To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Presidential speeches.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Presidential speeches'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 dissertations / theses for your research on the topic 'Presidential speeches.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse dissertations / theses on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Grice, Patricia Joyce. "Presidential Communication to Children: An Analysis of Persuasive Strategies in Presidential Speeches." TopSCHOLAR®, 2010. http://digitalcommons.wku.edu/theses/185.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis explores the content of presidential communication to children, specifically the only three presidential speeches that have been designed for children. These three speeches are President Barack Obama's speech to children in 2009, George H.W. Bush's speech to children in 1991, and Ronald Reagan's speech to children in 1988. Through content analysis this thesis was designed to determine whether persuasive strategies were used in these messages to children, and if persuasive strategies were present, which ones were used. Through qualitative analysis conducting a focus group discussion with children exposed to one of the presidential speeches, this thesis also explored the speeches from children's perspectives. Political socialization theory is used as framework for developing the study, and three persuasive theories are used for analysis of the speeches.
The findings provide insight into presidential communication to children and implications of future research in this area. Findings suggest that persuasive strategies are present and a variety of techniques are utilized in the speeches. The purpose and common topics of these speeches are also explored. Focus group findings support that children can identify persuasive strategies present in the speeches and provide insight into the knowledge children retain from exposure to the communication.
2
Hu, Xu. "A Study on Conceptual Metaphors in Presidential Inaugural Speeches." Thesis, Högskolan Kristianstad, Sektionen för Lärarutbildning, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hkr:diva-7809.
Full text
3
Fundell, Therese. "Ideational Function and Lexical Repetition in Three American Presidential Speeches." Thesis, University of Skövde, School of Humanities and Informatics, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:his:diva-2502.
Full text
4
Rowley, Christina. "An intertextual analysis of Vietnam war films and US presidential speeches." Thesis, University of Bristol, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1983/d9ea23a5-cd30-474f-b46b-88027fa99db2.
Full textAbstract:
Elite articulations of state policy and popular cultural artefacts both construct common sense about world politics, yet the connections between 'low' cultural texts, such as war films, and 'high' policy discourses are often ignored, obscured and denied within IR. In this thesis I conduct an intertextual analysis of gendered representations of the Vietnam War and US identity in Vietnam War films and in US presidential speeches. I compare the representations articulated in three popular films-The Deer Hunter, Rambo: First Blood, Part 11 and Forrest Gump-with those articulated by Presidents Ford, Carter, Reagan, Bush (Senior) and Clinton in inaugural and State of the Union addresses (1975-1996), in order to investigate whether and how transformations in these discourses occurred during this period. I have selected these texts not because they are a priori expected to be good examples of intertextuality but, rather, because they are popular films and because the speeches are delivered frequently and regularly over time. I examine these discourses over a twenty-year period in order to examine intertextuality as an ongoing process rather than as an isolated phenomenon or as a feature of one particular 'anomalous' era. The original contributions of this project are thus to be found in the research design as well as in the empirical analysis. The speeches and films display a remarkable degree of homogeneity in their representations. In all three films, and in the speeches of all five presidents, the Vietnam veteran is valorised. However, the gendered nature of these representations changes over time. The binaries underpinning the narrative logic of The Deer Hunter are also iterated in the expressions of trauma and renewal found in Ford and Carter's speeches; Rambo IPs account of how and why the US 'lost' in Vietnam resonates with Reagan's articulations; and the models of masculinity and femininity found in Forrest Gump find their counterparts in the gendered representations Bush and Clinton deploy to articulate problems in contemporary domestic US society. Divergences between presidents' rhetoric and cinematic representations are also identified, such as the contrast between Rambo's hypermasculinity as based on bodily strength and President Reagan's enthusiastic promotion of technology. I conclude by arguing that the act of 'reading together' these seemingly discrete discourses provides us with a richer and more nuanced understanding of how the construction of identity, foreign policy and world politics occurs than does the analysis of either policy articulations or popular culture in isolation
5
Wen, Wei-Chun. "A functional analysis of the 2000 Taiwanese presidential campaign discourse : advertisments and speeches /." free to MU campus, to others for purchase, 2002. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/mo/fullcit?p3060159.
Full text
6
Yang, Yilong Laura. "The analysis of interpersonal meaning of Barack Obama's presidential campaign speeches in 2012." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2013. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/1368.
Full text
7
Al-sa'd, Sa'd Faisal 1947. "Symbolic commitment of presidential speeches: A study of American policy toward the Arab-Israeli conflict." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/282145.
Full textAbstract:
The purpose of this study was to explore systematically the interaction among nation states by focusing on a single case of American policy toward the Arab-Israeli conflict, specifically the symbolic rhetoric in presidential speeches. This study seeks to increase our knowledge about international crises, and any possible patterns and fluctuations in presidential symbolic rhetoric toward the Arab-Israeli conflict during the 1948-1992 period. The central objective is to explore whether changes in symbolic rhetoric may be related to the escalation of the conflict, as well as investigating numerous parameters of the rhetoric itself. The measure of presidential symbolic rhetoric was tested in seven Middle East countries: Egypt, Iraq, Israel, Jordan, Lebanon, Saudi Arabia and Syria. Theoretically the study adopts Edelman's classification method in distinguishing between referential and condensational symbols. Attention in this study is paid to condensational symbols or symbolic commitment (i.e pride, anxieties, patriotism), and whether the use of those symbols in the Middle East might have been related to three other primary variables: actual conflict in the Middle East, United States military and economic aid to the region, and U.S. political initiatives in the region. In addition, we focused on five distinct conflict periods to see whether changes in symbolic rhetoric patterned itself differently before, during, and after the five crises. The principle conclusion of this research is that the Arab-Israeli conflict was an important issue symbolically to U.S. policy makers, and the presidents of United States lean toward positive symbols. These symbolic commitments tend to increase during the escalation process, and the amount of attention and symbols decreased when war de-escalated. From these results it is possible to assert that presidential perceptions reacted to events as they developed in the region. Convergence between rhetoric and conflict in this specific study suggests that symbols are important political and social indicators in the way policy makers perceive certain issue-areas, and this rhetoric relates to important political events in the Middle East.
8
Levy, Reymond. "The Unity of Division: A Rhetorical Analysis of Selected Speeches from Barack Obama's 2008 Presidential Campaign." NSUWorks, 2010. http://nsuworks.nova.edu/writing_etd/23.
Full text
9
Al-Jabri, Hanan J. "TV simultaneous interpreting of emotive overtones in Arabic presidential political speeches into English during the Arab Spring." Thesis, University of Surrey, 2017. http://epubs.surrey.ac.uk/814056/.
Full textAbstract:
Despite the vast research on simultaneous interpreting in different settings, little is known about interpreting practices in the field of TV, particularly between Arabic and English. The recent events of the Arab Spring led to more reliance on simultaneous interpreting for broadcasting presidential speeches live to audiences worldwide. Emotive overtones were a salient feature in the Arabic-language speeches and posed challenges to the TV interpreters who had to handle other difficulties and constraints involved in the task. The current study aims to investigate the way TV interpreters, who worked in the simultaneous mode, handled the task of conveying the emotive overtones employed in Arabic-language political speeches into English. It also aims to examine the difficulties and challenges that emerged during this process and might have influenced the interpreters’ choices. The study also evaluates the way the TV interpreters handled this task and whether the original emotive effect was maintained, upgraded, downgraded or abandoned in their renditions. To achieve its aims, the study analysed a corpus of four Arabic presidential political speeches delivered during the Arab Spring, along with their English simultaneous interpretations produced by different international TV stations. The analysis relied on a macro framework and a micro framework. The macro framework presents an overview of the wider context of the Arabic-language speeches and the individual speakers to help understand the linguistic choices made by the speakers. The micro framework investigates the linguistic tools which were employed by the speakers to stir people’s emotions. The study analyses the Arabic-language speeches through applying emotive categories which are based on Shamaa’s (1978) classification of emotive meaning according to their linguistic level: phonological, morphological, syntactic, and semantic and lexical levels. The micro level also investigates the strategies which were used by the TV interpreters to render the emotive linguistic tools into English. By adopting a qualitative approach, the study aims to contribute to a better understanding of TV simultaneous interpreting between Arabic and English, as well as the practices of TV interpreters when working into their B language and rendering emotiveness.
10
Abdullah, Tawfiq O. "A Content Analysis of Donald Trump and Hillary Clinton's Campaign Speeches and Framing of the 2016 Presidential Election." Thesis, University of Louisiana at Lafayette, 2019. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=13420149.
