Relevant bibliographies by topics / Presidents, united states, paramours / Journal articles
To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Presidents, united states, paramours.

Journal articles on the topic 'Presidents, united states, paramours'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 31 July 2024

Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles

Select a source type:

Consult the top 50 journal articles for your research on the topic 'Presidents, united states, paramours.'

Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.

You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.

Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.

1

Matsulevich, Evgeniya. "Continuity and Novelty in the Policy of George W. Bush in regard to Post Soviet Integration (2001–2005)." Metamorphoses of history, no. 23 (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.37490/mh2022234.

Full text
Abstract:
The status of the winner in the Cold War, the overcoming of the socio-economic crisis in the country, the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001 led to the active foreign policy of George W. Bush in various regions of the world. The article considers the main features of the policy of George W. Bush in regard to post-Soviet integration, their connection with the approaches of George H. W. Bush and W. Clinton. Washington's position went through the stages of complete but cautious acceptance under George H. W. Bush, approval only of economic integration under W. Clinton, non-acceptance under George W. Bush, which was associated with the assessment of initiatives as political (Russia's intention to dominate the region). With the Russian Federation George W. Bush used the approach of George H. W. Bush and W. Clinton: it is necessary to make Russia the «engine» of democracy in the region, but not only through reforms, but also through Western structures, primarily NATO. If democratic change was the criterion for the United States assistance and friendly relations with the newly independent states in the 1990s, then under George W. Bush such an indicator was the intention of a country to fight terrorism. This context was developed from the idea of W. Clinton «only surrounded by democracies will democracy survive in the United States». After the September 11 attacks the attention of the United States to the Central Asian republics of the former USSR increased. George W. Bush continued to develop the integration project that originated under W. Clinton – the Organization for Democracy and Economic Development (GUAM). In that way, the main difference between the foreign policy of George W. Bush from the George H. W. Bush and W. Clinton became its activity and interventionist character. There is a conceptually new discourse regard to the post-Soviet space and integration processes in the region, but the strategy was based on concepts that originated under the 41st and 42nd US presidents. After the September 11, 2001 attacks Washington's attention in the post-Soviet region focused on the Central Asian countries and Russian-American relations, and the fight against terrorism became a tool and justification for a selective approach in relations with other states. The United States continued to support the idea of democratic messianism, despite the paramount importance of military operations in Afghanistan and the Middle East, continued to monitor reforms in the former Soviet republics and the regional situation, sharply criticizing integration projects that would strengthen Russia's position. In the early 2000s even economic integration began to be seen as political projects that do not meet the interests of the United States. George W. Bush supported the ideas of George H. W. Bush and W. Clinton according to which the newly independent states must be integrated into the Western community through such structures as NATO and the WTO, and the American integration project – GUAM was preserved. First of all, Russia should have been included in the Western structures, after which, due to its geopolitical influence in the region, the rest of the countries should have followed.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
2

Carlson, Eric R., and Sanjay P. Reddi. "Oral cancer and United States presidents." Journal of Oral and Maxillofacial Surgery 60, no. 2 (February 2002): 190–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1053/s0278-2391(02)86097-9.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
3

Jones, Jeffrey M., and Joni L. Jones. "Presidential Stroke: United States Presidents and Cerebrovascular Disease." CNS Spectrums 11, no. 9 (September 2006): 674–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1092852900014760.

Full text
Abstract:
ABSTRACTIn the United States, more individuals suffer disability from stroke than from any other disease, and as many as 11 of the 43 presidents have been affected. In this article, the authors review the cases of the United States presidents who have had strokes, some of which have occurred while the president was in office, having a direct effect on the country.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
4

Carpenter, Dick M. "Presidents of the United States on Leadership." Leadership 3, no. 3 (August 2007): 251–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1742715007079307.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
5

R. Yengibaryan. "Presidents of the United States: The Personal Dimension." International Affairs 64, no. 003 (June 30, 2018): 57–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.21557/iaf.51401250.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
6

Kwiatkowska, Barbara. "The Law of the Sea Related Cases in the International Court of Justice during the Presidency of Judge Stephen M. Schwebel (1997-2000)." International Journal of Marine and Coastal Law 16, no. 1 (2001): 1–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157180801x00018.

