Relevant bibliographies by topics / Presidential Medals

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers

Academic literature on the topic 'Presidential Medals'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 13 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Presidential Medals"

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Varga, Éva, and Norbert Gyurákovics. "Az államfő árnyékában. Az Elnöki Tanács Elnökének felesége, Losonczi Pálné kitüntetései." Kaposvári Rippl-Rónai Múzeum Közleményei, no. 3 (2014): 267–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.26080/krrmkozl.2014.3.267.

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A short essay was published about Pál Losonczi, the Presidential Council’s president and about his medals, which are owned by our museum int he pages of Numizmatikai Közlöny. Now our main purpose is to elaborate the medal-col-lection of the wife of the former President. As a part of diplo-matic protocol, Mrs. Pálné Losonczi often kept his husband’s company during his external visits, when she also got pres-tigous medals. In our opinion all of information about prize-winners belong to the verification of the objects. Our script tries to answer the question, who Mrs. Pálné Losonczi was with the technique of oral history. After it her four medals will be intro-duced professionally, which are held in our museum right now.
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Miles, Andrew, and Jonathan Elliott Asbridge. "On the need for transformational leadership in the delivery of person-centered clinical practice within 21st Century healthcare systems." European Journal for Person Centered Healthcare 2, no. 3 (September 28, 2014): 261. http://dx.doi.org/10.5750/ejpch.v2i3.938.

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We write this Editorial Introduction following the conclusion of the First Annual Conference and Awards Ceremony of the European Society for Person Centered Healthcare (ESPCH) hosted by Francisco de Vitoria University, Madrid, Spain, on 3 & 4 July 2014. The Conference proved an important event which successfully brought together a very wide range of distinguished speakers and delegates from across the length and breadth of Europe, the United States of America, Canada, Australia, New Zealand and elsewhere. Following the close of Day One of the Conference, and prior to the Conference Dinner, we were pleased to confer on particularly eminent colleagues, the Society's Platinum, Gold, Silver and Bronze Medals, the Presidential Medal and the Senior Vice Presidential Medal and, in addition, to award the Society's Essay Prize and Book Prize. A full Conference Report, with the usual obligatory photographs and a YouTube videolink to highlights of the proceedings, has been included within the first e-Bulletin of the European Society for Person Centered Healthcare, the Society's new bi-monthly and detailed Newsletter.
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Creak, Simon. "National Restoration, Regional Prestige: The Southeast Asian Games in Myanmar, 2013." Journal of Asian Studies 73, no. 4 (November 2014): 853–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911814001624.

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“Myanmar is telling Asia ‘we are coming back!’ This is the time. Watch out! We are coming back. After the SEA Games, we will host ASEAN [Association of Southeast Asian Nations]. Big things are happening in our country.” “Kyaw,” an amiable rig coordinator in his early thirties, was relaxing on the ground drinking beer with his wife, passing the time prior to Myanmar's opening men's football match of the 2013 Southeast Asian or SEA Games. Fifteen days later—after a glorious opening ceremony, a slew of gold medals, and a celebratory closing ceremony—his assessment seemed prescient. The government newspaper,The New Light of Myanmar, boasted: “With the honor of hosting the Games that returned to the country after a 44-year long wait, Myanmar successfully hosted the biggest regional sporting event.” Thailand'sNationconcurred: “The country failed to overhaul Thailand as overall winners, but its symbolic triumph as host was far more important.” “Myanmar has basked in its host status and a rare moment in the international limelight after years in isolation under military rule,” declared Agence France-Presse in a widely syndicated article. “Some local and international observers thought Myanmar could not host the SEA Games. They were wrong,” boasted triumphant presidential spokesman U Ye Htut.
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Zakharov, Anton O. "NEW ORDERS OF INDONESIA — BINTANG KEMANUSIAAN AND BINTANG PENEGAK DEMOKRASI." Journal of the Institute of Oriental Studies RAS, no. 4 (14) (2020): 192–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2618-7302-2020-4-192-200.