Full textAbstract:
The study investigated the existence of some generic and non-generic media frames in the campaign speeches of Donald Trump and Hillary Clinton using content analysis. The comparison of the two political actors in their usage of frames in their campaign speeches revealed that Donald Trump exploited economic consequence, conflict, morality, attribution of responsibility, and negative campaign frames more than Hillary Clinton. Hillary Clinton did not socially exclude any minority group within and outside the United States of America. Both Donald Trump and Hillary Clinton are equal in their utilization of the human interest frame, positive campaign, and mixed campaign. If campaign speeches were moderators of candidates’ electoral victory, negative campaign is, therefore, a facilitating factor in affecting voters' behavior considering the success of Trump in the polls. Nevertheless, the commonness of mixed campaign to both the political candidates indicates that a discrete use of any of the generic frames by political actors and communicators may not be a certainty for changing voters’ behavior. Instead, scholars and professionals should treat frames as discretional communication tools applicable and dependent on the context of a social environment in which many factors exist and determine the choice of frames in communicating between the speech actors and the audiences.
11
Wisniewska, Monika. "Personal Deixis in the 2020 United States Presidential Election : An Analysis of Joe Biden’s and Donald Trump’s Political Speeches." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Engelska institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-189308.
Full textAbstract:
The present study aims to explore how deictic personal pronouns are used in political speeches by the two American presidential candidates, Joe Biden and Donald Trump, during the 2020 United States presidential election. Donald Trump’s usage of the personal pronouns I, you, he/she, we and they is analysed and compared to Joe Biden’s usage of the same personal pronouns. The study has shown that Joe Biden has a preference for the first-person singular pronoun I while Donald Trump has a similar preference towards the third-person plural pronoun they. Both candidates also use the pronoun we just as often, however, Joe Biden’s we is mostly the universal we, referring to all Americans, while Donald Trump’s we is mostly the royal we, referring to his government. This study shows that the same deictic pronouns can be used to indicate inclusion and exclusion.
12
Ogunmuyiwa, Hakeem Olafemi. "Analysing the discourse on corruption in presidential speeches in Nigeria, 1957- 2015: Systemic functional linguistics and critical discourse analysis frameworks." University of the Western Cape, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/6674.
Full textAbstract:
Philosophiae Doctor - PhDCorruption as a concept is viewed differently by various disciplines, but there seems to be consensus that it relates to the misuse of public office for private gain. Studies in the social sciences, mainly political science, economics, sociology and law, have provided valuable insights into the subject, for example, its causes, manifestations and consequences. In a country such as Nigeria, corruption is said to have cost the country up to $20 trillion between 1960 and 2005, and it could cost up to 37% of its GDP by 2030 if the situation is not urgently addressed. The paradox, however, is that although all successive leaders of the country have consistently articulated their anti-corruption posture in national speeches, they get accused by their successors of not being tough on corruption both in word and in deed. Regrettably, there have been relatively few close textual analyses of presidential speeches carried out within analytical frameworks in linguistics that have the potential of revealing how presidents can simultaneously talk tough and soft on corruption, a contradiction that could well explain the putative anti-corruption posture of the country’s leaders and the ever deepening corruption in the land. It is against this backdrop that this study draws on Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) and Systemic Functional Linguistics (SFL) in order to examine language choices related to the theme of corruption in speeches made by Nigerian presidents from 1957 to 2015. The objectives of the study are to (1) provide an overview of how the discourse on corruption has evolved in Nigerian presidential speeches from 1957-2015; (2) determine specific facets of the construal of corruption from the dominant choices made from the system of transitivity (process, participants, circumstance) in speeches by different presidents and at different time points in their tenure in office; (3) analyse how the interpersonal metafunction of language is enacted in the speeches by the presidents through the system of appraisal for a strategy of positive self-presentation and negative other-presentation; (4) interrogate from a critical discourse analysis standpoint the interest, ideological, partisan or other bases for the choices made in the speeches from the systems associated with the experiential and interpersonal metafunctions of language; and (5) to evaluate the different presidents in terms of how the above analyses position them in relation to combating corruption.
13
Almutairi, Mashael Owaidh Lafi. "The objectivity of the two main academic approaches of translation quality assessment : Arab Spring presidential speeches as a case study." Thesis, University of Leicester, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/2381/42924.
Full textAbstract:
Translation quality assessment (TQA) is a controversial area in Translation Studies. Scholars attribute this to the subjective nature of quality, believed to result from the multiplicity of assessment criteria. However, the literature review reveals that translation scholars attribute different reasons to the decreased level of objectivity in current TQA practices. This study hypothesises that although subjectivity in TQA cannot be eliminated, it can be reduced to a more acceptable level if quality assessment adopts the criteria believed by translation scholars to lend more objectivity to the assessment. The most common approaches used in TQA are either based on error analysis or holistic assessment. As both approaches promise to be objective, this study empirically investigates the differences in the applicability of each with regards to the objectivity criteria proposed by specialists in the field. To this end, four Arab Spring presidential speeches selected for the purpose of this study are assessed by both approaches. Contrastive analysis of these speeches is carried out in order to identify how each approach reduces the subjectivity inherent to TQA. Furthermore, the error analysis model employed in this study is adapted from the theory of textuality proposed by Beaugrande and Dressler in 1981. Given that the seven standards in the original model do not encompass all the elements of the source text language (Arabic), amending the original model is necessary. In examining the applicability of the proposed adapted model as one that aids translators and evaluators with the assessment of Arabic-English translations, this study resulted in introducing new criteria of assessment in the standards of cohesion, coherence and informativity. This study also contributes to the field by empirically examining the differences between the outcome of the application of the two main approaches of translation quality assessment, i.e., error analysis approach and holistic approach; and identifying how each method reduces the level of subjectivity to quality assessment.
14
Lehojärvi, E. (Emilia). "“I will give it my all!”:personal pronouns in the announcement speeches of the United States Presidential candidates in 2016." Bachelor's thesis, University of Oulu, 2016. http://urn.fi/URN:NBN:fi:oulu-201602031105.
Full textAbstract:
This study investigates the roles of personal pronouns ’I’ and ’they’ in constructing ’self’ and ’others’ in presidential announcement speeches. It also tries to identify differences in personal pronoun usage between seasoned politicians and newcomers. The analysis is conducted using Norman Fairclough’s approaches to critical discourse analysis (CDA). The findings of this thesis show that the politicians in question use variant categories to show different sides of their personality and try to enhance their own positive image by making their opponents (the others) look less attractive. The analysis also suggests that there seems to be a difference between veteran politicians and novice politicians.
15
Schwarz, Sonja. "The role of religion in American presidential rhetoric a comparative analysis of speeches by John F. Kennedy and George W. Bush." Trier Wiss. Verl. Trier, 2010. http://www.wvttrier.de.
Full text
16
Williams, Stephanie Lynn. "In Defense of the “Forgotten Man”: The Sustained Legacy of the Southern Strategy on the Post-Reagan Era Presidency." Scholar Commons, 2019. https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/7988.
Full textAbstract:
Political and historical literature largely attributes the political development of the Southern Strategy to the 1964 Barry Goldwater and 1968 Richard Nixon presidential campaigns. The Southern Strategy is commonly explained as the Republican Party’s 1964 campaign decision to abandon Black voters in the North to expand its national political base of support by seeking White voters outside of the South who were angry with the political advancements of the Civil Rights Movement (Aistrup 1996, 5; Bass and DeVries 1976, 27). Discussions of Ronald Reagan’s role in the development of the Southern Strategy describe him more as a beneficiary rather than a significant influence in the Republican Party’s efforts to nationalize Southern racial politics (Aistrup 1996, 12; Black and Black 2002, 4). However, his speeches equated social spending with racial stigmas and pathological behavior. The fusion of economic issues and racial stereotypes has influenced future presidential politics since 1964 with Reagan’s “A Time for Choosing” speech (Reagan 1964). The racialized language used by Reagan in his speech has influenced the rhetorical frame of the Southern Strategy in the last six decades.
This qualitative study utilizes content analysis to examine the impact of racially coded language of Democratic and Republican presidents, from Ronald Reagan to Barack Obama, when they argue the legitimacy of the social safety net. The study seeks to expand the knowledge of the prevalence of the politics of pathology, which is defined as the belief that social spending encourages individuals to engage in immoral behavior and is used by presidents to mitigate or cultivate racial resentment.
17
Martin, Marilyn Ann 1959. ""The Politics of Restoration": the Rhetorical Vision of Camelot and Robert F. Kennedy's 1968 Campaign." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1989. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc500920/.
Full textAbstract:
This study critically analyzed four selected campaign speeches by Robert Kennedy from his 1968 campaign to determine his use of the Camelot myth and his success in portraying himself as the heir apparent to the Kennedy legend. Using procedures adapted from fantasy theme analysis, the rhetorical vision of Camelot was outlined, and the fantasy themes and fantasy types within it were determined. The public persona of Robert Kennedy was also evaluated. Throughout the speeches analyzed, Robert Kennedy invoked themes identified within the rhetorical vision of Camelot. In addition to his own themes of social justice and reconciliation, Kennedy promoted his brother's legend. Chaining evidence provided proof of the public's participation in the rhetorical vision demonstrating Kennedy's success with these themes.
18
Farhan, Athil Khaleel. "Ideological manipulation in the translation of political discourse : a study of presidential speeches after the Arab Spring based on corpora and critical discourse analysis." Thesis, University of Surrey, 2017. http://epubs.surrey.ac.uk/841207/.
Full textAbstract:
The present study explains that ideology can affect translators’ linguistic selections which can consequently shape the receivers’ worldviews. Owing to the fact that after the Arab Spring, new leaders with different ideologies and belonging to different political movements sprung forth, their political discourse has become a subject of increasing interest. The language these leaders use to promote their own political and ideological visions and the way to interpret them requires analysis to detect the possibility of translators’ intervention in the translation of these speeches. Adopting a mixed approach of corpus linguistics and critical discourse analysis, the present study focuses on investigating the manipulation of the source text ideology in the translation of presidential speeches after the Arab Spring. The source texts analysed in this study are 20 speeches by the former Egyptian president Morsi translated into English by five translators of various ideological backgrounds. The analysis of these source texts is based on the extraction of keywords and a selection of keywords with ideological content. The analysis of the target texts, on the other hand, focuses on the use of ideological keywords in lexical patterns and grammatical structures to detect ideological manipulation in translation. The thesis aims to describe systematically the means through which translations transfer, strengthen, or mitigate the ideology underlying the source texts. Using five parallel corpora of the source texts and their translations, the thesis also aims to ascertain whether the lexical choices and the syntactic structures employed in the target texts engender changes in the ideological content of the source texts and their underlying ideology. The results reveal that two out of the five translations project a manipulated ideology that is at variance with the ideology underlining the original texts. One translation strengthens the ideology of the source texts, whereas the other two translations aim to maintain the original ideology unchanged. This indicates that instances of ideological manipulation are probable even in the translation of presidential speeches due to the nature of the source texts, the ideology underlying them as well as the possibility of an ideological clash.
19
Östman, Zacharias. "Strict Father Bush and Nurturant Parent Obama : An Ideology Analysis of Presidential Acceptance Speeches, Portraying Conservative and Liberal Metaphors in the Nation-as-Family Theory." Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-18186.
Full textAbstract:
This essay will show how conservatism and liberalism is established and maintained in American presidential rhetoric, by analyzing the speeches held by George W. Bush in 2000 and Barack Obama in 2008 at their respective party’s national convention, at the time when they accepted their party’s nomination for the presidency for the first time. By conducting an ideology analysis by examining the language used in the two speeches, and connect that to the metaphors of morality in George Lakoff’s (2002) theory of the Nation-as-Family, the essay will show examples of how the two presidential candidates establish themselves as bearers and protectors of their party’s ideological base and how this can be related to the view on moral in American politics. The Republican Party connects to conservative ideology and the Democratic Party to liberal ideology. The Nation-as-Family theory involves looking at the relationship between the government and its citizens as that between parents and their children. Connected to conservative ideology is the Strict Father who proclaims authority, obedience and character and connected to liberal ideology is the Nurturant Parent who proclaims nurturing, empathy and equal distribution of opportunities. Connected to Strict Father and Nurturant Parent there exists a number of metaphors of morality that helps organize the language being used. Although notions of the ‘wrong’ moralities appear in the ‘wrong’ speeches, the results from the analysis clearly indicates that the Nation-as-Family theory is highly valid in displaying the connections between political speeches and the ideological bases to which the speakers adhere.
20
Lee, Patrick. "The Words of War: A Content Analysis of Republican Presidential Speeches from Dwight D. Eisenhower, Richard M. Nixon, George W. Bush, and Donald J. Trump." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2018. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/3400.
Full textAbstract:
In this analysis of public speeches from four American presidents from the Republican party, the ways in which those presidents discuss and position American defense activities and stances are examined, to track the progression from the 1960s to the present. Presidents from one party were chosen, who presided over a period of active armed conflict or cold war. The addresses analyzed comprised public addresses to Congress or the American people. The analysis groups recurring frames--conceptually developed based on framing and agenda setting theories--into thematic categories for each president. Some frames were more salient for certain presidents than for others. Other frames were common and pervaded the presidents’ remarks to Congress and the public. America’s struggle against a faceless enemy, American military might as a guarantor of, and the importance of the United States’ commitments to its international partners were all prevailing frames which emerged in the analysis.
21
Chapman, Jessica. "American Exceptionalism and its Malleability:An Examination of Presidential Rhetoric in State of the Union Addresses." Kent State University Honors College / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ksuhonors1462126222.
Full text
22
Wilson, Kevin Arthur. "From memory to history American cultural memory of the Vietnam War /." Oxford, Ohio : Miami University, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=miami1153500782.
Full text
23
Silva, Andreia Sofia Porfírio da. "Propaganda política do estado novo análise de conteúdo dos discursos presidenciais de tomada de posse (1926-1974)." Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Ciências Sociais e Políticas, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/6418.
Full textAbstract:
Tese de Mestrado em Comunicação Social, Especialização em Comunicação EstratégicaA propaganda política é um conjunto de procedimentos cujo objectivo visa a adesão a um sistema ideológico de cariz político (Gonçalves, 1961). A propaganda tem como objectivo provocar emoções e desejos, de forma que o público identifique o propagandista como o único a conseguir concedê-los. No plano dos meios, a propaganda política tem-se manifestado ao longo da história através de várias formas, tais como a imprensa escrita, a palavra falada, a imagem ou a acção, existindo assim, uma vasta diversidade de meios através dos quais a intenção propagandística se pode manifestar (Domenach, 1975; Quintero, 2011). Apresente dissertação centra-se num dos recursos fundamentais da propaganda política, o discurso, e, concretamente, no estudo presente, os discursos presidenciais de tomada de posse do Estado Novo. Pretende-se na dissertação presente estudar-se o aparelho propagandístico do Estado e a relação dos Presidentes da República com o mesmo e com os valores defendidos. Para tal utilizou-se técnica de investigação análise de conteúdo essencialmente na sua variante qualitativa. Espera-se com este estudo contribuir para a sistematização dos valores discursivos defendidos durante o período do designado Estado Novo em Portugal.
Political propaganda is a set of procedures the aim of which is the adherence to a primarily political ideological system (Gonçalves, 1961). The main purpose of propaganda is to cause emotions and desires in the way that the public find in the propagandist the only one to grant them. In what concern to the forms, throughout history political propaganda has expressed itself in many ways like the written press, the speech, the image or the action, so there is a significant variety of ways through which propagandistic intention can express itself (Domenach, 1975; Quintero, 2011). The present thesis focuses in one of the fundamental resources of political propaganda, the speech, specifically the presidential inaugural speeches during the New State. It is claimed in this thesis to study the State propagandistic system and the Presidents relation with it as with its expressed values. In order to do it, it was used the investigation technique called content analysis in his qualitative way. The intention is to contribute to the systematization of the promoted discursive values of the New State period.
24
Rush, Kyle Alexander. "Influence of the Presidential Inaugural Address on Audience Perceptions of Candidate Image and the State of the Nation." PDXScholar, 2017. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3806.
Full textAbstract:
This study asks whether and how the presidential inaugural address influences American audiences. The current study explores how the 2017 Presidential Inaugural Address of Donald Trump influences audiences. Two areas were studied: Candidate image and the state of the nation. I hypothesized that participants who watched the address would have different attitudes regarding candidate image and the state of the nation compared to non-viewers. I also hypothesized that viewers of the address who voted for Donald Trump would respond differently to candidate image and the state of the nation when compared with those who did not vote for Trump.
With one exception, none of the findings was significant. That is, attitudes of inaugural address viewers and non-viewers were similar, and attitudes of those who voted for the president and those who did not vote for the president were also similar. The exception was noted between those who voted for the candidate and oppositional voters: Those who voted for Donald Trump reported the nation is headed "in the right direction" while dissenters disagreed.
25
Garrett, Terry (Terry Joe). "From Isolation to Action: A Metaphoric Analysis of Franklin Roosevelt's Pro-Preparation Rhetoric." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1993. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc501089/.