Full text
Abstract:
AbstractThis article explores the unique role of the ICJ as the principal judicial organ of the United Nations in the development of the law of the sea as part of the global system of peace and security, during the Presidency of Judge Stephen M. Schwebel (United States) in the busiest triennium in the Court's history (1997-2000). The new style of governance brought by President Schwebel to the Court is appraised against the background of an "intrinsic" authority and paramount functions performed by the ICJ as the world's most senior international court and the only truly universal judicial body of general jurisdiction, as well as that of the continuously inter-active influence of the Court and the International Law Commission. The article surveys the law-of-the-sea-related cases of the Court in the context of an ongoing follow-up to the Overall Review and Appraisal of the UNCED Agenda 21 in the critical areas of environmental protection, international fisheries and navigation, equitable maritime delimitation and territorial questions, and international institutions. The inaugural practice of ITLOS and the awards of the two Arbitral Tribunals, of which President Schwebel was a member, are taken into due account. The article concludes that the Court will undoubtedly continue to further explore its unique role, as importantly reinforced in the triennium 1997-2000, in the years to come.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
7

Millett, Richard L. "The United States and Latin America’s Armed Forces: A Troubled Relationship." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 39, no. 1 (1997): 121–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/166500.

Full text
Abstract:
When Commodore David Porter resigned from the US Navy to accept the post of commander-in-chief of Mexico’s nascent naval forces, he began a tradition of US involvement with Latin American armed forces that has endured to the present day. Porter’s decision was supported by President John Quincy Adams, who hoped that it would both strengthen the US influence in Mexico and act as a curb on possible Mexican efforts to seize Cuba, a prize which the president coveted himself (for details, see Long, 1970). These objectives signaled another enduring heritage: efforts by the United States to use ties with Latin American military institutions to promote agendas that were frequently unrelated to, or even at variance with, national interests in Latin America. This would be especially true whenever the United States perceived itself as competing with other nations for influence in the region. In 1826, the rival was Great Britain; in this century, it was first Germany and then the Soviet Union, but, in all cases, the bottom line was the same: a determination to make Washington’s influence paramount.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
8

Dewey, John. "On the Uses of Former United States Presidents 2." American Journal of Economics and Sociology 50, no. 2 (April 1991): 142. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1536-7150.1991.tb03319.x.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
9

Lustig, Lawrence R., Andrew Spector, Lanny G. Close, C. Robert Pettit, Robert J. Ruben, and John W. House. "Presidential Problems: Otolaryngologic Disorders of the United States Presidents." Otolaryngology–Head and Neck Surgery 139, no. 2_suppl (August 2008): P22—P23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.otohns.2008.05.075.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
10

Mendes, Pedro Emanuel. "The Dynamics of Change in United States Foreign Policy: Contexts, Leadership, and Hegemonic Legitimacy." Social Sciences 12, no. 10 (October 8, 2023): 560. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci12100560.

Full text
Abstract:
This article examines the dialectical relationship between continuity and change in the foreign policy of the United States, a hegemonic power. The article begins by exploring the agent–structure problem and the factors that affect changes in foreign policy and the legitimacy of hegemony. It compares the hegemonic leadership styles of three former United States Presidents: George W. Bush, Barack Obama, and Donald Trump. The article aims to contrast the foreign policy approaches of the three presidents and present two main arguments. In order to gain a comprehensive understanding of foreign policy, it is imperative to analyse dynamic components such as contextual factors and leadership. This includes the leaders’ worldviews and their ability to adapt to unanticipated crises. The gradual decline of the United States’ hegemony in the international order can be attributed to structural transformations within the international order and the erosion of its social capital and its role as hegemon. Yet, the leadership styles adopted by American presidents have a significant impact on the erosion of the nation’s hegemonic leadership.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
11

Smekhov, Leonid V. "COMMUNICATIVE PRACTICES OF THE PRESIDENTS OF THE UNITED STATES AND THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION 2000-2008." RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. Series Political Sciences. History. International Relations, no. 1 (2022): 99–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-6339-2022-1-99-108.

Full text
Abstract:
The public communication practices of U.S. and Russian presidents are built on the basis of legal norms, political culture and established national traditions. The key genres of public communications of presidents in both the U.S. and Russia are: messages to parliaments, inaugural and crisis speeches, press conferences, and interviews. In the practice of the United States and Russia, the genres of messages and inaugural speeches practically coincide in this case. This is not coincidental, since the institution of the presidency in Russia is much younger and the key genres of public communications have been borrowed from Western practices. However, there are also certain specifics. In particular, the genre of crisis speeches is quite often used in the public communication practices of American presidents. In Russia, the practice of crisis speeches is used as a rhetorical tool of presidential communication much less frequently. The exceptions include presidential speeches about the most critical events; as a rule, they are broadcast on record. The know-how of presidential communication in Russia is the format of multihour direct lines with the president, which are broadcast by federal TV channels. The genre of press conferences is used by Russian presidents much more frequently. The rhetoric used by specific presidents adds to the peculiarity of their communication practices.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
12

HUFBAUER, BENJAMIN. "Spotlights and Shadows: Presidents and Their Administrations in Presidential Museum Exhibits." Public Historian 28, no. 3 (January 1, 2006): 117–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/tph.2006.28.3.117.