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Since the fall of the ‘New Order’ in 1998, democratic reforms in Indonesia deeply changed the Constitution. The President may be elected only two times. The Presidential and general elections are general, direct, equal, secret polls. The Army reduced control over National Police. The Army lost its dual function, impliing its highest authority in politics and other social and economic issues. Democratic reforms include changes in the award system of Indonesia. Since the Independence, most orders, decorations and medals have been of the military kind. Even those awards, which should have been civilian by their statutes, were often given to the military personnel for particular services to the State. In 2009, then President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono signed the Law No. 20 ‘About the Titles, Decorations and Awards’ (Tentang Gelar, Tanda Jasa, Dan Tanda Kehormatan). The Act established the division of the orders into civilian and military groups. The civilian orders are higher than military ones. Both groups include seven orders each. The Law instituted two new civilian orders — Bintang Kemanusiaan and Bintang Penegak Demokrasi. The Bintang Kemanusiaan, or the Star of Humanities, has the only class. The Bintang Penegak Demokrasi, or the Star of the Upholder of Democracy, has three classes. Both awards are rewarded to President and Vice-President ex officio. There are no recipients of the Bintang Kemanusiaan, with the exception of Presidents Yudhoyono and Joko Vidodo and their Vice-Presidents. There are still only four recipients of the Bintang Penegak Demokrasi Utama, or first class. The Bintang Kemanusiaan and Bintang Penegak Demokrasi show the highly hierarchic structure of the Indonesian State.
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Caterine, Darryl V. "Sound Bites of Civil Religion: Politics, Popular Culture, and the Presidential Medal of Freedom." Journal of Religion and Popular Culture 20, no. 1 (September 2008): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/jrpc.20.1.001.

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Rosenthal, Eric T. "Nancy Brinker Continues Ambassadorial Role, Receives Presidential Medal of Freedom as ‘Agent of Change’." Oncology Times 31, no. 17 (September 2009): 13–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/01.cot.0000360983.19873.59.

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IONESCU, Lavinel G. "A TRIBUTE TO PROF. DR. OMAR ABOU EL SEOUD ON HIS 70th BIRTHDAY." SOUTHERN BRAZILIAN JOURNAL OF CHEMISTRY 22, no. 22 (December 20, 2014): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.48141/sbjchem.v22.n22.2014.4_revista2014.pdf.

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Prof. Dr. Omar Abou El Seould was born in Cairo, Egypt on May 21, 1945. He obtained the B.S. and M.S. Degrees in Chemistry from Ain Shams University, Cairo in 1964 and 1966, respectively, and was awarded the Doctor of Chemistry Degree by the University of São Paulo, Brazil in 1972. He has occupied various faculty positions at the University of São Paulo and at the present is Full Professor of Organic Chemistry. His research interests deal with green chemistry, modified biopolymers, synthesis and applications of surfactants, and education in chemistry. He has trained a large number of research scientists including many master and doctoral students and is the author of approximately four hundred scientific works. Prof. Omar Abou El Seoud is the recipient of many scientific prizes and awards including the Presidential Medal of Scientific Merit and is a member of the Brazilian Academy of Science.
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Díaz Jiménez, Oniel Francisco. "Election Campaigns, the Media and their Impact on Civic Engagement of Mexicans in the 2012 Presidential Election." Comunicación y Sociedad, no. 29 (April 26, 2017): 139–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.32870/cys.v0i29.6302.

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Bembenutty, Héfer. "The Teacher of Teachers Talks about Learning to Learn: An Interview with Wilbert (Bill) J. McKeachie." Teaching of Psychology 35, no. 4 (October 2008): 363–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00986280802390787.