Full textAbstract:
Virtually all studies on the presidential use of metaphor focus on one particular event and speech. These studies look only at speeches that justify military actions after they have already occurred, and these researchers seek to discover a relationship between the use of the metaphor and the public's support of a military action. In order to analyze the persuasive elements of President Franklin Roosevelt's rhetoric in developing popular and Congressional support for war preparation, this study seeks to answer three specific questions. To what extent does Franklin Roosevelt develop a common theme in selected speeches of war preparation immediately prior to World War II? To what extent was Roosevelt's development of this theme persuasive to the American public? What consequences can be anticipated if future presidents or speakers for social movements employ these procedures.
26
Prando, Rodrigo Augusto. "Fundamentos e circunstâncias : as palavras do Presidente Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1995-1998) /." Araraquara : [s.n.], 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/106231.
Full textAbstract:
Orientador: Milton LahuertaBanca: José Antônio Segatto
Banca: Carlota J. M. C. dos Reis Boto
Banca: Vera Alves Cepêda
Banca: Roger Fernandes Campato
Resumo: A presente tese intitulada Fundamentos e circunstâncias: as palavras do Presidente Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1995-1998) resulta de uma pesquisa acerca da trajetória intelectual, da vida pública e da carreira política de Fernando Henrique Cardoso, bem como da análise de conteúdo de seus discursos presidenciais no primeiro mandato. O texto é estruturado em duas seções: Parte I Fundamentos e Circunstâncias e Parte II As palavras do Presidente: análise de conteúdo dos discursos presidenciais (1995-1998). Em Fundamentos e Circunstâncias, há o Capítulo 1, que versa sobre a Escola Paulista de Sociologia e da participação de Fernando Henrique Cardoso no projeto de estudos Economia e Sociedade: análise sociológica do subdesenvolvimento; no Capítulo 2, trata-se da chegada de Fernando Henrique Cardoso à vida pública, seu exílio, a mudança de agenda intelectual, a constituição do CEBRAP e sua relação com o MDB; e, o Capítulo 3, focaliza as alegrias e desventuras da vida política, trazendo à tona sua trajetória políticopartid ária até sua eleição para Presidente da República. Na Parte II As palavras do Presidente: análise de conteúdo dos discursos presidenciais é utilizado o recurso da análise de conteúdo para compreender o sentido discursivo adotado pelo Presidente da República e suas relações com sua trajetória intelectual. Há, portanto, nesta seção, o Capítulo 4, Dimensão Estado e Sociedade; o Capítulo 5, Dimensão Econômica e o Capítulo 6, Dimensão Política. A hipótese principal confirmada nas considerações finais - é que, no plano discurso, Fernando Henrique Cardoso recorre à uma legitimação alicerçada sobre sua formação sociológica e que estes discursos embora renovados e tratando de assuntos hodiernos - guardam enorme proximidade em relação às temáticas tratadas no projeto Economia e Sociedade, da década de 1960
Abstract: This thesis is based on an extensive research conducted by the author on the intellectual trajectory, the public life and the political career of Fernando Henrique Cardoso, as well as on the content analysis of Cardosos presidential speeches in his first term as President of Brazil (1995-1998). The text is structured in two major sections: Part I Fundaments and Circumstances and Part II The Words of the President: content analysis of the presidential speeches (1995-1998). The first section is organized as follows: Chapter 1 presents the Escola Paulista de Sociologia (São Paulos School of Sociology) and Cardosos role on the research project Economia e Sociedade: Análise Sociológica do Subdesenvolvimento (Economy and society: sociological analysis of underdevelopment); Chapter 2 deals with Cardosos arrival at the public scene, his exile, the change in his intellectual agenda, the building of CEBRAP and his relationship with MDB; last, Chapter 3 focuses on the joys and disappointments in his political career, discussing the political trajectory that led to his election as President. Section II uses content analysis to understand the sense in the discourse adopted by the President and its relationship with his intellectual trajectory, and is divided in three chapters dealing separately with different dimensions of his discourse (Chapter 4 State and Society Dimension, Chapter 5 Economic Dimension and Chapter 6 Political Dimension). The main hypothesis confirmed in the final remarks is that, in his discourse, Cardoso relies on his sociological background; also, that his speeches although renewed and dealing with up-to-date issues bear great proximity with the issues he dealt with back in the 1960s, in the research project Economia e Sociedade
Doutor
27
Viala-Gaudefroy, Jérôme. "Les mythes nationaux dans les discours présidentiels américains post-guerre froide de George H. Bush à Barack Obama." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016USPCA120.
Full textAbstract:
Une nation est toujours fondée sur des mythes. Aux États-Unis, le président est le « conteur-en-chef » de ces récits sacrés qui ont pour fonction de donner du sens à l’existence de la communauté nationale. Cette thèse propose d’examiner dans quelle mesure la rupture dans l’imaginaire collectif que représente la fin de la guerre froide a engendré une nouvelle rhétorique de la mythologie nationale dans les discours présidentiels. Pour cela, nous nous appuierons sur l’étude de métaphores qui, comme l’ont démontré l’analyse critique du discours et la linguistique cognitive, nous informe sur les croyances collectives d’une société. Dans une première partie, nous nous focaliserons sur les mythes de la vertu et du bien, plus particulièrement sur le langage religieux qui s’est développé dans la période post-guerre froide, et sur la valeur de liberté qui demeure fondatrice de l’identité américaine, mais dont la définition évolue et souligne davantage le libre arbitre de l’individu par opposition au destin manifeste collectif fondé sur la prédestination calviniste. Ces mythes de vertu servent de justification morale à une rhétorique de la puissance et de la force qui fera l’objet de notre analyse dans notre seconde partie. Nous montrerons combien la permanence du récit de guerre et les nombreuses métaphores guerrières rendent compte d’un système de représentation du monde qui donne une signification mythique à la violence. Enfin, dans une troisième partie, nous verrons que seul le récit héroïque illustre l’alliance de la puissance et de la vertu et constitue finalement la trame narrative essentielle du mythe national de l’ère post-guerre froide. Nous conclurons sur la proposition que, si la fin de la guerre froide a favorisé le développement du mythe héroïque dans les discours présidentiels, celui-ci est enraciné dans la rhétorique de Ronald Reagan qui représente le point de rupture le plus significatif dans la production de la mythologie nationale récente ainsi que le point de départ de tout un cycle idéologique et politiqueNations are based on myths, and in the United States, it is the president who is the “storyteller-in-chief” of those sacred stories whose function is to give sense to the existence of the national community. This dissertation offers to examine to what extent the end of the Cold War, which represents a breaking point in the mental representation of the nation, has produced a new discourse in national mythology in presidential speeches. Our research will focus more specifically on the notion that metaphors inform us on the shared beliefs of a given society as cognitive linguistics and critical discourse analysis have largely demonstrated. In our first part, we will concentrate on the myths of virtue and good, and more particularly on the use of religious language which has greatly increased over the period, and on the value of “freedom” that has remained the founding value of the American identity but whose definition has evolved to underline the notion of free will of individuals as opposed to the collective Manifest Destiny rooted in Calvinistic predestination. These myths serve as moral justifications to the rhetoric of power and strength that will be the object of our second part. We will show how the steady presence of war narratives and war metaphors ascribe mythical meaning to violence. Finally, in our third part, we will see how only the heroic narrative illustrates the fusion of the myths of power and virtue and actually constitutes the essential narrative framework in post-Cold War presidential speeches. We will then conclude on the proposition that while the heroic myth may have been fostered by the end of the Cold War, it originated in the rhetoric of Ronald Reagan that might be the most significant breaking point and the beginning of an entire new ideological and political cycle
28
Leite, Lucas Amaral Batista. "A construção do inimigo nos discursos presidenciais norte-americanos do pós-Guerra Fria /." Marília, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/96025.
Full textAbstract:
Orientador: Marco Aurélio NogueiraBanca: Cristina Soreanu Pecequilo
Banca: Samuel Alves Soares
Resumo: Este trabalho busca compreender a evolução da narrativa do inimigo por meio da análise dos discursos presidenciais norte-americanos como o State of the Union - e outros selecionados tematicamente - entre os anos de 1989 e 2009, correspondentes aos governos de George H. W. Bush, Bill Clinton e George W. Bush. Para tanto, usaremos das proposições teóricas de autores pós-estruturalistas como David Campbell e Robert Walker, além de utilizar a estrutura de pesquisa proposta por Lene Hansen. Junto à análise discursiva, abordaremos as principais questões de Segurança no período proposto como forma de alusão às representações do inimigo e de forma a enriquecer o trabalho. Nossa hipótese é a de que a mudança, por vezes proposta expressamente por alguns presidentes e autores de estudos sobre os Estados Unidos, é na verdade uma adaptação de discursos recorrentes na condução da política norteamericana. Dessa forma, buscaremos analisar quais os elementos centrais e dissonantes para o período em questão.
Abstract: This work seeks to comprehend the evolution of the narrative of the enemy through the analysis of American presidential speeches such as the State of the Union - and other selected thematically - between the years of 1989 and 2009, corresponding to the governments of George H. W. Bush, Bill Clinton and George W. Bush. For this, we use the theoretical propositions of poststructuralist authors as David Campbell and Robert Walker, and also the analytical structure proposed by Lene Hansen. Along the discursive analysis, we discuss the main security issues of the period proposed as a way of alluding to the representations of the enemy, in order to enrich the work. Our hypothesis is that change, sometimes explicitly proposed by some presidents and authors of studies on the United States, is actually an adaptation of recurrent speeches in the conduct of U.S. policy. Thus, we try to analyze the core and discordant elements for the period in question.
Mestre
29
Wang, Jiayan. "A study of speech acts in U.S. presidential candidate." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2013. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/1367.
Full text
30
Prando, Rodrigo Augusto [UNESP]. "Fundamentos e circunstâncias: as palavras do Presidente Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1995-1998)." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/106231.
Full textAbstract:
Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:35:17Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0
Previous issue date: 2009-08-21Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T20:07:01Z : No. of bitstreams: 1
prando_ra_dr_arafcl.pdf: 9642070 bytes, checksum: eb0a2b72fa3fa8a6ce79fcc4fe9a298c (MD5)Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)
A presente tese intitulada Fundamentos e circunstâncias: as palavras do Presidente Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1995-1998) resulta de uma pesquisa acerca da trajetória intelectual, da vida pública e da carreira política de Fernando Henrique Cardoso, bem como da análise de conteúdo de seus discursos presidenciais no primeiro mandato. O texto é estruturado em duas seções: Parte I Fundamentos e Circunstâncias e Parte II As palavras do Presidente: análise de conteúdo dos discursos presidenciais (1995-1998). Em Fundamentos e Circunstâncias, há o Capítulo 1, que versa sobre a Escola Paulista de Sociologia e da participação de Fernando Henrique Cardoso no projeto de estudos Economia e Sociedade: análise sociológica do subdesenvolvimento; no Capítulo 2, trata-se da chegada de Fernando Henrique Cardoso à vida pública, seu exílio, a mudança de agenda intelectual, a constituição do CEBRAP e sua relação com o MDB; e, o Capítulo 3, focaliza as alegrias e desventuras da vida política, trazendo à tona sua trajetória políticopartid ária até sua eleição para Presidente da República. Na Parte II As palavras do Presidente: análise de conteúdo dos discursos presidenciais é utilizado o recurso da análise de conteúdo para compreender o sentido discursivo adotado pelo Presidente da República e suas relações com sua trajetória intelectual. Há, portanto, nesta seção, o Capítulo 4, Dimensão Estado e Sociedade; o Capítulo 5, Dimensão Econômica e o Capítulo 6, Dimensão Política. A hipótese principal confirmada nas considerações finais - é que, no plano discurso, Fernando Henrique Cardoso recorre à uma legitimação alicerçada sobre sua formação sociológica e que estes discursos embora renovados e tratando de assuntos hodiernos - guardam enorme proximidade em relação às temáticas tratadas no projeto Economia e Sociedade, da década de 1960
This thesis is based on an extensive research conducted by the author on the intellectual trajectory, the public life and the political career of Fernando Henrique Cardoso, as well as on the content analysis of Cardoso s presidential speeches in his first term as President of Brazil (1995-1998). The text is structured in two major sections: Part I Fundaments and Circumstances and Part II The Words of the President: content analysis of the presidential speeches (1995-1998). The first section is organized as follows: Chapter 1 presents the Escola Paulista de Sociologia (São Paulo s School of Sociology) and Cardoso s role on the research project Economia e Sociedade: Análise Sociológica do Subdesenvolvimento (Economy and society: sociological analysis of underdevelopment); Chapter 2 deals with Cardoso s arrival at the public scene, his exile, the change in his intellectual agenda, the building of CEBRAP and his relationship with MDB; last, Chapter 3 focuses on the joys and disappointments in his political career, discussing the political trajectory that led to his election as President. Section II uses content analysis to understand the sense in the discourse adopted by the President and its relationship with his intellectual trajectory, and is divided in three chapters dealing separately with different dimensions of his discourse (Chapter 4 State and Society Dimension, Chapter 5 Economic Dimension and Chapter 6 Political Dimension). The main hypothesis confirmed in the final remarks is that, in his discourse, Cardoso relies on his sociological background; also, that his speeches although renewed and dealing with up-to-date issues bear great proximity with the issues he dealt with back in the 1960s, in the research project Economia e Sociedade
31
Leite, Lucas Amaral Batista [UNESP]. "A construção do inimigo nos discursos presidenciais norte-americanos do pós-Guerra Fria." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/96025.
Full textAbstract:
Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:27:59Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0
Previous issue date: 2013-02-07Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T20:17:38Z : No. of bitstreams: 1
leite_lab_me_mar.pdf: 608719 bytes, checksum: 8c27df7689bda7303a0bfbc2f8485bd7 (MD5)Este trabalho busca compreender a evolução da narrativa do inimigo por meio da análise dos discursos presidenciais norte-americanos como o State of the Union – e outros selecionados tematicamente – entre os anos de 1989 e 2009, correspondentes aos governos de George H. W. Bush, Bill Clinton e George W. Bush. Para tanto, usaremos das proposições teóricas de autores pós-estruturalistas como David Campbell e Robert Walker, além de utilizar a estrutura de pesquisa proposta por Lene Hansen. Junto à análise discursiva, abordaremos as principais questões de Segurança no período proposto como forma de alusão às representações do inimigo e de forma a enriquecer o trabalho. Nossa hipótese é a de que a mudança, por vezes proposta expressamente por alguns presidentes e autores de estudos sobre os Estados Unidos, é na verdade uma adaptação de discursos recorrentes na condução da política norteamericana. Dessa forma, buscaremos analisar quais os elementos centrais e dissonantes para o período em questão.
This work seeks to comprehend the evolution of the narrative of the enemy through the analysis of American presidential speeches such as the State of the Union – and other selected thematically – between the years of 1989 and 2009, corresponding to the governments of George H. W. Bush, Bill Clinton and George W. Bush. For this, we use the theoretical propositions of poststructuralist authors as David Campbell and Robert Walker, and also the analytical structure proposed by Lene Hansen. Along the discursive analysis, we discuss the main security issues of the period proposed as a way of alluding to the representations of the enemy, in order to enrich the work. Our hypothesis is that change, sometimes explicitly proposed by some presidents and authors of studies on the United States, is actually an adaptation of recurrent speeches in the conduct of U.S. policy. Thus, we try to analyze the core and discordant elements for the period in question.
32
Easter, Michele Martha Perrin Andrew J. "Freedom in speech freedom and liberty in U.S. presidential campaign discourse, 1952-2004 /." Chapel Hill, N.C. : University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2006. http://dc.lib.unc.edu/u?/etd,634.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (M.A.)--University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2006.Title from electronic title page (viewed Oct. 10, 2007). "... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master in the Department of Sociology." Discipline: Sociology; Department/School: Sociology.
33
Maulden, Hannah Leah. "Heroes and Villains: Political Rhetoric in Post-9/11 Popular Media." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1431964700.
Full text
34
Aylor, Brooks 1970. "Importance and determinants of trait use in evaluations of candidates in the 1996 United States presidential election." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/282760.
Full textAbstract:
For more than forty years, communication and political science researchers have examined how receivers evaluate sources. Valuable attention to source credibility in the communication literature has yielded numerous categorizations of the dimensions receivers use to evaluate sources. Little recent work in communication, however, has focused on source evaluations, and much of the previous work has been criticized for not recognizing the context-specific nature of source credibility. Important work in political science has focused on receiver evaluations of political officials. This literature, however, has not produced consistent results as to the importance of individual trait types in the evaluation of presidential candidates. Most of this work did not examine determinants of trait use in the evaluation of presidential candidates, including receiver demographics, media use, and political disaffection. Neither communication nor political science researchers have adequately recognized the commonalities which exist in their separate examinations of source evaluations. The current study draws upon communication and political science research to examine respondents' use of candidate traits in a specific and important context, the evaluation of presidential candidates. The study explores the importance of competence, character, empathy, and leadership traits in evaluations of presidential candidates during a time of increasingly negative media coverage of presidential candidates and high levels of political disaffection among citizens. Another important contribution of the study to the literature on trait evaluations is its examination of determinants of trait use in evaluations of presidential candidates. The 1996 American National Election Studies pre- and post-election interviews were used to answer the questions posed in the study. Results suggest that empathy and leadership were more important than character or competence in respondents' evaluations of Bill Clinton, Bob Dole, and Ross Perot in 1996. Economic conditions and party identification were also strong predictors of the vote in 1996. The results provide strong evidence that empathy and leadership were more important in 1996 than in presidential elections of the last three decades. The study suggests important sex differences in trait use, as well as significant relationships between media use, political knowledge, and political disaffection and use of traits to evaluate candidates.
35
Bara, Banan. "The Representation of Immigrants A Critical Discourse Analysis of Donald Trump’s Immigration Speech in the Presidential Campaign of 2016." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-22660.
Full textAbstract:
CDA is a multi-disciplinary approach to discourse which study the relationship between discourse, power and ideology. This makes the application of it on political discourse very suitable since it can be applied to analyse the specific structures of language and ideologies used by politicians to influence the recipient’s mind and hence their actions. This paper, based on a CDA’s framework, investigates the connection between the discursive strategies and the ideological strategies used by Donald Trump to represent immigrants during the 2016 presidential campaign. In so doing this study utilizes Norman Fairclough’s three-dimensional model (2001) of doing CDA and Van Dijk’s ideological Square (2006,2011) to analyse Trump’s speech on immigration delivered in Phoenix, Arizona during the elections of 2016. The results have shown that when talking about immigrants Trump represents them only negatively by describing them as being a threat, economic burden and deviant.This is done by exploiting the strategies of actor description, polarization, victimization, empathy, topos, number game, illustrations, lexicalization, syntax, predicational strategies, comparison, evidentiality, local coherence, implication and generalization. This led to the conclusion that by choosing to emphasize the bad actions of immigrants and ignoring their positive actions, Trump was addressing and appealing to the White Americans only.
36
Palumbo, Renata. "Referenciação, metáfora e argumentação no discurso presidencial." Universidade de São Paulo, 2013. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8142/tde-21102013-191115/.
Full textAbstract:
Nesta pesquisa, nosso propósito consistiu em examinar o papel retórico e referenciador da metáfora e em observar como se constituem e se articulam os processos referenciais promovidos pela associação de domínios díspares nas várias etapas dos discursos presidenciais, dirigidos a líderes políticos mundiais especificamente. Para alcançar esse propósito, propusemo-nos aos seguintes passos de investigação, a partir do tratamento qualitativo dos dados: examinamos as metáforas centrais selecionadas e detectamos o momento em que elas apareceram nos pronunciamentos; observamos as redes referenciais relacionadas a essas metáforas; analisamos a função argumentativa da articulação dessas redes metafóricas, na organização discursiva, levando em conta as condições específicas de produção de cada discurso. Nosso corpus constitui-se de dez discursos do ex-presidente da República Federativa do Brasil Luis Inácio Lula da Silva, proferidos: em Davos (2003 e 2005), na Assembleia Geral das Organizações das Nações Unidas, em Nova Iorque (2004), na China (2004), em Portugal (2003 e 2005), na Índia (2004), no Quênia (2010) e na 39º Reunião de Cúpula do Mersocul, na Argentina (2010). As análises permitiram detectar a existência de metáforas centrais inter-relacionadas e articuladas à argumentação dos discursos. Depreendemos ter havido muitas ocorrências de redes referenciais específicas dessas metáforas, que foram, principalmente, estruturadas pela lógica dos contêineres. Tais resultados levaram-nos a entender que a metáfora conceptual é tanto recurso de referenciação, que pode ser selecionado estrategicamente para fins argumentativos, quanto elemento estruturado e estruturante dos processos referenciais. Nosso trabalho adotou como referencial teórico: i) estudos sobre a referenciação, a partir de Mondada e Dubois (2003), Apothéloz (2003), Marcuschi e Koch (1998), ii) reflexões em torno da argumentação, em que se destacam os trabalhos de Perelman e Olbrechts-Tyteca (2002 [1958]) e Aquino (1997); iii) investigações sobre a metáfora conceptual, realizadas por Lakoff e Johnson (1980, 2003), Kovecses, (2005), e a respeito do discurso político, a partir de Charteris-Black (2011), Chilton (2004).The aim of this research was to examine the rhetorical and referential role of metaphors, and to analyze the constitution of the referential processes promoted by the association of different domains in the various stages of presidential speeches given to world political leaders. In order to achieve such a goal, the following research steps were carried out, subsequent to the qualitative analysis of the data: selected central metaphors were examined and the moment when they occurred in the speeches were detected; the referential networks related to those metaphors were observed; the argumentative role of the articulation of those metaphorical networks in the discursive organization were observed, taking into account the production conditions that are specific to each speech. The corpus is formed by ten speeches by the former president of the Federative Republic of Brazil, Luis Inácio Lula da Silva, which were given in Davos (2003 and 2005), at the General Assembly of the United Nations Organization, in New York (2004), in China (2004), in Portugal (2003 and 2005), in India (2004), in Kenya (2010) and at the 39th Mercosul Summit, in Argentina (2010). The analyses have allowed the detection of central metaphors inter-related and articulated to the argumentation of the speeches. Specific referential networks of those metaphors have been noticed to be pervasive and structured according to the container logic. These results suggest that conceptual metaphors are both a referential resource, which might be used for argumentative purposes, and an element that structures and is structured by the referential processes. This work has as its theoretical reference: i) the studies on referentiation by Mondada and Dubois (2003), Apothéloz (2003), Marcuschi and Koch (1998); ii) reflections on argumentation by Perelmand and Olbrechts-Tyteca (2002 [1958]), and Aquino (1997); iii) research on conceptual metaphors carried out by Lakoff and Johnson (1980, 2003), Kovecses, (2005), and on political discourse, by Charteris-Black (2011), Chilton (2004).
37
Silva, Alexandre Marques. "A Imagem por trás do mito: estratégias discursivas e construção do ethos no discurso político presidencial." Universidade de São Paulo, 2011. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8142/tde-14092011-133813/.
Full textAbstract:
O presente trabalho tem como escopo discutir questões relativas à construção do ethos no discurso político presidencial. Nesse processo, busca-se destacar as estratégias discursivas que permitiram a Getúlio Vargas formular um discurso populista, bem como constituir uma nova imagem, afinados ao novo contexto de abertura democrática que passou a vigorar no Brasil a partir das eleições de 1945. Como aporte teórico, recorremos, fundamentalmente, aos trabalhos de Charaudeau (2006 e 2008); Perelman e Olbrechts-Tyteca (1999 [1958]); Aquino (1997); Weffort (1980) e Laclau (2009). Para que se verificasse a aplicabilidade dessas teorias, foram selecionados sete discursos proferidos por Getúlio Vargas entre os anos de 1952 e 1953, os quais constituem o corpus de análise.This paper aims to discuss issues concerning the construction of ethos in presidential political discourse. In the process, the objective is to highlight the discursive strategies that allowed Vargas to formulate a populist speech as well as providing a new image, tuned to the new context of democratic opening that was introduced in Brazil since the 1945 elections. As a theoretical contribution, we use basically the work of Charaudeau (2006 and 2008), Perelman and Olbrechts-Tyteca (1999 [1958]), Aquino (1997); Weffort (1980) and Laclau (2009). In order to verify the applicability of these theories, we selected seven speeches by Getulio Vargas between 1952 and 1953, which constitutes the corpus of analysis.
38
Roche, Megan Alexandria. "Rhetoric, religion, and representatives| The use of God in presidential inaugural addresses from 1933-2009 as reflections of trends in American religiosity." Thesis, The Florida State University, 2015. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1590287.
Full textAbstract:
The purpose of this study is to explore the rhetorical functions of references to God and the Bible in the first presidential inaugural addresses from Franklin D. Roosevelt to Barack Obama. The Inaugural Address serves to reunite the nation after the division of an election. The language used in this address reflects the culture and identity of the nation it speaks to. Through a modern rhetorical analysis of the inaugural addresses from 1933-2009, this thesis aims to identify the trends in American religiosity, as can be seen through particular use of references to God and uses of biblical metaphor as a rhetorical and persuasive tool in the inaugural address.
39
Casimiro, Sérgio. "Um estudo das modalidades deôntica e volitiva nos discursos do presidente Lula /." São José do Rio Preto : [s.n.], 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/86548.
Full textAbstract:
Orientador: Marize Mattos Dall'Aglio-HattnherBanca: Flávia Bezerra de Menezes Hirata Vale
Banca: Sebastião Carlos Leite Gonçalves
Resumo: Neste trabalho, sustenta-se a hipótese de que, em relações assimétricas entre falante e ouvinte, a posição hierárquica superior ocupada pelo falante favorece a interpretação de uma expressão volitiva como uma manifestação deôntica. Com base em uma abordagem funcional da modalidade, foram analisados verbos volitivos e verbos deônticos nos discursos proferidos pelo presidente Luís Inácio Lula da Silva (2003 a 2006) a interlocutores com os quais mantém diferentes relações hierárquicas. Os objetivos deste trabalho foram: (i) descrever a manifestação da volição, buscando sua caracterização como um subtipo deôntico ou como um tipo de modalidade; (ii) analisar a relação entre volição e ordem e descrever os efeitos de sentido decorrentes de seu emprego nesse tipo específico de interação e (iii) analisar a relação entre a ordem hierárquica dos interlocutores, a expressão e a interpretação da modalidade. Observou-se que verbos volitivos podem apresentar dois valores semânticos, correspondendo a uma interpretação prototipicamente volitiva e uma interpretação deôntica, quando um determinado conjunto de fatores sintáticos, semânticos e pragmáticos é preenchido. Pôde-se constatar também que volição constitui, de fato, um tipo de modalidade diferente da Modalidade deôntica.
Abstract: This work is based on the hypothesis that, in asymmetrical relationships between the speaker and the hearer, the upper hierarchical position occupied by the speaker favors the interpretation of a volitive expression as a deontic manifestation. Based on the functionalist approach of modality, the present thesis analyzes volitive verbs and deontic verbs in the speeches of Brazilian President Luís Inácio Lula da Silva (2003-2006), in situations in which hearers corresponded to different hierarchical degrees in relation to the speaker. Thus, the objectives of the present work are (i) to describe the manifestation of volition in an attempt to characterize it as a deontic subtype or as a type of modality; (ii) to analyze the relationship between volition and order and to describe the effects of meaning resulting from the use of these modal qualifications in this specific type of interaction and (iii) to analyze the relationship between the hierarchical order of the speakers, the expression and the interpretation of the modality. It is possible to observe that the volitive verbs can present two semantic values: a prototypically volitive interpretation and a deontic interpretation when a given set of syntactical, semantic and pragmatic aspects is reached. It is also possible to verify that the volition actually constitutes a type of modality which is different from the deontic modality.
Mestre
40
Nilsson, Julia, and Lotta Nilsson. "”I am running for president of theUnited States of America!” : - En retorisk studie på Donald Trumps & Hillary Clintons ”annoncement speech” inför USAs presidentval år 2016." Thesis, Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-51265.
Full text
41
Guerrero, Solé Frederic. "La celebració mediàtica de la Victòria a la Rússia post-soviètica. Anàlisi transversal dels observables de l'hegemonia en la commemoració televisiva de la Victòria sobre l'Alemanya nazi." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/51251.
Full textAbstract:
La present tesi doctoral té com a objectiu l’anàlisi de la commemoració televisiva de la Victòria sobre l’Alemanya nazi a la Rússia post-soviètica.
En particular, l’anàlisi es centra en la retransmissió de la desfilada militar del 9 de maig a la Plaça Roja de Moscou, el gran media event de la Rússia de Putin i Medvédev, i segueix el cami encetat per Dayan i Katz en l’estudi dels grans esdeveniments mediàtics.
Tal i com indica el subtítol de la tesi, aquesta anàlisi és transversal; a part de la retransmissió de l’acte central de la commemoració, també s’ocupa d’analitzar els discursos presidencials dels darrers onze anys (2000-2010), utilitzant la metodologia de la semiòtica narrativa, així com l’anàlisi de les programacions del dia 9 de maig entre 1964 i 2010 del principal canal de televisió rus, i de l’agenda temàtica dels noticiaris de les principals televisions del país del 19 d’abril al 16 de maig de 2010.
L’objectiu final de la tesi és posar de manifest les diferents estratègies que fan de la commemoració de la Victòria un esdeveniment mediàtic hegemònic a la Rússia actual i com a través d’aquest esdeveniment es constitueixen les bases de la identitat de la Rússia post-soviètica que converteix els seus ciutadans en soldats de la memòria històrica de la Victòria.This thesis aims to analyze the TV celebration of the Victory over Nazi Germany in post-Soviet Russia. In particular, the analysis focuses on the broadcast of the military parade of 9 May in Moscow’s Red Square, the great media event in Putin’s and Medvedev’s Russia, and follows the path begun by Dayan and Katz in the study of media events. As indicated in the subtitle of the thesis, this analysis is cross-sectional; in addition to the broadcast of the main event of the commemoration, it also analyzes the presidential speeches from 2000 to 2010 —using narrative semiotics methods—, the programming on 9 May of Russia’s main television channel from 1964 to 2010 and the agenda of the main television news programmes in the country from April 19 to May 16 in 2010. The goal of this thesis is to highlight the different strategies that turn the commemoration of Victory into a hegemonic media event in present Russia, and how through this event the basis of post-Soviet Russian identity is constructed, turning the Russian citizen into a soldier of the historical memory of Victory.
42
Casimiro, Sérgio [UNESP]. "Um estudo das modalidades deôntica e volitiva nos discursos do presidente Lula." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/86548.
Full textAbstract:
Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:22:19Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0
Previous issue date: 2005-02-27Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T19:07:39Z : No. of bitstreams: 1
casimiro_s_me_sjrp.pdf: 596005 bytes, checksum: dbd5065215ee2b5386f3fcbd4932fa6e (MD5)Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)
Neste trabalho, sustenta-se a hipótese de que, em relações assimétricas entre falante e ouvinte, a posição hierárquica superior ocupada pelo falante favorece a interpretação de uma expressão volitiva como uma manifestação deôntica. Com base em uma abordagem funcional da modalidade, foram analisados verbos volitivos e verbos deônticos nos discursos proferidos pelo presidente Luís Inácio Lula da Silva (2003 a 2006) a interlocutores com os quais mantém diferentes relações hierárquicas. Os objetivos deste trabalho foram: (i) descrever a manifestação da volição, buscando sua caracterização como um subtipo deôntico ou como um tipo de modalidade; (ii) analisar a relação entre volição e ordem e descrever os efeitos de sentido decorrentes de seu emprego nesse tipo específico de interação e (iii) analisar a relação entre a ordem hierárquica dos interlocutores, a expressão e a interpretação da modalidade. Observou-se que verbos volitivos podem apresentar dois valores semânticos, correspondendo a uma interpretação prototipicamente volitiva e uma interpretação deôntica, quando um determinado conjunto de fatores sintáticos, semânticos e pragmáticos é preenchido. Pôde-se constatar também que volição constitui, de fato, um tipo de modalidade diferente da Modalidade deôntica.
This work is based on the hypothesis that, in asymmetrical relationships between the speaker and the hearer, the upper hierarchical position occupied by the speaker favors the interpretation of a volitive expression as a deontic manifestation. Based on the functionalist approach of modality, the present thesis analyzes volitive verbs and deontic verbs in the speeches of Brazilian President Luís Inácio Lula da Silva (2003-2006), in situations in which hearers corresponded to different hierarchical degrees in relation to the speaker. Thus, the objectives of the present work are (i) to describe the manifestation of volition in an attempt to characterize it as a deontic subtype or as a type of modality; (ii) to analyze the relationship between volition and order and to describe the effects of meaning resulting from the use of these modal qualifications in this specific type of interaction and (iii) to analyze the relationship between the hierarchical order of the speakers, the expression and the interpretation of the modality. It is possible to observe that the volitive verbs can present two semantic values: a prototypically volitive interpretation and a deontic interpretation when a given set of syntactical, semantic and pragmatic aspects is reached. It is also possible to verify that the volition actually constitutes a type of modality which is different from the deontic modality.
43
Peterson, Jon Richard. "“An Evil Empire”: The Rhetorical Rearmament of Ronald Reagan." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1273107940.
Full text
44
Assaf, Elias. "Uncovering The Sub-Text: Presidents' Emotional Expressions and Major Uses of Force." Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2014. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/6241.
Full textAbstract:
The global context of decision making continues to adapt in response to international threats. Political psychologists have therefore considered decision making processes regarding major uses of force a key area of interest. Although presidential personality has been widely studied as a mitigating factor in the decision making patterns leading to uses of force, traditional theories have not accounted for the emotions of individuals as they affect political actions and are used to frame public perception of the use of force. This thesis therefore measures expressed emotion and cognitive expressions in the form of expressed aggression, passivity, blame, praise, certainty, realism, and optimism as a means of predicting subsequent major uses of force. Since aggression and blame are precipitated by anger and perceived vulnerability, they are theorized to foreshadow increased uses of force (Gardner and Moore 2008). Conversely, passivity and praise are indicative of empathy and joy respectively, and are not expected to precede aggressive behavior conducted to maintain emotional regulation (Roberton, Daffer, and Bucks 2012). Additionally, the three cognitive variables of interest expand on existing literature on beliefs and decision making expounded by such authors as Walker (2010), Winter (2003) and Hermann (2003). DICTION 6.0 is used to analyze all text data of presidential news conferences, candidate debates, and State of the Union speeches given between 1945 and 2000 stored by The American Presidency Project (Hart and Carroll 2012). Howell and Pevehouse's (2005) quantitative assessment of quarterly U.S. uses of force between 1945 and 2000 is employed as a means of quantifying instances of major uses of force. Results show systematic differences among the traits expressed by presidents, with most expressions staying consistent across spontaneous speech contexts. Additionally, State of the Union speeches consistently yielded the highest scores across the expressed traits measured; supporting the theory that prepared speech is used to emotionally frame situations and setup emotional interpretations of events to present to the public. Time sensitive regression analyses indicate that expressed aggression within the context of State of the Union Addresses is the only significant predictor of major uses of force by the administration. That being said, other studies may use the comparative findings presented herein to further establish a robust model of personality that accounts for individual dispositions toward emotional expression as a means of framing the emotional interpretation of events by audiences.M.A.
Masters
Political Science
Sciences
Political Science; International Studies Track
45
Ambomo, Claudine. "Analyse d'un discours politique présidentiel : étude lexicométrique (Paul Biya, Cameroun, 1982 à 2002)." Thesis, Besançon, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013BESA1021/document.
Full textAbstract:
Mobilisant les concepts de l’analyse du discours combinés aux méthodes de la lexicométrie, cette thèse se propose de mettre en lumière, à travers l’analyse d’un corpus de 297 discours, les principales caractéristiques tant lexicales que rhétoriques et structurelles du discours du président de la République du Cameroun, Paul Biya, de 1982 et 2002. Après avoir dégagé quelques-uns des axes thématiques du corpus, on poursuit l’analyse lexicale par l’étude lexicométrique de l’évolution du vocabulaire. Les méthodes statistiques permettent ensuite d’appréhender certains phénomènes énonciatifs en fonction du temps lexical et de l’adaptation à l’auditoire. Enfin, dans un dernier temps, ce sont deux types de discours « rituels » qui sont analysés : les discours à la Jeunesse, prononcés par le président de la République le 10 février de chaque année pour célébrer la fête de la Jeunesse, et les discours de voeux de fin d’année. La prise en compte de ces deux types de discours permet de poursuivre l’étude du phénomène d’adaptation à l’auditoire : d’abord en confrontant les discours à la Jeunesse au reste du corpus présidentiel ensuite en faisant contraster les discours de voeux à la Nation avec les discours de voeux au diplomatesThe analysis of a corpus of 297 speeches made by the President of the Republic of Cameroon between 1982 and 2002, by means of the methods and the software of the textual statistics and the linguistic concepts of the discourse analysis, has brought to light lexical, rhetorical and structural characteristics of Paul Biya’s speeches. After the identification of some of the themes of the corpus, lexical analysis and lexicometric study of the evolution of vocabulary have been made. Statistical methods have helped to clarify the enunciation through the study of lexical time and the adaptation to the public targeted.Finally, the analysis of two types of speeches: speeches made by the President of the Republic every year on the eve of Youth Day’s celebration on February 10, and speeches made every end of year on December 31 to the Nation and to foreign diplomats has shown a diachronic change of vocabulary, showing a clear adaptation to the audience
46
Adams, Timothy Lee. "Discourse and Conflict: The President Barack H. Obama Birth Certificate Controversy and the New Media." TopSCHOLAR®, 2011. http://digitalcommons.wku.edu/theses/1071.
Full textAbstract:
A creative exploration of the consequences of public speech in the era of freely accessible, social media, as the author, a former elections official, records and explores the consequences of public dissent in the case of President Barack Obama’s eligibility controversy. This non-fiction narrative culminates with the author’s analysis and observations on both his personal experiences and the state of public speech and political power in contemporary America.
47
Brown, Jacqueline Elaine. "Beguiling beginnings and dialectical salvaging the presidential inaugural speech and African American leaders' speeches /." 2004. http://etd.louisville.edu/data/UofL0062d2004.pdf.
Full text
48
Duann, Ren-feng, and 段人鳯. "When Embodiment Meets Generative Lexicon: The Human Body Part Metaphors in Taiwan Presidential Speeches." Thesis, 2014. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/6v826m.
Full textAbstract:
博士國立臺灣大學
語言學研究所
103
This dissertation integrates embodiment with generative lexicon. By analyzing the metaphorically/metonymically used human body part terminology in the Taiwan Presidential Corpus, a representative sample of the Taiwanese leadership rhetoric, we reveal how these two theories complement each other on the one hand, and disclose how the changing political context leads to the discriminated uses of the corporeal terms on the other hand. We argue that the two theories can complement each other: Embodiment strengthens generative lexicon by spelling out the cognitive reasons which motivate meaning generation; and generative lexicon, specifically the qualia structure, reinforces embodiment by accounting for the reason underlying the selection of a particular body part for metaphorization. Choosing to analyze how the four body parts—血 xie ‘blood’, 肉 rou ‘flesh’, 骨 gu ‘bone’, 脈 mai ‘meridian’—behave in the Taiwan Presidential Corpus, this dissertation aims to answer the following questions: (1) How do embodiment and generative lexicon interact? Does the qualia role influence the metaphorical/metonymical use of the body part terms? Or does the metaphorical/metonymical use of the body part terms facilitate the retrieval of the qualia role? (2) What is the significance of qualia structure in constraining the selection of body parts for metaphorical/metonymical use? (3) What is the significance of the qualia structure and the generative mechanisms in the formulation and comprehension of the conceptual pairings involving body parts? (4) How are political ideas conceptualized by the country leadership’s use of corporeal terminology? In other words, how can we establish the association between the activation of certain body parts and a certain political context? This dissertation, built on the potentiality to incorporate embodiment and generative lexicon, investigates the body part metaphors/metonyms used in the leadership rhetoric in Taiwan. We hypothesize that different body parts are activated in different ways in political speeches due to their distinctive features and functions, and the visibility and telicity of a body part are the major reasons why the body part is chosen for metaphorical/metonymical use. Moreover, different political agenda are likely to be reflected in the particular uses of corporeal terms, and the change of the socio-political context should lead to the diverging uses of an identical body part referred to in the speeches. This dissertation will contribute to research on conceptual metaphor, generative lexicon, as well as political discourse. Methodologically, this research, modifying the metaphor identification procedure (Pragglejaz Group 2007), provides a better solution for metaphor identification in Chinese data. With the incorporation of generative lexicon, it furthermore facilitates the researcher to more accurately formulate the conceptual mappings involving body part terms, and to better comprehend metaphorically used body parts. Theoretically, taking generative lexicon into consideration, it establishes correlation between qualia roles and the conceptual mappings. Based on the findings, it also predicts that the visibility and telicity of a body part are the most dominant reasons which activate the choice of a body part for metaphorical/metonymical use. In the light of political discourse, it systematically analyzes how the human body parts are interweaved in the country leadership rhetoric, revealing the influence exerted by political context upon the use of corporeal terminology.
49
Hsieh, Meng-Jhe, and 謝孟哲. "Rhetorical Generes of Presidential Speeches on the National Day of the Republic of China." Thesis, 2014. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/39111665042573473517.
Full text
50
Mills, Elizabeth A. "A rhetorical critique of John McCain’s 2008 presidential concession address." 2010. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1607100.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis examines Senator John McCain’s concession address from the 2008 United States Presidential election campaign. McCain’s concession speech was significant because of his come-from-behind victory in the Republican primary, the favorable critical responses to his speech, and his response to the historic nature of a person of color winning the presidential election. This study is also significant because it contributes to the small body of literature that examines concession addresses. This study examined how well McCain’s concession speech demonstrated the qualities associated with the genre, if McCain’s concession functioned as a model speech, and whether McCain’s concession might signal an evolution of the genre. The method used to critique McCain’s concession was generic application, using a combined framework of Chesebro and Hamsher’s (1974) and Ritter and Howell’s (1974) characteristics of the concession genre. This method entailed applying the characteristics of the concession genre to McCain’s speech to determine if the artifact constitutes a strong example of the genre. The study found that McCain’s speech demonstrated qualities associated with the genre of concession speeches well, functioning as a model because he utilized rhetorical techniques that were uniquely successful for him, and that scholars and practitioners of should be flexible in their application of the genre constraints associated with concession speeches.Department of Communication Studies