education onto the national political agenda. Yet, candidates were largely constrained from using education during the 1970s because they wanted to avoid engaging the controversial issue of de facto school desegregation. White voters were inconsistent on the issue: they claimed to support desegregation but took actions indicating they actually opposed desegregation. This made it difficult to craft an effective education message. When forced to discuss school desegregation, candidates of both parties employed a "quality education for all students" frame that deracialized the school desegregation debate and made education a safe issue to prime by the end of the decade. Beginning in the 1980s, Republicans used education for two electoral ends. First, they sought to use the recent transformation of the National Education Association (NEA) into a labor union and its endorsement of Democratic candidates to convince voters that the Democratic Party was beholden to radical special interest groups. Republican candidates also increased their priming of education in an attempt to close the gender gap arguing that women voters had a particular concern for the issue of education. Between 1990 and 2012, both parties wanted to use education to appeal to white voters. Republican candidates had long been committed to using education to soften their image. Now they began framing education as a civil rights issue in order to reassure white voters of their racial sensitivity. Meanwhile, Democratic candidates began framing education as an economic issue to reassure middle class white voters anxious about their children's future in the emerging global economy. A primary element in these electoral strategies was the idea that education was a "special" political issue. The "special" status rested on political elites' perceptions of voters' strong personal commitment to education and their nonpartisan attitudes toward specific policy positions. The lack of partisan correlation presented challenges for both parties but also unique opportunities to address campaign concerns related to a candidate's image, targeted voting blocs, and possible attacks on their opponents. The rise of the issue of education on the national agenda was often less about voters' concerns with educational quality and more about campaign strategy.
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多日帝, 室仁, and David Muroni. "Post-election violence and governance in Kenya : the rise and fall of the Truth, Justice, and Reconciliation Commission (TJRC)." Thesis, https://doors.doshisha.ac.jp/opac/opac_link/bibid/BB13142671/?lang=0, 2020. https://doors.doshisha.ac.jp/opac/opac_link/bibid/BB13142671/?lang=0.

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この論文は、ケニアの選挙後の暴力の年表に焦点を当てています。それがどのように始まり、頂点に達し、減少、そして再発を探ります。ケニアで2008年に創設された真実、正義、和解委員会は、独立後35年間の過去の人権不正と不正行為を文書化に行なった。複数の要因が組み合わされ、複数政党の大統領選挙で暴力を引き起こします。政府が問題の一部であるため、委員会による良心的な最終報告書と勧告は保留中です。
This thesis focuses on the chronology of post-election violence in Kenya. It explores how it started, peaked, faded, and returned. The Truth, Justice, and Reconciliation Commission created in 2008 in Kenya documents 35 years of past human rights injustices and malpractices from independence in 1963. Multiple factors combine and trigger violence in multiparty presidential elections. The conscientious final reports and recommendations by the Commission remain in limbo as the government is part of the problem. Unequally shared land resources and a grave presidential contest cause post-election violence. Empowering the Supreme Court is a necessity for fair justice.
博士(グローバル社会研究)
Doctor of Philosophy in Global Society Studies
同志社大学
Doshisha University
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Sokolova, Valeriia. "Social media in US presidential elections 2012 : How different use of social media can influence behaviour and participation of the online audience." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för informatik och media, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-211688.

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Social media is playing a significant role in our everyday life. New tools are emerging everyday and offer the users exciting opportunities. Not just ordinary people use social media.It became very popular among companies, politicians and government. But using social media does not guarantee one instant success and benefits. The right appliance of social media technologies can do wonders. Barack Obama brilliantly illustrated that during his presidential campaign in 2008.In 2012 social media technology was yet again at the heart of the Obama’s campaign. His challenger, Mitt Romney, also engaged digital technology into his campaigning process. However, the attention and participation Romney generated online was more humble compared to Obama, who yet again mastered the technology. This thesis studies the differences in social media use between the two campaigns and aims to find out how different use of social media can influence behavior and participation of the online audience. The study addresses the theory of communicative action, new social movements theory and agenda setting.
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Johannesson, Ludvig. "Går det att lita på de löften som ges under presidentkampanjer? : En studie om vallöften i USA från 2008 till 2016." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-100466.

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The following essay can be described as an election pledge research where the presidential pledges are compared to the politics they implement when in power. The purpose is to see if they are genuine with their promises or just seeking the votes of the public. The study will focus on three election campaigns, 2008, 2012 and 2016. This essay will implement two theories: Rational choice theory and the Mandate Model. To answer this two questions will be dealt with. They are as follows: How likely is it that the promises made during a presidential campaign are kept? What category of pledges are kept to the most extent and in what way does this influence the voter?  To deal with those questions this essay will apply a case study design that implement the methods of a theory consuming- and qualitative text analysis.  The result of the study showed that for the three studied elections a minority of the pledges were fulfilled. But as previous studies also have done is adding fulfilled pledges and compromises. In that case 71,18% of the election pledges were at least partly fulfilled. The pledges that were kept to the greatest extent was economic aid and financial support. The influence on the voter depends if they are satisfied by compromises or just want pledges to be kept.
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Sjunnesson, Ludvig. "Race to the White House : En diskursanalytisk studie om hur nyhetsmedia i USA förstår landets demokratiska val." Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Lärarutbildningen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-36656.

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This study seeks to illuminate which understanding of democracy the written U.S. digital news media propagates to its readers, through the lens of the 2016 presidential election. This is done through discourse theory and analysis inspired by Laclau & Mouffes work on nodal points and discursive webs. Other theories involve polyarchy as a definition of democracy as well as rational models for voter participation. Written digital articles related to the 2016 election, chosen through entering keywords related to democracy and voting, from a broad range of larger media houses are used as material for the study. The study found that the discourse created and mediated by the news articles, when taken as a whole, understands democracy as a contest between different demographical groups. Race or ethnicity are the most commonly referenced groups. The election is a battle between the candidates’ personalities to entice “their” specific groups to get out and vote. Policy or political issues are rarely mentioned in the articles. Voter participation is low according to the discourse, but that might not be such a big problem according to the discourse. A larger problem for democracy is corruption, political elitism and a poorly designed electoral system.
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Tien, Li-Hung, and 田麗虹. "The mainland China Policy under Executive and Legislative Interaction after Direct Presidential Election — A Comparative Study of Lee Teng-hui era and Chen Shui-Bian administration." Thesis, 2003. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/50369259942719107485.

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碩士
淡江大學
大陸研究所
91
This study examines and analyzes Taiwan’s mainland China policy from the perspectives of constitutional government system and internal political structure. It focuses on the “Lee Teng-hui era” and the “Chen Shui-bian administration” after direct presidential elections were held. Eight constitutional government operation types are established by new institutional theory to explore the differentiations and effects of mainland China’s policy under distinct operation types of the two administrations. Namely, from political ecology of dominant party and strong administration politics that characterizes the Lee Teng-hui era to the Chen Shui-bian administration’s weak ruling party and strong opposition politics and none of three parties has an absolute majority, look into how mainland China’s policy formulation of the two administrations is affected by distinct interactive relationship between the executive and legislative branch of government and lawmakers skirmish. To what extent have such policy differentiations appeared? The research target time is limited to the period following the first direct presidential election and is divided into the “Lee Teng-hui era” and the “Chen Shui-bian administration” of such alternation of political parties. That is： “Lee Teng-hui era”：1996-2000, Taiwan’s first directly-elected president. “Chen Shui-bian administration”：2000 till now, Taiwan’s second directly-elected president. There are three essential research directions in this study： 1. To establish a basic model, to explain the effects of alternation of political parties on mainland China’s policy. 2. To expound how mainland China’s policy is adjusted and formulated under different interactive relationship between the executive and legislative branch. 3. To compare the differentiations of mainland China’s policy output before and after alternation of political parties. This thesis consists of seven chapters： Chapter 1. Address the research motive, research purpose, literature review, research method, research limits and research scope. Chapter 2. Define Taiwan’s constitutional government system first, build on two theoretical bases, and finally set up an analytical framework for the study. Chapter 3. Take the “Lee Teng-hui era” as major research background, and employ the “Type 1” model as established in Chapter 2：“President has large power,” “Clear majority in Parliament,” and “President and Parliament in accord” etc. which characterize a strong ruling party and a weak opposition, to examine the interactive relationship between the executive and legislative branch. Thereafter, the formulation processes of “National Development Advisory Conference,” “two states theory,” and “no haste, be patient” policy are taken as research cases. Chapter 4. Go on to explore the “Chen Shui-bian administration.” Likewise, the Type 2 and Type 6 models established in Chapter 2 ( characterized a weak ruling party and a strong opposition ) to analyze Chen’s mainland China policy. Afterwards, policies related to “President’s Advisory Group on Cross-strait Relations,” “There is one country on each side of Taiwan Strait,” and “active opening, effective management” are dealt with. Chapter 5. Inquire into the amending process of Statute Governing Relations Between People of the Taiwan Area and Mainland Area. First, address bill review processes and Parliament ( the Legislative Yuan ) in action. Then examine differences on amending process of the above-mentioned Statute between the Lee Teng-hui era and Chen Shui-bian administration. Chapter 6. A synthetic comparison and analysis of mainland China’s policy during the Lee Teng-hui era and Chen Shui-bian administration. Chapter 7. Conclusion which includes research findings, research evaluation, and research outlooks.
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Maxová, Barbora. "Proměna prezidentských televizních debat ve Spojených státech: historie, formát, etika." Master's thesis, 2019. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-404687.

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Books on the topic "Presidential Commission on Election Administration"

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Administration, United States Presidential Commission on Election. The American voting experience: Report and recommendations of the Presidential Commission on Election Administration. Washington, District of Columbia]: Presidential Commission on Election Administration, 2014.

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Transferring responsibility: The dangers of transition : report of the Miller Center Commission on Presidential Transitions and Foreign Policy. [Charlottesville, Va.]: White Burkett Miller Center of Public Affairs at the University of Virginia, 1986.

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United States. Congress. House. Committee on House Administration. Examining the voting process: How states can build on recommendations from the Bauer-Ginsberg Commission : hearing before the Committee on House Administration, House of Representatives, One Hundred Thirteenth Congress, second session, held in Washington, DC, July 23, 2014. Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office, 2014.

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United States. Congress. House. Committee on House Administration. Markup of H. Res. 132, omnibus resolution for committee funding in the 114th Congress; Committee Res. 114-6, limitation on allocation of franked mail; H.R. 195, Election Assistance Commission Termination Act; and H.R. 412, to reduce federal spending and the deficit by terminating taxpayer financing of presidential election campaigns: Meeting before the Committee on House Administration, House of Representatives, One Hundred Fourteenth Congress, first session, held in Washington, DC, March 4, 2015. Washington: U.S. Government Publishing Office, 2015.

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The Federal Election Commission: Policy, politics, and administration. Lanham, MD: University Press of America, 2008.

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Rwakafuuzi, Ladislaus Kiiza. KALR's presidential election petition, no.1 of 2006: K. Besigye vs Electoral Commission & Y. K. Museveni. Kampala: KALR, 2006.

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David, Clinton W., Lang Daniel George, and Miller Center Commission on Presidential Transitions and Foreign Policy., eds. Presidential transitions and foreign affairs. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1987.

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Botswana. Government paper no. 3 of 1998 on the report of the Presidential Commission on the Judiciary. Gaborone: Govt. Printer, 1998.

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Group, Commonwealth Observer. The presidential and National Assembly elections in Seychelles, 20-23 July, 1993. London: Commonwealth Secretariat, 1993.

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Rollins, John. 2008-2009 presidential transition: National security considerations and options. Hauppauge, N.Y: Nova Science, 2010.

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Book chapters on the topic "Presidential Commission on Election Administration"

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Li, Hui, and Xin Yang. "Interpretation of Network Sovereignty." In Co-governed Sovereignty Network, 29–60. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-2670-8_2.

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AbstractIn recent years, with the integration of the Internet and various economic and social fields, the security situation in cyberspace has been changing rapidly. There are more and more network games at the national level and the network attack and defense have become more intense. Network sovereignty has become one of sovereignty that all states are striving for. Cyber war against national targets has emerged and will not abate. Major countries have successively set up cyberspace forces. These facts have demonstrated the existence of a new frontier for humanity, national interests, and digital sovereignty in cyberspace, and demonstrated the absence of international rules or laws that effectively coordinate the management of this space. The chaos in the online media during the US presidential election in 2020, in which the incumbent US president has been banned from several public accounts by major online social media, shows that there is still a long way to go in terms of citizens’ digital human rights and the reasonable and orderly legislative and judicial administration of domestic cyberspace management. All of these topics are discussed in detail in this chapter.
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"The Electoral Framework and Election Administration." In Rwanda Presidential Elections, 9 August 2010, 7–12. Commonwealth, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.14217/9781848590977-4-en.

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"The Electoral Framework and Election Administration." In Cameroon Presidential Election, 9 October 2011, 5–11. Commonwealth, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.14217/9781848591332-4-en.

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"The Electoral Framework and Election Administration." In Ghana Presidential and Parliamentary Elections, 7 December 2012, 13–20. Commonwealth, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.14217/9781848591547-4-en.

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Lilleker, Darren G., and Karolina Koc-Michalska. "Online Election Campaigning." In Public Affairs and Administration, 1368–85. IGI Global, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-4666-8358-7.ch067.

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Studies of online campaigning tend to focus on the supply side: the way political parties communicate and campaign using the Internet. This chapter explores the online presences of the main candidates and their parties who stood in the 2012 French presidential election. The research focuses not only on the supply side but also explores demand, utilising data from the Mediapolis survey to ascertain what citizens search for online and in particular what citizens seeking help with their voter decisions seek online. The data shows that citizens are provided with a rich online experience during election campaigns. Information is presented in engaging ways and candidates attempt to mobilise their supporters and offer various opportunities to interact with the campaign and other Website visitors. Interaction is augmented in particular by the use of social networking sites. Citizens, however, appear to mostly go online to find detailed information on the policies and programmes of the candidates. There appears little call for engaging communication, interactive opportunities, or details on the personal lives or personalities of the candidates. The data may, therefore, suggest that information may need to be packaged for accessibility and presented in a way that allows voters to make up their own minds, rather than following the norms of corporate sales campaign Websites.
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"The Electoral Framework and Election Administration." In Nigeria National Assembly and Presidential Elections, 9 and 16 April 2011, 13–22. Commonwealth, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.14217/9781848591134-4-en.

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Ritter, Michael. "Voting Rights, Election Administration, and Turnout for Racial Minorities." In Accessible Elections, 91–110. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197537251.003.0006.

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Race and ethnicity group identity also shape participation in politics, with non-Hispanics whites being the most likely to vote in U.S. elections over time. Can accessible elections shrink turnout inequality between non-Hispanic whites and racial/ethnic minorities (African Americans, Hispanic Americans, and Asian Americans)? Chapter 6 empirically evaluates the impact of convenience voting laws and election administration on the change in the probably of voting in midterm and presidential elections comparing across racial subgroups. The results show that same day registration boosts turnout among non-Hispanics whites, as well as Asian Americans, Hispanics, and African Americans, in presidential and midterm elections. Early in-person voting especially advantages blacks and Hispanics in midterm elections, while absentee/mail voting is found to have similar effects for Asian Americans. Both non-Hispanic whites and racial and ethnic minorities benefit from quality state election administration.
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Latimer, Christopher. "Using Presidential Popularity for Understanding the Relationship between President Bush and Congressional Republicans' Online Campaigning." In Public Affairs and Administration, 1409–21. IGI Global, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-4666-8358-7.ch069.

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This chapter is an assessment of the growing use of the Internet by congressional campaigns in the United States to determine whether candidates' Websites are affected by presidential popularity. There is previous research linking low public opinion of a sitting president with a negative impact on members of his political party running for election, particularly during the midterm, but very little analysis examines this phenomenon online. The chapter examines the 2002, 2004, 2006, and 2008 House Republican campaign Websites to see if there is a relationship between presidential popularity and congressional online campaign behavior. An examination of Republican campaign Websites was coded based on whether President Bush was present in picture form. The authors demonstrate that there is a correlation between President Bush's popularity and his presence on these Republican congressional Websites in general and more prevalent in different regions of the country.
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Edward, Ashbee. "Conclusion: the politics of morality, the 2004 presidential election and the Bush legacy." In The Bush Administration, Sex and the Moral Agenda, 233–46. Manchester University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9780719072765.003.0009.

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Osborne, Thomas J. "Coastal Conservation, Politics, and a New Commission." In Coastal Sage. University of California Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/california/9780520283084.003.0004.

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Set against the backdrop of the presidential election of 1972 and Republican Richard M. Nixon’s calculated support for the federal Coastal Zone Management Act, the failed effort in California to obtain passage of a statewide law regulating the shore is detailed, followed by enactment of Proposition 20 and the California Coastal Act. Exhilaration from passage of these two foundational state laws was short-lived as the Golden State’s next governor, Republican George Deukmejian, slashed the new Coastal Commission’s budget in the early 1980s and afterward did all he could to dismantle the agency, headed by Michael L. Fischer. By then Douglas, en route to becoming the commission’s next executive director, guided it through the hard times.
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Conference papers on the topic "Presidential Commission on Election Administration"

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Nurhasanah, Nurhasanah. "Political Dynamics in Presidential Election of Indonesia in 2019." In Proceedings of the First International Conference on Administration Science (ICAS 2019). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icas-19.2019.110.

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Andriani, Linda, Agustina Zubair, and Henni Gusfa. "Communication Pattern of Participation of women through Facebook Walls in the Presidential Election of the Republic of Indonesia in 2019." In Proceedings of the First International Conference on Administration Science (ICAS 2019). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icas-19.2019.102.

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Shin, Jaiwon. "The NASA Aviation Safety Program: Overview." In ASME Turbo Expo 2000: Power for Land, Sea, and Air. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/2000-gt-0660.

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In 1997, the United States set a national goal to reduce the fatal accident rate for aviation by 80% within ten years based on the recommendations by the Presidential Commission on Aviation Safety and Security. Achieving this goal will require the combined efforts of government, industry, and academia in the areas of technology research and development, implementation, and operations. To respond to the national goal, the National Aeronautics and Space Administration (NASA) has developed a program that will focus resources over a five year period on performing research and developing technologies that will enable improvements in many areas of aviation safety. The NASA Aviation Safety Program (AvSP) is organized into six research areas: Aviation System Modeling and Monitoring, System Wide Accident Prevention, Single Aircraft Accident Prevention, Weather Accident Prevention, Accident Mitigation, and Synthetic Vision. Specific project areas include Turbulence Detection and Mitigation, Aviation Weather Information, Weather Information Communications, Propulsion Systems Health Management, Control Upset Management, Human Error Modeling, Maintenance Human Factors, Fire Prevention, and Synthetic Vision Systems for Commercial, Business, and General Aviation aircraft. Research will be performed at all four NASA aeronautics centers and will be closely coordinated with Federal Aviation Administration (FAA) and other government agencies, industry, academia, as well as the aviation user community. This paper provides an overview of the NASA Aviation Safety Program goals, structure, and integration with the rest of the aviation community.
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