Full text
Abstract:
Abstract: This article focuses on the museums in presidential libraries. Since 1940 the rise of the federal presidential library has transformed presidential memorialization by largely allowing presidents—initially, at least—to commemorate themselves. This has populated the landscape of public memory in the United States with a series of history museums that promote an expansive view of presidential power. These museums also attempt to elevate individual presidents into the civil religion of the United States. This article examines the largely celebratory accounts in some presidential libraries, and contrasts them with the Truman Library's more balanced and historically accurate approach.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
13

Miller, Michael T. "The State of Faculty Involvement in Governance in the United States." International Research in Education 8, no. 2 (May 26, 2020): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/ire.v8i2.17096.

Full text
Abstract:
The purpose of the study was to profile the state of faculty governance in US higher education. The survey was based the National Data Base on Faculty Involvement in Governance. Using a similar protocol, the study used survey research with a sample of research university faculty senate presidents. Results include a growing use of non-tenure track faculty and faculty with little senate experience being elected to lead senates. The presidents indicated that the skills most necessary to them are problem analysis, judgement, sensitivity, and oral/written communication skills. They perceived their primary task as developing a sense of direction for the senate, and the most critical issue they face is one of determining institutional priorities. The study was limited to only one type of institution (research-centered) in one country (the United States), and with a 38% response rate to the survey. A growing number of non-tenure track faculty have been identified as leading senates and that there is a group of ‘fast-track’ senators with limited experience being elected into leadership positions. This means that there may be significant changes in how shared governance is being socially constructed. The study re-establishes the annual survey of faculty senate leaders, and longitudinal data will be critical in determining the future of faculty senates. Findings have immediacy in helping senate presidents and administrators understand the changing role of senates, how they see themselves, and what they value.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
14

Merriam, Dan. "U.S. Presidents and their Geological Thinking." Compass: Earth Science Journal of Sigma Gamma Epsilon 84, no. 2 (April 17, 2012): 9–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.62879/c54450908.

Full text
Abstract:
A number of United States presidents had some experience in geological thought and investigations and keen interests in the environment. The first U.S. president, George Washington, was a land surveyor. Thomas Jefferson, the 3rd U.S. president, was a keen supporter of science and maintained an interest in paleontology, and played a key role in the development of American paleontology. Theodore Roosevelt, the 26th U.S. president, was a strong supporter of the national park service and was an influential naturalist. Herbert Hoover, the 31st U.S. president, was a Stanford University graduate with a degree in geology and mining – a true geologist/U.S. President. Hoover worked in the mining industry in the western United States, Australia, and China before moving into politics. Hoover lectured on mining at both Columbia and Stanford Universities and his lectures were published in 1909 as Principles of Mining. In 1912, Hoover, with his wife Lou Henry, translated Agricola‟s De Re Metallica from Latin into English.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
15

Adrangi, Bahram, and Joseph Macri. "Does the Misery Index Influence a U.S. President’s Political Re-Election Prospects?" Journal of Risk and Financial Management 12, no. 1 (February 1, 2019): 22. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/jrfm12010022.

Full text
Abstract:
We seek to determine whether a United States President’s job approval rating is influenced by the Misery Index. This hypothesis is examined in two ways. First, we employ a nonlinear model that includes several macroeconomic variables: the current account deficit, exchange rate, unemployment, inflation, and mortgage rates. Second, we employ probit and logit regression models to calculate the probabilities of U.S. Presidents’ approval ratings to the Misery Index. The results suggest that Layton’s model does not perform well when adopted for the United States. Conversely, the probit and logit regression analysis suggests that the Misery Index significantly impacts the probability of the approval of U.S. Presidents’ performances.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
16

Feerick, John D. "Presidential inability: Filling in the gaps." Politics and the Life Sciences 33, no. 2 (2014): 11–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.2990/33_2_11.

Full text
Abstract:
This article focuses on potential gaps caused by the absence from the Twenty-Fifth Amendment of provisions to deal with the disability of a Vice President and the omission from the statutory line of succession law of provisions comparable to Sections 3 and 4 of the Twenty-Fifth Amendment for when there is an able Vice President. The analysis offers a critical review of the latent ambiguities in the succession provision to the United States Constitution, noting problems that have arisen from the time of the Constitutional Convention, to John Tyler's accession to office, to numerous disability crises that presented themselves throughout the twentieth century, to the present day. As the world becomes more complex and threats to the presidency more common, continued examination of our succession structure and its adequacy for establishing clear and effective presidential succession provisions under a broad range of circumstances is of paramount concern. This article embraces this robust discussion by offering some suggestions for improving the system in a way that does not require a constitutional amendment. The first part of the analysis traces the events that have driven the development of the nation's succession procedures. The second part examines the inadequacies, or “gaps,” that remain in the area of presidential inability, and the third part sets forth recommendations for resolving these gaps.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
17

Berger, Jane. "“There is tragedy on both sides of the layoffs:” Privatization and the Urban Crisis in Baltimore." International Labor and Working-Class History 71, no. 1 (2007): 29–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547907000324.

Full text
Abstract:
AbstractBy the 1960s, the urban crisis in the United States was well underway. Structural trans-formations in the postwar economy and accelerating deindustrialization contributed to high rates of unemployment in many cities in the nation's old industrial core. During the 1970s and 1980s, the urban crisis worsened. This article argues that the macroeconomic policies of Presidents Richard Nixon, Jimmy Carter, and Ronald Reagan fueled urban decline. Responding to the waning hegemony of the United States in the global economy as well as to a domestic corporate crisis of profitability, the presidents pursued macroeconomic agendas that prioritized the revitalization of American economic dominance. Macroeconomic policy decisions in combination with white-backlash pressures constrained the range of urban policies the presidents could pursue and often compelled privatization. The federal-level decisionmaking had devastating consequences in Baltimore, Maryland, the city discussed in this article. The macroeconomic and urban policies had racialized and gendered outcomes that plunged the city into the most acute phase of the urban crisis.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
18

Galbraith, Jean. "The President's Power to Withdraw the United States from International Agreements at Present and in the Future." AJIL Unbound 111 (2017): 445–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/aju.2017.99.

Full text
Abstract:
An uneasy equilibrium exists with respect to how the United States exits international agreements. In general, exit is easy as a matter of legal doctrine but, for important agreements, difficult as a matter of political practice. While presidents can withdraw the United States from most major international agreements, they have done so only rarely—and never yet with deep costs to the stability of our world order.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
19

Rothschild, Amanda J. "Rousing a Response: When the United States Changes Policy toward Mass Killing." International Security 42, no. 2 (November 2017): 120–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00295.

Full text
Abstract:
When do U.S. presidents change policy to respond with increased intensity to mass killings of civilians in other countries? The twentieth century witnessed a series of state-sponsored mass killings in a variety of regions around the world. Conventional arguments suggest that although the United States has the capability of responding to such atrocities, it often fails to do so because of a lack of political will for action. Historical evidence suggests, however, that although the modal response of the United States is inaction, at times U.S. presidents reverse course to respond more forcefully to mass killings. Three factors explain when and why these policy shifts happen: the level at which dissent occurs within the U.S. government, the degree of congressional pressure for policy change, and the extent to which the case of mass killing poses a political liability for the president. President Franklin D. Roosevelt's creation of the War Refugee Board in 1944 during the Holocaust supports this theory.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
20

DeSoto, K. Andrew, and Henry L. Roediger. "Remembering the Presidents." Current Directions in Psychological Science 28, no. 2 (January 29, 2019): 138–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0963721418815685.

Full text
Abstract:
Here we report research on how important historical figures—presidents of the United States—are remembered and forgotten. When students are given 5 min to recall presidents (in order, if possible), they remember the first few, the most recent, and Lincoln and his immediate successors better than the rest. When this study is done over time, a regular forgetting curve appears, allowing us to assess the rate of forgetting for more recent presidents. Some presidents (e.g., Kennedy) are being forgotten more slowly than others (e.g., Truman). People are more accurate in recognizing presidents than in recalling them, but they also show interesting false recognitions, identifying people such as Alexander Hamilton as a former president. Together, these studies provide a window into how groups of people remember salient figures from their group’s past: its leaders. They also show that the effects derived from studying artificial materials in the lab may generalize more widely to other material with a different type of memory test.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
21

Lawson, Fred H. "Kings and Presidents: Saudi Arabia and the United States since FDR." Journal of Arabian Studies 10, no. 2 (July 2, 2020): 326–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21534764.2020.1861695.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
22

Monks, James. "Job turnover among university presidents in the United States of America." Journal of Higher Education Policy and Management 34, no. 2 (April 2012): 139–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1360080x.2012.662739.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
23

Al-Rasheed, Madawi. "Kings and Presidents: Saudi Arabia and the United States since FDR." Middle Eastern Studies 55, no. 3 (November 13, 2018): 475–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00263206.2018.1505196.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
24

Mabon, Simon. "Kings and Presidents: Saudi Arabia and the United States since FDR." British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies 45, no. 5 (July 18, 2018): 867–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13530194.2018.1496718.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
25

Barnes, Bailey D. "The Genocide Convention and Presidential Priorities, 1948–1988." