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1
Yengibaryan, R. V. "US Presidents: Personal Dimension." Journal of Law and Administration, no. 1 (July 28, 2018): 3–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2073-8420-2018-1-46-3-13.
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Introduction. The personality of any US president due to his enormous constitutional authority and the place in the government structure of the country has always been considered extremely significant, even if in reality he did not quite measure up to the high moral and political criteria that both voters and the international community wanted him to meet.Materials and methods. Various scientific methods such as comparative-legal, systemic and a number of others form the methodological and research basis of the article.Results of the study. The US President, who is also the head of the Federal Government, the Commander-in-Chief of the Army and the US Navy is not only the first executive person of the country, but also the leader of one of the two leading political parties with enormous political and moral impact on the whole country, and the entire world community. During his term in office as President of the United States, all America and the whole world watch him on television, read and hear about him almost daily. To some extent he sets standards for men’s official fashion and behavior in society and in the family, he is a epitome of virtue and justice. How successful he is in this capacity is another question, but the fact is that the world community discusses his actions, words and behavior, wants to be like him or, on the contrary, criticizes him and does not agree with him, and this is an undeniable fact.Discussion and conclusion. With the date of the next presidential elections approaching and especially in the midst of the presidential campaign a large number of popular scientific and other publications are published in the United States and around the world on the institution of the US Presidency, its amazing stability and the ability to effectively lead the most dynamic branch of the three powers provided by the US Constitution the executive power.
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Gunawan, Roby Hariyanto, Lalu Muhaimi, and Amrullah Amrullah. "Rhetorical Metaphor in Barrack Obama Speech Family." International Journal of Multicultural and Multireligious Understanding 6, no. 2 (June 19, 2019): 817. http://dx.doi.org/10.18415/ijmmu.v6i2.810.
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Speech is communication to share information method the main point of successful speech cannot measuring by loud applause of the audience but also the audience can understand with what the speaker idea. Some people communicate with each other more than they said or have hidden meaning in their speech. Being one of the most powerful Presidents in the history of the United States, Obama has been asserting himself among the American people. This research is considered as stylistic of language that focuses on metaphor analysis since it explores the style by President of United State Barrack Osama in speech address of Berlin 2008. The objective of this study is to know the word metaphor that used by Barrack Obama and what indicate of metaphor speech by Barrack Obama. This research employed a descriptive method was used since this research focus on describing the used of rhetorical metaphor in barrack Obama Speech address of Berlin. The main data of this research is taken by speech Barrack Obama in American Rhetoric. The technique of data collection in this research was note taking where the researcher give sign to the speech after that describing the data. The researcher applied textual analysis since he referred to the theories of the research since analyzing data. Result of this study reveals the following finding, there are 9 phrases containing metaphor in Barrack Obama speech in Address to the People in Berlin when he spoke to the audience, the meaning of speeches is various. Every phrases or word described in this research. From the data of that speech the researcher could be concluded the rhetorical metaphor is important and have influence to become more powerful of the speech.
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Haldane, John. "A SUBJECT OF DISTASTE; AN OBJECT OF JUDGMENT." Social Philosophy and Policy 21, no. 1 (January 2004): 202–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052504211098.
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In recent years it has become increasingly common in the United States and in the United Kingdom for newspapers and other media to expose problematic aspects of the private lives of political (and other public) figures; or, since the facts may already be in the public domain, to draw wider attention to them and to make them the subject of commentary. These “problematic aspects” may include past or continuing physical or psychological illness, eating disorders, drug and alcohol abuse or dependence, financial difficulties, family conflict, infidelity, or certain sexual proclivities of both the political figures themselves and of their family members or intimates. In the United States, the most prominent cases are probably those of President Bill Clinton in relation to a series of alleged extramarital affairs leading up to the scandal involving White House intern Monica Lewinsky, and of President John F. Kennedy, also in relation to marital infidelities. The latter exposure was, of course retrospective, as were revelations of similar matters concerning other presidents and holders of high office. Up until the mid-1960s, while it was sometimes known to the press that politicians had “problems” in their private lives, it was rare for these to be made public. Sometimes it might be reported, or more likely hinted, that a figure had a “complex” or “difficult” personal life, and the public was left to infer whatever it might from this (generally concluding that infidelity, alcoholism, or both, were probably at issue). The recent culture of exposure results from a combination of factors, including changed attitudes toward public discussion of sexual conduct, changed standards of sexual behavior, recognition of the scale of Cold War espionage and of its practice of blackmail, a general decline in social deference, a threat to the print media posed by the growth of television, and the rise of satirical entertainment. All of these elements were present in the case that marked the establishment of the culture of exposure in the U.K.: the ‘Profumo scandal’ of 1963. For those unaware of this episode, it may be sufficient to say that it involved the then-secretary of state for war, members of the British aristocracy, a Soviet naval attaché, and a number of “society” call girls, and that it contributed to the resignation of Prime Minister Harold Macmillan and the subsequent fall from power of the Conservative Party. In the United States, the culture of exposure developed somewhat later and took shape in the period of the Watergate scandal, which damaged the American public's perception of the governing classes just as the Profumo scandal had in Britain.
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King, Desmond. "Sectionalism and Policy Formation in the United States: President Carter's Welfare Initiatives." British Journal of Political Science 26, no. 3 (July 1996): 337–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400007493.
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President Jimmy Carter twice attempted to enact major reforms of the US welfare system. Using archival material from the Carter Presidential Library, this article argues that one major reason for the failure of both initiatives was the persistence of regional divisions between representatives from the north and south in the Congress. This factor is as germane to the welfare failure as poor presidential-congressional relations and changes to the committee seniority system in the Congress. American welfare programmes were institutionalized in such a way that, from the 1930s, building a coalition across sectional interests (as represented by members of the Congress) was nearly impossible: gains to one region constituted losses to the other. The consequence of the way Carter pursued and failed to achieve welfare reform was to enhance the priorities, particularly ‘working for welfare’, exploited by Reagan in the final year of his administration when the Family Support Act was enacted.
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ARANDA, Elizabeth, and Elizabeth VAQUERA. "IMMIGRANT FAMILY SEPARATION, FEAR, AND THE U.S. DEPORTATION REGIME." Monitoring of public opinion economic&social changes, no. 5 (November 10, 2018): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.14515/monitoring.2018.5.16.
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In 2018, President Trump changed a long-standing policy of keeping families who cross the United States border together; instead, he ordered that parents be detained separately from children, drawing a national outcry that led to his administration walking back the practice. Drawing on 50 in-depth interviews with undocumented young adults in the state of Florida, USA, we argue that the practice of family separation through immigration policy is not new. We illustrate how our sample’s undocumented status puts them at risk for family separation under the current ‘deportation regime’ that creates a heightened and all-encompassing fear about the possibility of family separation.
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Ashindorbe, Kelvin. "Too Much and Never Enough: How my Family Created the World’s most Dangerous Man by Mary L Trump, SIMON & SCHUSTER, London-New York- Sydney- Toronto- New Delhi, 2020, 206pp." Caleb Journal of Social and Management Science 5, no. 2 (December 31, 2020): 245–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.26772/cjsms2020050208.
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More than two dozen books have been written about Donald Trump and his presidency since he assumed office on January 20th 2017 as the 45th President of the United States of America. A couple of these publications are by former appointees who in many instances either gave account of their stewardship or pointed attention to the perpetual turmoil and uncertainty in the administration. Perhaps the most riveting and scathing book is the one by Mary L Trump, a niece of President Donald Trump. The book titled “Too Much and Never Enough: How my family created the world’s most dangerous man” is the subject of this review. Before his foray into the Republican Party primaries in 2015 and his eventual surprised emergence as President, Donald Trump was widely known as that real estate business man and reality television show host. But who is Donald Trump? Perhaps no one is better placed to give a detailed portrait of the man who will later become the most powerful man on earth than a close family member. Why will a niece write a scathing tell-it-all book about her uncle? Is she motivated by patriotism, a desire to get even with the president or material consideration? We shall return to this question.
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Fischbach, Michael R. "Palestinian Offices in the United States: Microcosms of the Palestinian Experience." Journal of Palestine Studies 48, no. 1 (2018): 104–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2018.48.1.104.
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The September 2018 decision by the administration of U.S. president Donald Trump to close the offices of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) in Washington and expel the PLO ambassador and his family was the latest chapter in the long and difficult history of Palestinian efforts to maintain information and diplomatic offices in the United States. From the opening of the first Arab information office in the United States in 1945, to the establishment of the first specifically Palestinian information center in 1955, to the creation of the first PLO office in 1965, the Palestinians’ twin goals of representing their people and providing information about their cause on the soil of Israel's greatest ally has been hindered by challenges and threats from a variety of sources. Indeed, the long saga of trying to maintain an official presence in the United States is a microcosm of the wider Palestinian national drama of the twentieth and early twenty-first centuries, replete with Zionist attacks, debilitating inter-Arab and intra-Palestinian rivalries, political ineptitude, the struggle to achieve diplomatic legitimacy, and hostility from the U.S. government and its pro-Zionist politicians.
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Mzayek, May. "Liminal Identity: Reconstruction of Syrian Identity in Trump's America." Practicing Anthropology 41, no. 1 (January 1, 2019): 20–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.17730/0888-4552.41.1.20.
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Abstract During November of 2016, the Electoral College elected Donald Trump as President of the United States of America. The following spring, I conducted research with Syrian refugees in Austin, Texas. Using liminality, or the space of uncertainty, I examined identity loss and change with Syrian refugees and within myself. As an immigrant from Syria, my identity was always an issue growing up in the United States, especially as my family struggled for years to attain citizenship. Trump's election evoked my past feelings of uncertainty regarding personhood. Understanding the political context and the challenges of resettlement, I conducted my thesis research in Austin, Texas, with Syrian refugees in order to examine changes in their identities. Their continued feelings of identity loss and change fortified their existence in a space I am very familiar with—liminality.
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Manchikanti, Laxmaiah. "Obama Health Care for All Americans: Practical Implications." Pain Physician 2;12, no. 2;3 (March 14, 2009): 289–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.36076/ppj.2009/12/289.
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Rapidly rising health care costs over the decades have prompted the application of business practices to medicine with goals of improving the efficiency, restraining expenses, and increasing quality. Average health insurance premiums and individual contributions for family coverage have increased approximately 120% from 1999 to 2008. Health care spending in the United States is stated to exceed 4 times the national defense, despite the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. The U.S. health care system has been blamed for inefficiencies, excessive administrative expenses, inflated prices, inappropriate waste, and fraud and abuse. While many people lack health insurance, others who do have health insurance allegedly receive care ranging from superb to inexcusable. In criticism of health care in the United States and the focus on savings, methodologists, policy makers, and the public in general seem to ignore the major disadvantages of other global health care systems and the previous experiences of the United States to reform health care. Health care reform is back with the Obama administration with great expectations. It is also believed that for the first time since 1993, momentum is building for policies that would move the United States towards universal health insurance. President Obama has made health care a central part of his domestic agenda, with spending and investments in Children’s Health Insurance Program (CHIP), American Recovery and Reinvestment Act of 2009, and proposed 2010 budget. It is the consensus now that since we have a fiscal emergency, Washington is willing to deal with the health care crisis. Many of the groups long opposed to reform, appear to be coming together to accept a major health care reform. Reducing costs is always at the center of any health care debate in the United States. These have been focused on waste, fraud, and abuse; administrative costs; improving the quality with health technology information dissemination; and excessive regulations on the health care industry in the United States. Down payment on health care reform, American Recovery and Reinvestment Act, and CHIP include many provisions to reach towards universal health care. Key words: Health care reform, universal health care, national health expenditures, gross domestic product, sustained growth rate formula, physician payments, American Recovery and Reinvestment Act of 2009, Children’s Health Insurance Program, health information technology
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Indah Sari, Ida Ayu Putu Widya. "Bali is the best holiday destination: “Barack Obama Approved”." Bali Tourism Journal 1, no. 1 (July 11, 2017): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.36675/btj.v1i1.1.
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Bali is getting famous, It is related to the plan of former President of the United States Barack Obama to visit Bali for vacation with his family. He scheduled to spend his vacation in Bali with his family for five days from June 23rd to 28th. Before the group are heading to Yogyakarta. Related to the security, Hundreds of police and TNI officers stand guard along the road as far as 40 km to secure the departure of Barack Obama's entourage to Yogyakarta. there was no airport closure when Obama's plane took off. However, he said there was indeed a priority given for the plane to take off, both on arrival and departure of the entourage.
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Heinemann, Isabel. "Abortion and adoption as two poles of reproductive decision-making in the United States during the 1980s." Journal of Modern European History 17, no. 3 (June 20, 2019): 280–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1611894419854622.
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The 1980s were characterized not only by Ronald Reagan’s rhetoric of ‘traditional family values’ but also by a fierce anti-abortion movement that challenged the legalization of abortion. While the women’s movement fought to preserve abortion rights and reproductive choice, an organization that originated with the 1970s women’s rights and self-help movements conceived ‘adoption’ as a moral alternative to abortion. The self-help organization Concerned United Birthparents, founded in 1976 sought the opening of records and moral recognition for ‘birthmothers’ (and later ‘birth-parents’ in general). While their emphasis on adoption as an alternative to abortion seemed to meet with President Reagan’s pro-adoption campaign and the Christian Right’s support for adoption, Concerned United Birthparents nonetheless pursued an agenda of its own, demanding respect and legitimacy for unmarried women’s reproductive decision-making. This article draws primarily on the records of Concerned United Birthparents to develop a new perspective on single women’s changing perception of their reproductive rights and choices in the 1980s. Transforming an originally conservative claim (‘adoption instead of abortion’) into individual ‘adoption rights’ and an inclusive concept of ‘choice’, Concerned United Birthparents drew on the social movements of the period. Moreover, it provided a case for liberal reproductive decision-making within an ultra-conservative political climate that challenges the assumption of an all-encompassing conservative revolution.
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Dunn, Jr, John H. "The Decline Of Manufacturing In The United States And Its Impact On Income Inequality." Journal of Applied Business Research (JABR) 28, no. 5 (August 21, 2012): 995. http://dx.doi.org/10.19030/jabr.v28i5.7240.
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The decline of manufacturing in the United States has been a perceptible trend, starting in the aftermath of World War II when manufacturing represented over one quarter of our Gross Domestic Product, to today, when it is less than 12%. The unemployment of the Great Recession, and the most recent State of the Union Address by President Obama, have now made this front page news. The declining trend has been masked by the facts that the U.S. remains, in total, the worlds largest manufacturer, and, along with China, the top value added producers. A second trend has been the decline of manufacturing employment as a percentage of the total labor force, running from just under one quarter post WWII, to less than 8% today. And finally the third trend has been the premium of manufacturing compensation versus all industries, from 11% in 1950 to 23% in 2010. Together these three trends are the major components of the increasingly palpable trend of income inequality from 1950 to 2010. In 1950 the top 20% had 17.3% of family income, whereas in 2010 it was 20%. The Gini coefficient, another measure of negative income distribution, moved from .379 to .440 over the same time frame.
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Chang, Yu-Ling, and Chi-Fang Wu. "Examining Low-Income Single-Mother Families’ Experiences with Family Benefit Packages during and after the Great Recession in the United States." Journal of Risk and Financial Management 14, no. 6 (June 11, 2021): 265. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/jrfm14060265.
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The recent economic recession triggered by the global pandemic has renewed scholarly interest in the role of social welfare systems in supporting economically vulnerable families when they experience employment instability. This article unpacks the patterns of the cash and in-kind components of the monthly family benefit packages that US low-income single mothers accessed during and after the Great Recession. We used the 2008 Survey of Income and Program Participation and an innovative analytic procedure involving family benefit package plots, group-based trajectory modeling, and logistic regression modeling. We found that low-income single mothers more often used in-kind basic-needs packages and less often used packages that bundle a cash benefit or a childcare subsidy, regardless of their dynamic employment status. Our findings challenge the effectiveness of the US work-based welfare system in ensuring the economic security of economically vulnerable families and contribute to the policy discussions on unconditional basic income and President Biden’s American Families Plan.
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Gluek, Jr., Alvin C. "The Riel Rebellion and Canadian-American Relations." Canadian Historical Review 102, s1 (June 2021): s159—s177. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/chr-102-s1-012.
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The Riel Rebellion presents an interesting case in Canadian-American history. For relations between the two nations, already strained by the Civil War, Fenian movements within the United States, and the American rejection of reciprocity, took a turn for the worse in 1869–70 when Canada was suddenly confronted with the insurrection in Rupert’s Land. Beguiled by the evasive dream of becoming a continental republic, Americans had long coveted the lands of their northern neighbour. That the new Dominion of Canada could survive – indeed, could dare to envision its own transcontinental glory – was inconceivable to many Americans. In their own self-interest, they exaggerated the signs of disaffection within the Dominion. And when the Metis of Rupert’s Land forcibly rejected political union with Canada, and certain citizens of British Columbia petitioned President Grant for admission into the United States, it seemed that all British North America was breaking up and that its separate members would soon become a part of the American family to which they “naturally” belonged.
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Tkhir, Markiyan. "BEING AN OPTIMIST: BARACK OBAMA’S RHETORICAL STRATEGY OF POSITIVE SELF-PRESENTATION." Naukovì zapiski Nacìonalʹnogo unìversitetu «Ostrozʹka akademìâ». Serìâ «Fìlologìâ» 1, no. 14(82) (August 29, 2022): 70–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.25264/2519-2558-2022-14(82)-70-74.
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The article is about creating the image of optimistic President Barack Obama through a rhetorical strategy of positive self-presentation, using language effectively in his speeches. The strategy, implemented by two tactics – a positive view of compatriots and predicting a good future for the United States. These techniques, aimed at challenging the audience's optimistic thoughts and moods, provide appropriate use of rhetorical techniques. Tactics of positive representation of compatriots involves describing American citizens in a good world in terms of their professional, family, national, or other aspects. In the wake of the positive presentation of compatriots of former US President Barack Obama, hyperbole (57 occurrences), metaphors (46 occurrences) and repetitions (32 occurrences) are used. Combining several rhetorical devices in his speeches, Obama demonstrates his eloquence and creates certain effects for the audience. Positively representing his compatriots, the widespread use of hyperbole, metaphors and repetitions serves to strengthen his political message. Tactics for predicting a good future for the United States are in describing positive experiences, prosperity, and prosperity in the future. The tactics of predicting a good future for former US President Barack Obama are implemented through repetitions (40 occurrences), parallel constructions (21 occurrences), antitheses (19 occurrences), and metaphors (18 occurrences). This study shows that Barack Obama is likely to present himself positively, trying to gain and retain power. He often sounds inspiring and sublime and appeals to pathos. He praises the American people and assures them that they deserve a future.
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Filimonova, Maria. "Charles Cotesworth Pinckney (1746–1825): Three-Time Presidential Candidate of the United States." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 3 (2022): 56. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640020236-7.
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Charles Cotesworth Pinckney is one of the forgotten “founding fathers” of the United States. His diverse military, political and diplomatic activities have been poorly studied in American historiography and have received little attention on the part of Russian Americanists. The study of his biography is particularly relevant in the light of current trends in American society, where the activities of the “founding fathers” are viewed narrowly, solely through the prism of slavery and racism. Hence the aim of this article is to use the biography of a Southerner from the revolutionary era to illustrate how the defence of slavery could be combined with the values of classical republicanism and the principles of the Enlightenment in the worldview of the "founding fathers". The source base of the study is largely founded on the electronic archive of the Pinckney family, published by the University of Virginia. Publications of the debates of the Constitutional Convention of 1787 and materials of the ratification campaign, as well as South Carolina periodicals were also used. From available sources, the author concludes that Pinckney followed the ethical models of classical republicanism. In politics, Pinckney aimed at a republic ruled by virtue and talent. However, like an ancient polis, Pinckney’s ideal state was a state of a free minority. From his point of view, freedom and equality had nothing to do with slaves. Nevertheless, he remained in history as one of the authors of the US Constitution, and as a diplomat who refused to submit to extortion by the French Directory. He ran for president of the United States three times and, although he lost each time, he emerged from the ordeal with an unblemished reputation, which was rare in a fiercely partisan struggle.
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Pycior, Helena. "The Making of the "First Dog": President Warren G. Harding and Laddie Boy." Society & Animals 13, no. 2 (2005): 109–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568530054300190.
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AbstractThis paper traces the history of the cultural icon of the "First Dog" of the United States back to the administration of President Warren G. Harding (1921-1923). It briefly explores technological and socio-cultural factors—including the early-twentieth-century cult of human and nonhuman celebrities—that laid a basis for the acceptance of Laddie Boy, Harding's Airedale terrier, as the third member of the First Family and a celebrity in his own right. Following Laddie Boy, First Dogs would greet and entertain visitors to the White House, pose for the press, make public appearances, and "talk." While recognizing that Laddie Boy's personality was essential to his success at the White House, the paper also documents the steps taken by President Harding, his wife Florence Kling Harding, and the American press to establish Laddie Boy as the First Dog of the land. The paper argues that the construction of the cultural icon of the First Dog was not simply a political ploy to humanize the President but more a calculated attempt by President Harding to further animal welfare.
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Jonas, Richard A. "Bridging together: teamwork in caring for the family touched by CHD." Cardiology in the Young 27, no. 10 (December 2017): 1939–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1047951117002086.
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AbstractIn the opening plenary address of the 2017 7th World Congress of Pediatric Cardiology and Cardiac Surgery the author, who represented the World Society for Pediatric and Congenital Heart Surgery at the Congress and is currently the Society’s president, described the history of the formation of the World Society. He listed accomplishments of the World Society including publication of the only journal devoted to congenital cardiac surgery, development of a global database, and convening several international conferences dating back to the inaugural conference in Washington, DC in 2007. The general theme of the presentation is the importance of teamwork in managing patients and families with CHD. Challenges facing congenital heart teams are discussed including the fragility of cardiac programmes, that can be heavily influenced by the administrative structure of a paediatric hospital; the difficulty of recruiting skilled surgeons into the field as training in general cardiothoracic surgery contracts and general surgery becomes predominantly laparoscopic with few open procedures; and increasing barriers to the international movement of surgeons including the opportunities for United States of America-based surgeons to acquire international experience at leading global centres. Finally, the author focusses on the danger that the team approach poses to maintaining empathy and emotional support for the family with CHD undergoing a stressful hospitalisation. He discusses strategies to optimise holistic support of the child and family.
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Reinhardt, Mark. ""You know, I used to be a Jew"." JAAAS: Journal of the Austrian Association for American Studies 1, no. 1 (August 31, 2020): 29–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.47060/jaaas.v1i1.69.
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Beginning with the unlikely pairing of Max Reinhardt and Groucho Marx, this article unpacks an old, politically troubling Jewish joke as a way of tracing two trajectories that unfolded between Austria and the United States. The first follows the author's family, the second the interdisciplinary field of American studies. The joke's commentary on the dilemmas of assimilation, as played out in the family history, frames a more sustained examination of how national identity was understood by the American studies project consolidated in Salzburg and the US just after World War II. Focusing on how the new field's ways of engaging and occluding problems of race, subordination, exploitation, and land-theft shaped an interpretation of American democracy's history and prospects, the article puts these issues in the context of Donald Trump's election as president and the urgency of understanding not only the ruptures but also the historical continuities his presidency represents. Against the backdrop of those reflections, the article considers how contemporary American studies does and might engage the continuities. The field must help shape a national narrative both accessible in idiom and able to reckon with the ongoing history of white supremacy and settler colonialism. Doing that entails not only moving beyond but also borrowing anew from that early, Salzburg-style formation of American studies. It may also benefit from the Jewish joke: the conclusion and two postscripts read the joke's limitations in the light of recent social struggles yet also note its unnerving relevance to the Trump-era resurgence of antisemitism.
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Abrego, Leisy J. "Renewed optimism and spatial mobility: Legal consciousness of Latino Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals recipients and their families in Los Angeles." Ethnicities 18, no. 2 (January 10, 2018): 192–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1468796817752563.
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In 2012, President Obama signed Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA), an executive action that provided deportation relief, a temporary work permit, and driver licenses for almost 800,000 undocumented immigrants who grew up in the US. Drawing on 100 in-depth interviews in Los Angeles, this article documents DACA’s consequences for the legal consciousness of DACA recipients and their families in the period of 2013–2016. Although the Trump Administration chose to phase out the program in 2017, evidence shows that DACA temporarily benefited families in seemingly mundane but cumulative and powerful ways. State-issued IDs and work permits led to many more opportunities to achieve their goals, experience spatial mobility, and establish greater family independence through interdependence. Together, and even though DACA targeted only single members of families, these experiences shifted entire families’ legal consciousness toward a stronger sense of pride and belonging in the United States.
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Bawuah-Edusei, Kwame. "Commentary: An African Perspective on the Doha Round Negotiations." Global Economy Journal 5, no. 4 (December 7, 2005): 1850076. http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1524-5861.1163.
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An African commentary on the Doha Development Round. Kwame Bawuah-Edusei is Ambassador of Ghana to Switzerland and Austria and Permanent Representative of Ghana to the UN offices and international organizations in Geneva, including the WTO. He obtained his MD degree in 1982 at the University of Science and Technology, School of Medical Sciences, Kumasi Ghana, worked in Ghana for two years, and later studied in the United States. He specialized in Family Medicine at Howard University Hospital, Washington DC, and worked as a physician for the Dewitt Army Hospital in Fort Belvoir, Virginia. He subsequently practiced at Educe Medical Center in Alexandria, Virginia. During this period he was active in promoting business in his native Ghana and extensively involved in humanitarian work in the deprived Northern part of his country. He became a community leader in North America and was instrumental in institutionalizing democracy in Ghana. He became a Director of the EO group, an energy Company, and President of Educe Incorporated in Ghana.
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Thum, Jasmine A. "Resiliency of a perpetual optimist: neurosurgeon Dr. Linda Liau." Neurosurgical Focus 50, no. 3 (March 2021): E18. http://dx.doi.org/10.3171/2020.12.focus20954.
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It is not possible to capture all the depth that composes Dr. Linda Liau: chair of the Neurosurgery Department at the University of California, Los Angeles; second woman to chair a neurosurgery program in the United States; first woman to chair the American Board of Neurological Surgery; first woman president of the Western Neurosurgical Society; and one of only a handful of neurosurgeons elected to the National Academy of Medicine. Her childhood and family history alone could fascinate several chapters of her life’s biography. Nonetheless, this brief biography hopes to capture the challenges, triumphs, cultural norms, and spirit that have shaped Dr. Liau’s experience as a successful leader, scientist, and neurosurgeon. This is a rare story. It describes the rise of not only an immigrant within neurosurgery—not unlike other giants in the field, Drs. Robert Spetzler, Jacques Marcos, Ossama Al-Mefty, and a handful of other contemporaries—but also another type of minority in neurosurgery: a woman.
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Armandi, Barry, Adva Dinur, and Herbert Sherman. "Abandoning ship at Scandia, Inc.: Part A." New England Journal of Entrepreneurship 13, no. 2 (March 1, 2010): 89–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/neje-13-02-2010-b007.
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Scandia, Inc., is a commercial vessel management company located in the New York Metropolitan area and is part of a family of firms including Scandia Technical; International Tankers, Ltd.; Global Tankers, Ltd.; Sun Maritime S.A.;Adger Tankers AS; Leeward Tankers, Inc.; Manhattan Tankers, Ltd.; and Liuʼs Tankers, S.A. The companyʼs current market niche is the commercial management of chemical tankers serving the transatlantic market with a focus on the east and gulf coast of the United States and Northern Europe. This three-part case describes the commercial shipping industry as well as several mishaps that the company and its President, Chris Haas, have had to deal with including withdrawal of financial support by creditors, intercorporate firm conflict, and employee retention. Part A presents an overview of the commercial vessel industry and sets the stage for Parts B and C (to be published in the Spring 2011 issue) where the firmʼs operation is discussed.
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Sherman, Herbert, Barry Armandi, and Adva Dinur. "Abandoning ship at Scandia, Inc.: Parts B and C." New England Journal of Entrepreneurship 14, no. 1 (March 1, 2011): 79–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/neje-14-01-2011-b006.
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Scandia, Inc., is a commercial vessel management company located in the New York Metropolitan area and is part of a family of firms including Scandia Technical; International Tankers, Ltd.; Global Tankers, Ltd.; Sun Maritime S.A.;Adger Tankers AS; Leeward Tankers, Inc.; Manhattan Tankers, Ltd.; and Liuʼs Tankers, S.A. The companyʼs current market niche is the commercial management of chemical tankers serving the transatlantic market with a focus on the east and gulf coast of the United States and Northern Europe. This three-part case describes the commercial shipping industry as well as several mishaps that the company and its President, Chris Haas, have had to deal with including withdrawal of financial support by creditors, intercorporate firm conflict, and employee retention. Part A, which was published in the Fall 2010 issue, presented an overview of the commercial vessel industry and set the stage for Parts B and C where the firm℉s operation is discussed.
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Lowenfeld, Andreas F. "Congress and Cuba: The Helms-Burton Act." American Journal of International Law 90, no. 3 (July 1996): 419–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2204066.
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On March 12, 1996, President Clinton signed the Cuban Liberty and Democratic Solidarity (LIBERTAD) Act of 1996, generally known by the names of its principal sponsors as the Helms-Burton Act. The Act is a mixture of codification of existing economic sanctions previously imposed pursuant to executive orders; inducements and promises related to restoration of democracy in Cuba; threats against persons from third countries that do business with Cuba; a new, unprecedented remedy for expropriation; and restrictions on entry into the United States by persons who “traffic in confiscated property” or who are affiliated with such persons by ownership, employment or family. The President had indicated that he would veto the Helms-Burton bill if it reached his desk, and quite possibly it would never have done so, but for the events in the Florida Strait on Saturday, February 24, 1996. On that day, at about 3:15 in the afternoon, two Cessna 337 light planes flown by a Cuban-American organization based in Florida were blown up by missiles launched by MIG–23 and MIG–29 planes of the Cuban Air Force, apparently on standing orders of President Fidel Castro. President Clinton immediately condemned the attack, and by the following Wednesday, he announced that he now would sign the Helms-Burton bill, subject to one compromise to be discussed hereafter.
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Cravens, Hamilton. "Postmodernist Psychobabble: The Recovery Movement for Individual Self-Esteem in Mental Health Since World War II." Journal of Policy History 9, no. 1 (January 1997): 141–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898030600005868.
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By the middle 1990s the recovery movement for personal self-esteem and, thus, mental health for the individual, had reached a new level of penetration into American culture. Many commentators and interpreters of contemporary affairs judged the President of the United States, Bill Clinton, a potential recruit. As the archetypical adult child of an alcoholic parent—the product of a dysfunctional family if there ever was one, according to the movement's clerics-Clinton seemed lacking in selfesteem. His painful childhood was the culprit. And recovery was the solution. In a word, he was too anxious to please his critics—the classic trademark of the adult child of an alcoholic parent. Contemporary therapists taught that such persons were placaters of their critics because of the emotional abuse that their parents had inflicted on them, often for no apparent reason. The damaged child, regardless of his or her chronological age, could not, without appropriate therapy and personal “recovery,” ever get over such incidents, which were seared into their psychological and neurophysiological apparatus.
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Abrego, Leisy, Mat Coleman, Daniel E. Martínez, Cecilia Menjívar, and Jeremy Slack. "Making Immigrants into Criminals: Legal Processes of Criminalization in the Post-IIRIRA Era." Journal on Migration and Human Security 5, no. 3 (September 2017): 694–715. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/233150241700500308.
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During a post-election TV interview that aired mid-November 2016, then President-Elect Donald Trump claimed that there are millions of so-called “criminal aliens” living in the United States: “What we are going to do is get the people that are criminal and have criminal records, gang members, drug dealers, we have a lot of these people, probably two million, it could be even three million, we are getting them out of our country or we are going to incarcerate.” This claim is a blatant misrepresentation of the facts. A recent report by the Migration Policy Institute suggests that just over 800,000 (or 7 percent) of the 11 million undocumented individuals in the United States have criminal records.1 Of this population, 300,000 individuals are felony offenders and 390,000 are serious misdemeanor offenders — tallies which exclude more than 93 percent of the resident undocumented population (Rosenblum 2015, 22–24). Moreover, the Congressional Research Service found that 140,000 undocumented migrants — or slightly more than 1 percent of the undocumented population — are currently serving time in prison in the United States (Kandel 2016). The facts, therefore, are closer to what Doris Meissner, former Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS) Commissioner, argues: that the number of “criminal aliens” arrested as a percentage of all fugitive immigration cases is “modest” (Meissner et al. 2013, 102–03). The facts notwithstanding, President Trump's fictional tally is important to consider because it conveys an intent to produce at least this many people who — through discourse and policy — can be criminalized and incarcerated or deported as “criminal aliens.” In this article, we critically review the literature on immigrant criminalization and trace the specific laws that first linked and then solidified the association between undocumented immigrants and criminality. To move beyond a legal, abstract context, we also draw on our quantitative and qualitative research to underscore ways immigrants experience criminalization in their family, school, and work lives. The first half of our analysis is focused on immigrant criminalization from the late 1980s through the Obama administration, with an emphasis on immigration enforcement practices first engineered in the 1990s. Most significant, we argue, are the 1996 Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigration Responsibility Act (IIRIRA) and the 1996 Antiterrorism and Effective Death Penalty Act (AEDPA). The second section of our analysis explores the social impacts of immigrant criminalization, as people's experiences bring the consequences of immigrant criminalization most clearly into focus. We approach our analysis of the production of criminality of immigrants through the lens of legal violence (Menjívar and Abrego 2012), a concept designed to understand the immediate and long-term harmful effects that the immigration regime makes possible. Instead of narrowly focusing only on the physical injury of intentional acts to cause harm, this concept broadens the lens to include less visible sources of violence that reside in institutions and structures and without identifiable perpetrators or incidents to be tabulated. This violence comes from structures, laws, institutions, and practices that, similar to acts of physical violence, leave indelible marks on individuals and produce social suffering. In examining the effects of today's ramped up immigration enforcement, we turn to this concept to capture the violence that this regime produces in the lives of immigrants. Immigrant criminalization has underpinned US immigration policy over the last several decades. The year 1996, in particular, was a signal year in the process of criminalizing immigrants. Having 20 years to trace the connections, it becomes evident that the policies of 1996 used the term “criminal alien” as a strategic sleight of hand. These laws established the concept of “criminal alienhood” that has slowly but purposefully redefined what it means to be unauthorized in the United States such that criminality and unauthorized status are too often considered synonymous (Ewing, Martínez, and Rumbaut 2015). Policies that followed in the 2000s, moreover, cast an increasingly wider net which continually re-determined who could be classified as a “criminal alien,” such that the term is now a mostly incoherent grab bag. Simultaneously and in contrast, the practices that produce “criminal aliens” are coherent insofar as they condition immigrant life in the United States in now predictable ways. This solidity allows us to turn in our conclusion to some thoughts about the likely future of US immigration policy and practice under President Trump.
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Carlson, Eric R., and Sanjay P. Reddi. "Oral cancer and United States presidents." Journal of Oral and Maxillofacial Surgery 60, no. 2 (February 2002): 190–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1053/s0278-2391(02)86097-9.
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Fahman, Mundzar. "Ajaran Welas Asih dalam Al Qur an." At-Tuhfah 5, no. 9 (December 19, 2017): 17. http://dx.doi.org/10.36840/jurnalstudikeislaman.v5i9.47.
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The majority of Muslims are very confident that Islamic religion teaches compassion and nonviolence to others. They know and believe that in the Qur an and the Sunnah of the Prophet, there are many commands and suggestions for a more compassionate (merciful). But the big problem is, there are still small groups of Muslims who show violent attitudes. They are often referred to as radical Islam. They did not hesitate to commit acts of terrorism to kill others. The number of followers of radical secte is small. Violence, or acts of terrorism that they did, are not routine, but only temporary. However, their action is more easily affect to the public opinion of the Islamic teaching. The world view that Islam preaches violence, cruel, and far and opposite from feeling compassion for others. View of the Islam and the Muslims are now as represented by the President of the United States Donald Trump. President Trump issued a policy prohibiting citizens from seven Muslim-majority countries to enter to the territory of the United States. The reason President Trump, the seven countries has been a contributor to international terrorists. Seven countries were Iraq, Iran, Libya, Somalia, Sudan, Syria, and Yemen. So, for the majority of moderate Muslims, have to continue to give enlightenment to the world, including to the Muslim minority radical groups. Enlightenment through many varieties of media, including paper media. The goal, for the world view of Islam can be changed from negative to positive view; actually that Islam is not as a terrorist, but Islam is polite and humane, compassionate Islam (love and compassion) to fellow humans. Even compassion for nature. Its flow is expected to turn into a radical polite and forgiving. Islam is rahmatan lil alamin, Islam is not la'natan lil alamin. This paper is intended as part of the provision of such enlightenment. The results of the study authors at the content of Al Qur an, apparently very many verses that contain messages of affection. Islam teaches the Muslims to compassionate to one another, not only to theirself. Not only to family and neighbors, but to all mankind, Muslims or non-Muslims. In fact, Islam ordered his people to love nature, by not doing the destruction of the environment. Prophet Muhammad SAW provide exemplary to his people a lot about patience, about how easy to forgive the enemies of Islam. And, finally, many of the enemies of Islam become a good Muslim.
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Morgan, Kimberly. "A Child of the Sixties: The Great Society, the New Right, and the Politics of Federal Child Care." Journal of Policy History 13, no. 2 (2001): 215–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jph.2001.0005.
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In 1971, a coalition of legislators and advocates put together a bill to establish the foundations of a public, universally available day-care system in the United States. Backed by Democrats, Republicans, and a highly mobilized set of interest organizations, the bill's middle-class appeal made it seem like a political sure bet in the months preceding the 1972 election season. Over the course of 1971, however, support for the bill eroded, and by December most House Republicans had jumped ship. On December 9, President Nixon vetoed the legislation, criticizing its “fiscal irresponsibility, administrative unworkability [sic], and family-weakening implications.” Such direct federal provision of day-care services, he claimed, “would commit the vast moral authority of the National Government to the side of communal approaches to child-rearing over the family-centered approach.” The day after the veto, however, Nixon signed the 1971 Revenue Act, which included tax breaks for families who use private day-care services. In late 1972, Congress passed legislation to reauthorize Head Start, a program providing early childhood education and health services for disadvantaged, preschool-aged children. Nixon's own welfare-reform proposal included day care for poor women. Clearly, only the middle class was at risk from “communal approaches” in federally supported child care; poor families, and particularly women on welfare, could use public day care while the middle class would be subsidized to solve their child-care problems through the private sector.
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Graetz, Michael J. "Tax Reform Unraveling." Journal of Economic Perspectives 21, no. 1 (January 1, 2007): 69–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jep.21.1.69.
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The Tax Reform Act of 1986 was widely heralded as the most significant change in our nation's tax law since the income tax was extended to the masses during World War II. It was the crowning domestic policy achievement of President Ronald Reagan, who proclaimed it “the best antipoverty measure, the best pro-family measure, and the best job-creation measure ever to come out of the Congress of the United States.” The law's rate reductions and base broadening reforms were mimicked throughout the countries belonging to the OECD. Even at the time, however, reading the paeans to this legislation was like watching a Tennessee Williams play: something was terribly wrong, but nobody was talking about it. Two decades later, the changes wrought by the 1986 act have proven neither revolutionary nor stable. Tax experts now regard the 1986 act as a promise failed. The public seems to agree, and considerable public support exists for a “flat tax” or a national sales tax to replace the income tax. I shall examine the most important individual and corporate income tax changes since 1986, before turning to proposals for restructuring the nation's tax system.
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Alshrari, Abdullah. "Changes from AFDC to TANF in the welfare reform." International Journal of ADVANCED AND APPLIED SCIENCES 8, no. 8 (August 2021): 118–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.21833/ijaas.2021.08.015.
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This study seeks to present a conceptual framework on the importance of the federal government increase the funds for child care programs. United States Congress passed an act: “Aid to Families with Dependent Children (AFDC)” and was signed by President Bill Clinton and in 1997, the Aid to Families with Dependent Children Act become the “Temporary Assistance for Needy Families Act (TANF). In 1996, the grants were no dependent on state spending on welfare and were earmarked to provide time-limited benefits to a border range of low-income families. The AFDC was replaced by TANF. TANF changes the time limit to five years for receiving cash assistant and required most recipients to work. AFDC was a program that entitled. So that any family meets the federal and the state requirement should receive cash assistance. TANF is funded by the federal government and individual states, TANF provides support to low-income families with children. Also, one biological parent must be absent. TANF replaced the Aid to Families with Dependent Children (AFDC) program which began in 1935 in order to support widows and orphans. The purpose of welfare reform is to increase state flexibility, keeping the children in their homes and parents depending on themselves rather than the government. The federal government should increase the funds for the child care program. This study has reached an understanding of the necessity of reconsidering the rules of Welfare care programs.
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Brown, Letisha Engracia Cardoso. "“If You're Black, Get Back!” The Color Complex: Issues of Skin-Tone Bias in the Workplace." Ethnic Studies Review 32, no. 2 (January 1, 2009): 120–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/esr.2009.32.2.120.
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Skin-tone has always played a role in the socioeconomic lives of African-Americans, and while there are always successes, there are also those who are not as fortunate. A major success for African Americans has come in the shape of the election of the nation's first AfricanAmerican President, Barack Obama, and, by extension, the first African-American First Lady, Michelle Obama. Among the cries of happiness and hope after the election, there lingers a feeling among many Americans whether Barack Obama would have been elected if he were darker rather than lighter skinned. Though the question is rhetorical at this point the question is nevertheless one asked in many American households. Even after the election and inauguration of the first Black President and the subsequent entrance of the first Black Family into the White House, many critics wonder whether the United States is still a nation absorbed in skin-tone prejudices or has, in the words of the late Reverend Martin Luther King Jr., truly “overcome” them. With such a question in mind, the position of the First Lady becomes a precarious one. While she is not principally responsible for guiding the fate of the nation, her role is a visible one, which makes her presence in the public eye an important one nonetheless. Historically, the First Lady is expected to embody ideals of womanhood such as virtue, beauty, grace, and honor to the nation at large. Up until this point, these ideals have been expressed to young women in this nation as coterminous with the concept of “whiteness.” More pointedly, will images of beauty shift away from narrow Eurocentric standards because a Black First Family resides in the White House?
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Carpenter, Dick M. "Presidents of the United States on Leadership." Leadership 3, no. 3 (August 2007): 251–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1742715007079307.
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Jones, Jeffrey M., and Joni L. Jones. "Presidential Stroke: United States Presidents and Cerebrovascular Disease." CNS Spectrums 11, no. 9 (September 2006): 674–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1092852900014760.
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ABSTRACTIn the United States, more individuals suffer disability from stroke than from any other disease, and as many as 11 of the 43 presidents have been affected. In this article, the authors review the cases of the United States presidents who have had strokes, some of which have occurred while the president was in office, having a direct effect on the country.
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Łysek, Wojciech. "Richard Pipes: A Life Against the Tide (1923-2018)." Studia Polityczne 47, no. 4 (December 27, 2019): 135–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/stp.2019.47.4.06.
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The article discusses the life and work of the outstanding Sovietologist Richard Pipes, who was born in a Polonized Jewish family in Polish Cieszyn. After an adventurous trip to the United States in 1939 and 1940, he graduated in history from Harvard University and devoted himself to scientific work. For the next half a century, Pipes dealt with the historical and contemporary aspects of Russia. In his numerous publications, including more than 20 monographs, he emphasised that the Soviet Union continued rather than broke with the political practice of tsarist Russia. In his professional work, he thus contested views prevailing among American researchers and society. From the 1960s, Pipes was involved in political activities. He was sceptical about détente, advocating more decisive actions towards the Soviet Union. Between 1981 and 1983, he was the director of the Department of Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union in the National Security Council in the administration of President Ronald Reagan. Although retiring in 1996, he did not give up his scientific activity. Pipes died on 17 May 2018; according to his last will, his private book collection of 3,500 volumes has been donated to the Institute of Political Studies of the Polish Academy of Sciences.
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R. Yengibaryan. "Presidents of the United States: The Personal Dimension." International Affairs 64, no. 003 (June 30, 2018): 57–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.21557/iaf.51401250.
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Kanwal, Safina, and Maria Isabel Maldonado García. "Representation of Gender Through Framing: A Critical Discourse Analysis of Hillary Clinton’s Selected Speeches." International Journal of English Linguistics 9, no. 2 (March 2, 2019): 321. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ijel.v9n2p321.
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Foucault’s theory of power and discourse has opened new horizons in the various fields of linguistics. It has brought the working of the power of discourse into the focus of research. Critical Discourse Analysis looks at this relationship between language and power. Language is taken as a patent tool for exerting power and for building identity (Foucault, 1998). Critical discourse analysis (CDA) reveals the ways by which discourse is manipulated for the construction of various domains such as identity, ethnicity, ideology, cultural differences and gender. The most wide-ranging and most influential work in CDA is of Norman Fairclough. He takes language as a social practice. He makes it clear that the power of discourse is used for depiction of ideology and gender representation. The present study used Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) as an approach to find out the working of frames for representation of gender identity. The current study analyzed the campaign speeches of Hillary Clinton for finding out her projection of gender identity through frames. The data of the study consists of her opening primary campaign speech which is the Campaign Launch Speech and her last speech for Primary campaign that was delivered in the American presidential election of 2016. The theoretical framework for the present study is Fairclough’s Three Dimensional Model (2015) and the tool applied on this model for looking into the working of frames is the Frame Problem Tool of Gee (2014). The results of the study revealed that Hillary used the technique of framing for projecting her gender identity. She used the fight and family frames for the modification of the boundaries of American presidency with respect to gender. Through her political discourse she framed herself as a brave and bold woman who had she become the president of the United States would have fought for the rights of all Americans irrespective of their creed, sect, religion, gender and nationality.
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JEFFRIES, CHARLIE. "Adolescent Women and Antiabortion Politics in the Reagan Administration." Journal of American Studies 52, no. 1 (February 7, 2017): 193–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875816002024.
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Since theRoev.WadeSupreme Court ruling in 1973 made abortion legal in the United States, it has consistently been subject to attempts to limit its reach, to make abortions harder to access, and thus to restrict their availability or frequency. In recent years, both pro-life and pro-choice groups have been reenergized, through calls to defund Planned Parenthood in Congress in 2015, and the 2016 Supreme Court ruling which prohibited a Texas “clinic-shutdown” law, for obstructing women's legal access to abortion underRoe. An era where this law was particularly contested, however, was the 1980s, which saw the Christian right crystallize and rally together to support the election of Ronald Reagan as President, in the hopes that he would promote their goals. Though extra-governmental pro-life groups and antiabortion individuals within the federal government were not ultimately able to do away withRoe, and would eventually become disappointed with Reagan's efforts in securing this, a series of measures over the course of the administration saw abortion access limited for one group of women in particular: teenage girls. This essay follows these legislative moves over the course of the 1980s, which include the first federal abstinence-only education bill, the Adolescent Family Life Act, a series of laws that allowed states to enact parental notification or consent clauses for minors’ abortions, and a “squeal rule” for doctors who treated sexually active teenagers. It analyses the discourse of and around each of these measures in order to understand how young women's sexual conduct mobilized abortion policy in this era. In doing so, it offers new perspectives on the significance of adolescent female sexuality to Reagan, to the Christian right, and to progressives involved in the heated debates over abortion and related battles of the 1980s culture wars.
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RUMYANTSEV, VLADIMIR. "THE ORIGINS OF THE US PRESIDENT LYNDON B. JOHNSON’S PRO-ISRAELI SYMPATHY, 1908-1948." History and modern perspectives 2, no. 3 (September 30, 2020): 35–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.33693/2658-4654-2020-2-3-35-43.
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The purpose of this study is to identify the origins of the pro-Israeli affections of the prominent American politician Lyndon Baines Johnson (the President of the United States in 1963-1968) in the initial period of his political career before winning the Senate elections in 1948. The study resulted in conclusion that preferences of Lyndon Johnson towards Israel were influenced by a number of factors. First of all, this was the influence of the views that had developed in the family of an American politician. His grandfather and aunt were active members of the Christodelphian community, in which the protection of the Jews as God’s chosen people was one of the principles of life. Lyndon’s father, Samuel Ealy Johnson, jr. always tried to take the side of the oppressed and persecuted people. Because of this, Lyndon’s father received threats against him from the Ku Klux Klan. We should also note the role of Lyndon Johnson’s encirclement at the dawn of his political career. A number of prominent American Zionists stood out in this encirclement. In addition, the life attitudes and values of the future 36th US president coincided with the philosophy and experience of the founders of the State of Israel, from side of its leaders as well as from the side of ordinary citizens, soldiers and farmers. Being raised on the Texas frontier and admired for examples of bravery and courage, Johnson felt justified in Israel’s willingness to use force at any moment. Lyndon Johnson’s words and deeds were never at variance. He personally took part in saving the lives of Jewish refugees from Nazi-occupied Europe. Though, their number, apparently, was not as large as it is sometimes presented in publicist and even historical papers.
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Alentieva, Tatiana. "Visual Propaganda in the American Civil War of 1861–1865." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 2 (April 2022): 21–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2022.2.2.
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Introduction. The article analyzes visual propaganda during the American Civil War, its goals, methods, and means for both belligerents. The problem is relevant in connection with modern information wars and is insufficiently studied in American and Russian historiography. Methods and materials. The research is based on historicism, objectivity, consistency, dialectical approach, philosophical and sociological theories that study the nature of social consciousness and the factors that influence it, namely the theory of C. Jung on the collective unconscious and archetypal images, the theory of social constructionism by P. Berger and N. Luckmann, the achievements of imagology and discursive analysis. The sources for the study were visual materials: posters, drawings, paintings, cartoons, photographs of the Civil War in the United States, placed in open access on the World Wide Web, published in illustrated periodicals: Harper’s Weekly, Frank Leslie’s Illustrated, Vanity Fair, The Southern Illustrated News, presented in book publications. Analysis. During the American Civil War, the country was split between northerners, supporters of the Union, and southerners who fought for the independence of the Confederate States. In the conditions of a military conflict, visual propaganda turned out to be most popular and effective. Its goal was to convince the warring parties of the rightness of their own cause, to mobilize society on achieving victory. In the North, the image of the enemy – “Johnny the rebel” – was constructed in order to incite hatred towards the southerners. In the South, the image of the “damned Yankee” was created. Both northern and southern visual propaganda relied on time-tested images (the image of the motherland, the warrior-defender, home and family), as well as on the collective unconscious and archetypes of consciousness associated with religious views and historical roots, used a variety of tools, techniques and methods. The most powerful means of influence were the traditions of the War of Independence, the legacy of the Founding Fathers. The use of national symbols was characteristic: Union and Confederate flags, images of presidents and military leaders. The most common means of visual propaganda were posters and leaflets, postal envelopes, banknotes decorated with patriotic symbols. Drawings and cartoons were an important means of mobilizing the population. They were placed in illustrated newspapers and magazines, and were also printed separately in the form of engravings and lithographs. Visual propaganda played on emotions, it was built on the opposition of “friend/ foe”, depicting its supporters as heroes worthy of admiration, and its enemies as insidious, cruel and cowardly. Results. Despite certain similarities in the conduct of propaganda by both warring parties, it turned out to be more comprehensive and effective in the North, which influenced the achievement of victory over the South. Key words: U.S. history, the Civil War of 1861–1865, visual propaganda, the “friend/foe” dichotomy, imagology.
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Gilbert, Robert E. "The impact of presidential illness on the administration of Dwight D. Eisenhower." Politics and the Life Sciences 31, no. 1-2 (2012): 16–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0730938400014234.
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In March 2008, I published an article in this journal that examined the ways in which the White House managed the news—and minimized the political impact—of Dwight D. Eisenhower's massive 1955 heart attack. In addition, the analysis explored the manner in which Eisenhower himself, in handling this issue, had brilliantly “manipulated his medical team, safeguarded his image, cajoled his staff, confused the press, managed his advisers, dominated his party, and ran a campaign that was virtually impossible for the opposition to counteract” (p. 18).1 This article expands on my previous work by considering the ways in which Eisenhower's ill health had significant public policy repercussions that went beyond the immediate political effects evaluated in 2008. These included the drawbacks associated with Eisenhower's concept of “Team Government,” a tragic war in the Middle East, a serious deterioration of the U.S. relationship with three very close allies and, finally, the beginnings of a presidentially led effort to add a much needed “presidential disability” amendment to the United States Constitution. These latter effects have been studied here through use of primary source materials located at the Dwight D. Eisenhower Presidential Library, commentaries written by Eisenhower himself, members of his family and other close associates and the voluminous secondary literature that has appeared over the years focusing on the Eisenhower presidency.
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Wright, Robert E. "The First Phase of the Empire State’s “Triple Transition”: Banks’ Influence on the Market, Democracy, and Federalism in New York, 1776–1838." Social Science History 21, no. 4 (1997): 521–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200017831.
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The story usually goes something like this: Colonial Americans lived in a world very different from that of the generation that fought the Civil War. Locals wielded the tools of government most of the time; rarely did distant officials attempt control, and when they did they were usually roundly rebuffed. Politicians “stood” for positions of honor rather than “running” for lucrative posts. A man’s surname was a crucial determinant of his socioeconomic well-being. Artisans and yeomen deferred to gentlemen. Barter predominated as little “cash” circulated. Custom and family, not market forces, dictated the allocation of credit. Change of all types occurred slowly. By Martin Van Buren’s presidency some threescore years later, America was a very different place. Though still evolving, the United States exuded modernity, at least in its general outlines. Politicians and bureaucrats in state capitals, and even Washington, increasingly affected Americans’ everyday lives. Party politics and patronage took on increased importance as plutocrats plied for patronage posts. A man’s bank account meant more than his lineage. Gentlemen feared the artisans and yeomen they once easily ruled. Cash was abundant, and the market determined most access to credit. Societal conditions changed apace. Generally speaking, over these decades America is described as becoming less “aristocratic” and “mercantile,” or even “feudal,” and more “democratic” and “capitalist.”