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Wilbert J. McKeachie has been the president of the American Psychological Association (APA), the American Association of Higher Education, the American Psychological Foundation, the Division of Educational and School Psychology of the International Association of Applied Psychology, and APA's Divisions 2 and 15. He received his PhD at the University of Michigan in 1949 and is former Director of the University of Michigan Center for Research on Learning and Teaching. He also served as Chair of the Psychology Department at the University of Michigan from 1961 to 1971. Professor McKeachie has received eight honorary degrees, the American Psychological Foundation Gold Medal for Lifetime Contributions to Psychology, and the American Psychological Association Presidential Citation for exemplary service to the academic and scientific community. His classic book, Teaching Tips, is now in its 12th edition (McKeachie & Svinicki, 2006). Héfer Bembenutty is an Assistant Professor of Educational Psychology at Queens College of The City University of New York in the Department of Secondary and Youth Services. He received his BA in psychology from the University of Michigan, an MS in psychology from Eastern Michigan University, and an MA and PhD in educational psychology from The City University of New York. He maintains an active research agenda in students' and teachers' self-regulation of learning, the effects of test anxiety on learning, homework self-regulation, self-efficacy beliefs, multicultural education, and academic delay of gratification. He teaches undergraduate and graduate courses in educational psychology, cognition, instruction and technology, human development and learning, classroom management, and multicultural education.
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Vetto, John, and Joseph O'Donnell. "HIGHLIGHTS OF THE AACE 37TH ANNUAL MEETING: 2003 AACE Presidential Address; Awarding of the 2003 Margaret Hay Edwards Medal to Selma Morris; Reflections on the Little Rock AACE Meeting." Journal of Cancer Education 18, no. 4 (December 1, 2003): 237–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1207/s15430154jce1804_12.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Presidential Medals"

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Haddad, Raphaël. "Le discours de meeting électoral : rituel d'affrontement, médiatisations, communication politique.Analyse du discours de meeting électoral pour l’électionprésidentielle française (2002, 2007, 2012)." Thesis, Paris Est, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PESC0061/document.

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Cette recherche porte sur un ensemble de déterminismes et contraintes d’ordre symbolique (rituel, endossement progressif du rôle présidentiel, transcendances mobilisables, impératifs scénographiques) et sociopolitique (trajectoires individuelles, rôle des appareils partisans, évolution des publics, interaction avec les autres compétiteurs et compétitrices, transformation des médias) qui pèsent sur le discours de meeting pour l’élection présidentielle française. « Le changement c’est maintenant », « Ensemble, tout devient possible », « Prenez le pouvoir » : alors que la campagne pour l’élection présidentielle vient placer en son coeur cette promesse fondamentale de « transformation du réel », ce qui pourrait laisser croire en une grande liberté énonciative des locuteurs et des locutrices, nous montrons ici qu’à l’inverse le discours de meeting électoral se trouve extraordinairement contraint et déterminé, que chaque candidat ou candidate doit se conformer à un faisceau d’attendus discursifs tacites, tout en répondant aux impératifs de renouvellement de messages inhérent à tout processus de légitimation politique par le discours.Voici résumée en quelques lignes la vocation de ce travail, fondé sur l’exploration lexicométrique menée avec le logiciel d’analyse de données textuelles Lexico 3, puis l’interrogation argumentative, pragmatico-énonciative et ponctuellement narrative d’unThèse préparée au CEDITEC, (Centre d'Étude des Discours, Images, Textes Écrits, Communication) Université Paris-Est Créteil Val-de-Marne (UPEC) Centre Pyramide – Bureau 405 80, avenue du Général de Gaulle 94000 Créteil Cedexcorpus composé de quatre-vingt-seize discours de meeting électoral, tenus lors de périodes de campagne dites « officielles », par les candidates et les candidats en lice pour les élections présidentielles de 2002, 2007, 2012 en France
This research focuses on a set of symbolic (ritual, progressive endorsement of the presidential role, transcendences mobilized, scenic imperatives), and sociopolitical pressures (individual paths, role of supporters, transformations of the audiences, interaction with other competitors, medias transformations), facing the rally speeches for the french presidential election. "Le changement c’est maintenant," "Ensemble, tout devient possible ", "Prenez le pouvoir": as the campaign for the presidential election has put in his heart that fundamental promise of "transformation of the reality", which could let presuppose freedom utterance of speakers, we show that the election rally speech is strongly constrained and determined. Thus, each candidate had to comply with an expected tacit discourse, while responding to messages renewal imperatives, inherent to any process of political legitimation through discourses. Here is summarized in a few lines the vocation of this study, based on the lexicometric exploration conducted with textual data analysis software Lexico 3 and argumentative, pragmatic, enunciative and timely narrative questionning of ninety-six election rally speeches, made during campaign periods called "official" by candidates to the presidential elections of 2002, 2007, 2012 in France
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Nielsen, Stephan Hentze. "When Looks Deceive and News Is Anything But: An Ideology-Centered Critical Discourse Analysis of The Kremlin Meddlers’ Twitter Communication & The Media’s Portrayal of The Meddlersin The Context of The U.S. Presidential Election of 2016 and The Brexit Referendum." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Medier och kommunikation, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-364822.