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Gilbert, Robert E. "The impact of presidential illness on the administration of Dwight D. Eisenhower." Politics and the Life Sciences 31, no. 1-2 (2012): 16–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.2990/31_1-2_16.
Full textAbstract:
In March 2008, I published an article in this journal that examined the ways in which the White House managed the news—and minimized the political impact—of Dwight D. Eisenhower's massive 1955 heart attack. In addition, the analysis explored the manner in which Eisenhower himself, in handling this issue, had brilliantly “manipulated his medical team, safeguarded his image, cajoled his staff, confused the press, managed his advisers, dominated his party, and ran a campaign that was virtually impossible for the opposition to counteract” (p. 18).1This article expands on my previous work by considering the ways in which Eisenhower's ill health had significant public policy repercussions that went beyond the immediate political effects evaluated in 2008. These included the drawbacks associated with Eisenhower's concept of “Team Government,” a tragic war in the Middle East, a serious deterioration of the U.S. relationship with three very close allies and, finally, the beginnings of a presidentially led effort to add a much needed “presidential disability” amendment to the United States Constitution. These latter effects have been studied here through use of primary source materials located at the Dwight D. Eisenhower Presidential Library, commentaries written by Eisenhower himself, members of his family and other close associates and the voluminous secondary literature that has appeared over the years focusing on the Eisenhower presidency.
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Dewey, John. "On the Uses of Former United States Presidents 2." American Journal of Economics and Sociology 50, no. 2 (April 1991): 142. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1536-7150.1991.tb03319.x.
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Lustig, Lawrence R., Andrew Spector, Lanny G. Close, C. Robert Pettit, Robert J. Ruben, and John W. House. "Presidential Problems: Otolaryngologic Disorders of the United States Presidents." Otolaryngology–Head and Neck Surgery 139, no. 2_suppl (August 2008): P22—P23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.otohns.2008.05.075.
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Sonn, Tamara. "Mumtaz Ahmad." American Journal of Islam and Society 33, no. 3 (July 1, 2016): 95–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v33i3.919.
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Wise, kind, humorous, humble, profoundly honorable and dignified– these are just some of the words that describe our beloved MumtazAhmad, whose passing we mourn. A great scholar, mentor, friend,and family man, he will be missed by the countless people whoselives he influenced. I feel honored to count myself among them.With degrees in economics, Islamic studies, and developmentadministration, and a Ph.D. in political science from the Universityof Chicago, Ahmad published eight books. His most recent is Observingthe Observer: The State of Islamic Studies in American Universities(Herndon, VA: International Institute of Islamic Thought,2012). Bringing together a stellar array of scholars, this book is particularlyprescient in stressing the importance of the responsiblestudy of Islam in a country whose policies so deeply impact Muslims.He also published dozens of articles and chapters, and deliveredhundreds of lectures throughout his native Pakistan and NorthAmerica, as well as Europe, the Middle East, Africa, South andSoutheast Asia.He served as president of the Association of Muslim Social Scientistsas well as the South Asian Muslims Studies Association. Inaddition, he served on numerous editorial boards, was editor of Studiesin Contemporary Islam, and associate editor of the AmericanJournal of Islamic Social Sciences and the East-West Review. Hiswork was supported by grants from the Fulbright Foundation, theFord Foundation, the Pew Charitable Trust, the Center for Strategicand International Studies, the United States Institute of Peace, theNational Bureau of Asian Research, and the Brookings Institution,among others ...
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Smekhov, Leonid V. "COMMUNICATIVE PRACTICES OF THE PRESIDENTS OF THE UNITED STATES AND THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION 2000-2008." RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. Series Political Sciences. History. International Relations, no. 1 (2022): 99–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-6339-2022-1-99-108.
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The public communication practices of U.S. and Russian presidents are built on the basis of legal norms, political culture and established national traditions. The key genres of public communications of presidents in both the U.S. and Russia are: messages to parliaments, inaugural and crisis speeches, press conferences, and interviews. In the practice of the United States and Russia, the genres of messages and inaugural speeches practically coincide in this case. This is not coincidental, since the institution of the presidency in Russia is much younger and the key genres of public communications have been borrowed from Western practices. However, there are also certain specifics. In particular, the genre of crisis speeches is quite often used in the public communication practices of American presidents. In Russia, the practice of crisis speeches is used as a rhetorical tool of presidential communication much less frequently. The exceptions include presidential speeches about the most critical events; as a rule, they are broadcast on record. The know-how of presidential communication in Russia is the format of multihour direct lines with the president, which are broadcast by federal TV channels. The genre of press conferences is used by Russian presidents much more frequently. The rhetoric used by specific presidents adds to the peculiarity of their communication practices.
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Miller, Michael T. "The State of Faculty Involvement in Governance in the United States." International Research in Education 8, no. 2 (May 26, 2020): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/ire.v8i2.17096.
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The purpose of the study was to profile the state of faculty governance in US higher education. The survey was based the National Data Base on Faculty Involvement in Governance. Using a similar protocol, the study used survey research with a sample of research university faculty senate presidents. Results include a growing use of non-tenure track faculty and faculty with little senate experience being elected to lead senates. The presidents indicated that the skills most necessary to them are problem analysis, judgement, sensitivity, and oral/written communication skills. They perceived their primary task as developing a sense of direction for the senate, and the most critical issue they face is one of determining institutional priorities. The study was limited to only one type of institution (research-centered) in one country (the United States), and with a 38% response rate to the survey. A growing number of non-tenure track faculty have been identified as leading senates and that there is a group of ‘fast-track’ senators with limited experience being elected into leadership positions. This means that there may be significant changes in how shared governance is being socially constructed. The study re-establishes the annual survey of faculty senate leaders, and longitudinal data will be critical in determining the future of faculty senates. Findings have immediacy in helping senate presidents and administrators understand the changing role of senates, how they see themselves, and what they value.
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Blumin, Stuart M. "The Center Cannot Hold: Historians and the Suburbs." Journal of Policy History 2, no. 1 (January 1990): 118–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898030600006874.
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In 1962 Sam Bass Warner, Jr., published an important book about suburbanization in late nineteenth-century Boston. Like most influential books, it was timely in its subject, and Warner's scholarly study might be supposed to have built upon the interest that was being generated by numerous popular analyses of contemporary suburbanization and suburban life in post—World War II America. One can indeed find in Streetcar Suburbs the same fundamental preoccupation with the shallowness of communal life and similar diagnoses of the sprawl of single-family homes in homogeneous and militantly residential areas on the periphery of the city, as one finds in say, William H. Whyte's 1956 critique, The Organization Man.' Yet Warner's book was not part of, and did not initiate, a new genre of historical suburban studies. Instead, it served as one of the essential founding texts of what came to be known as the “new urban history”—a large number of scholarly attempts to examine the character and structure of life at the center of the developing big cities of industrializing America. Not the “crabgrass frontier” but the “urban frontier” defined the territory of historical adventure during the 1960s. The metaphor is not, and was not then, entirely an academic one. In 1961 the new President of the United States had called for a “new frontier” of public initiative, and planner Charles Abrams helped his immediate successor expand and locate that initiative with his book, The City Is the Frontier. Without entirely losing interest in the suburbs, scholars, policymakers, and citizens of various kinds suddenly realized the importance of understanding the city and its history.