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This study takes a qualitative approach to contextualizing and examining the communication of the so-called Kremlin trolls on Twitter, in relation to two major political processes that occurred in 2016, namely the Brexit referendum and the U.S. presidential election. Moreover, the study examines the news media of the two respective countries’ portrayal of the “Kremlin trolls”. The study assesses and problematizes mainstream application and contemporary usage of terminology in relation to two phenomena central to this thesis, namely: “Kremlin trolls”, and “fake news”. The study reconceptualizes the respective concepts into the “Kremlin meddlers” and “deceitful news”, as it was found those terms more accurately reflect both phenomena. Two sets of empirical data are examined in the thesis, one of which consists of 62 posts derived from 14 accounts of the Kremlin meddlers’ Twitter accounts. The other consistsof 30 articles stemming from 10 different news outlets, 5 of which were U.K. news outlets and 5 U.S. news sites, covering the political spectrum from one end to the other. The study applies one theoretical framework toexamine both sets of empiricaldata, namely Teun van Dijk’s Critical Discourse Analysis. The Kremlin meddlers’ Twitter accounts used two strategies to influence the electorates of both countries, one of which was to hide under the guise of pseudonyms impersonating actual citizens of the two nations. The other strategy employed by the meddlers was to maintain accounts that simulated news outlets, acting and appearing much like a legitimate news outlet would on the platform. The communication of the Kremlin meddlers was primarily aimed atsupporters of the ideological right by (re)producing discourse highly critical of the ideological left, this is particularly so for the Twitter accounts seeking to impersonate actual people. The pursuit of ideological polarization is centralin their communication.In the news media’s portrayal of the meddlers,differences are foundacross the ideological spectrum. The study identifies three themesin the discourse; one portraying the meddlers’ in a humanizing view, one creating a Them vs. Us categorization between Russia and the West, and the last focusing on the meddlers’ impacton democratic processes. Intrinsic to all of the themes is the (re)production of elite discourse, primarily seen through the selective use of voices from the symbolic elite to construct the social reality.
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Teran, Ananos Karem-Angélica. "La communication politique au Pérou. Les trois campagnes présidentielles d'Alan Garcia (1984-1985, 2001, 2005-2006)." Thesis, Paris 3, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA030109.

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Cette thèse a pour but d’étudier le traitement de la communication du Parti Apriste Péruvien, représenté et incarné par Alan García Pérez, par les médias de communication massive péruviens, La República et El Comercio (presse écrite) et Panorama et El Francotirador (magazines télévisés) dans le cadre des trois campagnes présidentielles de 1984-1985, 2001 et 2005-2006. L’analyse se base sur les articles des quotidiens péruviens, La República et El Comercio, ainsi que sur des reportages et des interviews des magazines télévisés Panorama et El Francotirador ; elle étudie aussi bien la perception de la communication du Parti Apriste Péruvien par les médias péruviens cités que la stratégie de communication mise en place par le Parti Apriste au cours des trois campagnes présidentielles. Cette thèse met ainsi en lumière l’évolution de la communication du Parti Apriste et l’information politique des médias de communication massive péruviens au cours d’une période dite charnière, la campagne présidentielle
This doctoral thesis aims to define the treatment of the communication of the Alianza Popular Revolucionaria Americana, represented and personified by Alan García Pérez, by the peruvians medias of massive communication, La República and El Comercio (press) and Panorama and El Francotirador (television magazines) during the three presidential campaigns, 1984-1985, 2001 and 2005-2006. This analysis is basically base on the articles of La República and El Comercio and on the reports and interviews of Panorama et El Francotirador ; it analyses also at the same time the perception of the communication of the Apra by the peruvians medias and the strategy of communication set up by the Apra during the three presidential campaigns. This doctoral thesis illustrate the evolution of the communication of the Apra and the political communication of the peruvian medias of massive communication during an intense period, the presidential campaign
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Wang, Hao-Ying, and 王顥穎. "The Media’s Coverage of Cross-Strait Political Issues and Its Effect on the 2012 Presidential Election." Thesis, 2014. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/xsr49v.

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博士
中國文化大學
中山與中國大陸研究所博士班
102
ABSTRACT This study investigated the relationships among Taiwanese voters’“cross-strait political issues position,” “media usage behavior,” “voting decisions,” and whether their “cross-strait political issues position” associated with the media’s related reporting stand in the 2012 presidential election. In addition, this study also explored on the mainland people’s “Taiwan media usage behavior” and “cross-strait political issues opinions,” to further interpret the results of Taiwan’s study in the present study regard as circumstantial evidence. In order to verify whether the study’s four hypotheses can be established, this study used the content analysis to explore four newspapers’ reporting stand on “cross-strait political issues” (the 1992 Consensus, ECFA, Taiwan Consensus) in the election period, and an exit polls and follow-up telephone interviews of Taiwanese voters’, additional questionnaires survey and in-depth interviewed mainland Chinese people. Factor analysis, chi-square analysis, multinomial logistic regression analysis were performed and reached the main findings and conclusions as follows: THE MAIN FINDINGS (1)China Times, United Daily News, Liberty Times, Apple Daily the four newspapers media’s reporting position on “cross-strait political issues (the 1992 Consensus, ECFA, Taiwan Consensus),” in which both the “1992 Consensus”and “ECFA” issues had significantly different position, but the “Taiwan Consensus” issue found no significant difference. (2)Taiwan voters’ “media usage behavior” and their “cross-strait political issues position”, “voting decisions” significantly associated, in which the correlation with “cross-strait political issues position,” was higher than “voting decisions.” (3)During the 2012 presidential election, Taiwan voters’ “cross-strait political issues position” was significantly associated with the media’s “cross-strait political issues coverage stand” they used. (4)The mainland people’s “cross-strait political issues position ( including four aspects: ‘support for the cross-strait discourse,’ ‘support for the cross-strait agreement,’ ‘unfavorable on cross-strait current status,’ and ‘favorable on cross-strait progress’),” and their “Taiwan media usage behavior” significantly associated. CONCLUSION (1)In the 2012 presidential election, the mass media’s influence on the people across the Taiwan Strait was mainly in the political awareness, opinion and attitude aspects, on Taiwan voters’ voting behavior caused only a slight impact. In fact, this election influenced either on Taiwan voters’ “cross-strait political issues position” or their “voting decisions,” Taiwan voters’ “media usage behavior” influence less than their “party identification”. This showed due to Taiwan voters’ strong “party identification”, made their selective “media exposure behavior” to be more effectively than the mass media’s “Agenda-Setting” function; not only confirmed the “party identification” its effect on voting behavior in the 2012 presidential election was still to play the most crucial role; also confirmed the main function of the mass media is to enhance rather than changing the audience existing behavior. In addition, according to the result of “ ‘party identification,’ ‘media usage behavior,’ ‘cross-strait political issues position,’ influenced on ‘voting decisions’ ” in Multinomial Logistic Regression Analysis, the effect of “party identification” on “voting decisions” was higher than that on “cross-strait political issues position.” In other words, that the influence of Taiwan voters’ “party identification” in the 2012 presidential election, was mainly on their behavior level, lesser on their cognitive, opinions and attitudes levels. (2)This study explored by “the relationship between the four of Taiwan voters’ ‘party identification,’ ‘media usage behavior,’ ‘cross-strait political issues position’ and ‘voting decisions,’ ” found that the mass media in the 2012 presidential election influenced on Taiwan voters’ “cross-strait political issues (the 1992 Consensus, ECFA, Taiwan Consensus) position,” in which the most significant impact was on the “1992 Consensus position.” And according to the study result of “Taiwan voters’ ‘party identification,’ ‘media usage behavior,’ ‘cross-strait political issues position’ influence on their ‘voting decisions’ ” in Multinomial Logistic Regression Analysis, that Taiwan voters’ “media usage behavior” influenced on their “1992 consensus position,” and the influence also to the same extent reflected in the result that Taiwan voters’ “1992 consensus position” effected on their “voting decision,” but in this mode the most affect to “voting decisions” was the “ECFA position” (Its impact was equivalent to “party identification”), followed by the “Taiwan Consensus position,” again for the “1992 consensus position.” Obviously, the economic factor equates party identification factor on voting behavior also has a strong influence large enough to overcome the impact caused by the mass media. However, the impact of mass media on the voters’ “1992 Consensus position” was still effective in influencing their “voting decisions,” indeed, though the 2012 presidential election isn't a referendum of the “1992 Consensus,” but it can be said a referendum of the “ECFA,” while for Ma Ying-jeou's victory, the “1992 Consensus” is also a timely boost to play the finishing touches. In fact, the "cross-strait political issues," whether its "ECFA", "Taiwan Consensus" or "1992 Consensus" on the 2012 presidential election, voters’ “voting decisions” has caused quite a significant impact.
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Books on the topic "Presidential Medals"

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Boddington, Jack. A Conquered sea: An illustrated record of the United States Presidential Life Saving Medal and related awards. [S.n: J. Boddington, 1990.

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Perkins, J. W. Battle stars and naval awards: Including Presidential Unit Citations and Navy Unit Commendations earned by the Navy, Coast Guard and Marine Corps during World War II and Korea. [Seminole, Fla.]: J.W. Perkins, 1999.

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Bredeson, Carmen. Presidential Medal of Freedom winners. Springfield, N.J: Enslow, 1996.

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Hogan, Glenn P. The Presidential Medal of Freedom. Ann Arbor, MI: G.P. Hogan, 1996.

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Wetterau, Bruce. The Presidential Medal of Freedom: Winners and their achievements. Washington, D.C: Congressional Quarterly, 1996.

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Message control: How news is made on the presidential campaign trail. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc., 2007.

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Presidential Medal of Freedom (Winners). Steck Vaughn, 1994.

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Mint, United States, ed. The Presidential miniature medal series: The American presidents, a legacy in bronze. Philadelphia, PA: U.S. Mint, 1987.

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Skewes, Elizabeth A. Message Control: How News Is Made on the Presidential Campaign Trail (Communication, Media, and Politics). Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc., 2007.

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Skewes, Elizabeth A. Message Control: How News Is Made on the Presidential Campaign Trail (Communication, Media, and Politics). Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc., 2007.

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Book chapters on the topic "Presidential Medals"

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Scacco, Joshua M., and Kevin Coe. "The Ubiquitous Presidency in Its Contexts." In The Ubiquitous Presidency, 23–52. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197520635.003.0002.

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Across six American presidencies, this chapter introduces and examines three key contexts within the broader socio-technological environment that intersect with the goals of presidential communication: accessibility, personalization, and pluralism. First, it defines accessibility based on where the president appears and how the president chooses to engage with audiences. This section tracks the frequency and type of media interviews presidents grant and how the White House website has evolved to include various degrees of interactivity. Second, this chapter reviews personalization and its significance, including techniques of informality and disclosure. This section chronicles how symbolic presidential behaviors disclose aspects of personality. The chapter concludes by discussing pluralism in terms of growing multiculturalism and heightened salience of group identity in the United States. This section analyzes communication that references pluralism or prejudice, awardees of the Presidential Medal of Freedom, and the frequency with which presidents grant interviews to media outlets marketed to minority audiences.
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Lavrakas, Paul J., and Michael W. Traugott. "News Media's Use of Presidential Polling in the 1990s: An Introduction and Overview." In Presidential Polls and the News Media, 3–19. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429302978-1.

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Stromer-Galley, Jennifer. "Conclusion." In Presidential Campaigning in the Internet Age, 211–30. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190694043.003.0008.

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This final chapter recaps the arguments and discusses implications of how campaigns have used DCTs. By only looking at digital practices of political campaigns, it is worrisome that we fail to see that for most campaigns digital media is still only a small part of the overall focus of campaigns. Greater appreciation is needed for understanding DCT use in the context of other factors of a campaign. Campaigns have dramatically changed their strategies over time as they learned the benefits and the challenges of communicating with the public and the media through DCTs. In 1996 they barely interacted with the public and controlled the message as much as possible. By 2016, they were using a variety of interactive affordances to mobilize supporters, attack opponents, and influence the news media’s agenda through their digital media accounts. They also learned to capitalize on the public’s data that they generate about themselves when they interact with the campaign online and in partnering with digital technology companies, such as Facebook, to engage in unprecedented micro-targeting through paid ads.
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Lavrakas, Paul J., and Michael W. Traugott. "The Media's Use of Election Polls: A Synthesis and Recommendations for 1996 and Beyond." In Presidential Polls and the News Media, 257–66. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429302978-13.

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Eller, Jonathan R. "A Child’s Imagination." In Bradbury Beyond Apollo, 269–75. University of Illinois Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5622/illinois/9780252043413.003.0040.

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Of the 180 witnesses called to testify before the 2004 Presidential Commission on Moon, Mars and Beyond, Bradbury would be the only writer. Chapter 39 documents his abiding contention that a struggle against the universe would replace warfare with a new movement away from Earthbound politics. He continued to avoid a pragmatic discussion, but the Commission chair noted that Bradbury’s words had reminded everyone that they were planning for the future of their own children. The chapter continues with his selection for a 2004 National Medal of Arts bestowed by President George W. Bush, the selection of Fahrenheit 451 for the nation’s Big Read program, and the final development of Bradbury’s unfinished Mexican novel as the screenplay for The Next in Line.
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AGUIRRE, CARLOS. "El nombramiento de la comisionada presidenta del ITEI:." In Medios de comunicación y derecho a la información en Jalisco, 2017, 283–308. ITESO, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctvg5bs88.16.

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Brown, Katherine A. "Afghanistan in Americans’ Imagination." In Your Country, Our War, 28–50. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190879402.003.0003.

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This chapter examines how the American public was reintroduced to Afghanistan after the events of 9/11 and how the U.S. broadcast and print media began to frame this “good war” in October 2001. It analyzes the American news media’s relationship with Afghanistan beginning in the 1980s and the reality it has constructed since 2001 about Afghanistan and the conflict. It also reviews U.S. officials’ perceptions about their responsibilities to the press. During these 15 years, the news coverage, especially that of the broadcast news media, was tightly indexed to the degree of White House attention to the war and the intensity of conflict for American soldiers. Yet some American print news agencies, especially the Associated Press, New York Times, and Washington Post, have stayed committed to covering Afghanistan despite decreased American presidential attention.
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Conference papers on the topic "Presidential Medals"

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Tamara, D., M. Lingga, and D. Rosmiaty. "Spending and Saving Behavior Towards the 2019 Indonesia Presidential Election." In Proceedings of The 1st Workshop Multimedia Education, Learning, Assessment and its Implementation in Game and Gamification, Medan Indonesia, 26th January 2019, WOMELA-GG. EAI, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.26-1-2019.2283198.

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León Mendoza, Raúl. "Cristina en el supermercado. Vigilancia y espectáculo." In IV Congreso Internacional de Investigación en Artes Visuales. ANIAV 2019. Imagen [N] Visible. Valencia: Universitat Politècnica de València, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/aniav.2019.9575.

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El pasado 25 de abril de 2018 Eduardo Inda, a través de su página web OK Diario, hizo públicas unas imágenes de lo que parece ser una señora con traje azul junto con guardia jurado en la trastienda de un establecimiento comercial. Estas imágenes le costaron el puesto de Presidenta de la Comunidad de Madrid: Cristina Cifuentes.A diario vemos que las imágenes de videovigilancia se escapan del ámbito que la ley les tiene reservadas (judicial, policial), para filtrarse hacia los medios de comunicación de masas, apareciendo en telediarios y magazines matinales, como una especie de certificado de un suceso. Diversos tiros de cámara de varias fuentes de video-vigilancia construyen una historia “real” y al tiempo “espectacular”.Pero, ¿Es legal este uso de estas imágenes? ¿Es legal que las imágenes grabadas por dispositivos de videovigilancia acaben en los programas matinales o en los telediarios? La imagen producida por dispositivos de vigilancia es considerada como un dato personal. En tanto que dato, las imágenes de esta naturaleza se rigen por la legislación en materia de protección de datos personales. La Agencia Española de Protección de Datos es la encargada de velar por el cumplimiento de las leyes en materia de protección de datos.El mismo día 25 formulé una denuncia ante la Agencia Española de Protección de Datos contra Dos mil Palabras S.L. por haber sacado a la luz estas imágenes. El presente artículo se forma a través del análisis crítico de la resolución de la Agencia Española de Protección de Datos sobre mi denuncia y cómo esta resolución certifica el estado del Régimen Escópico contemporáneo a través del eje de lo visible y lo invisible.
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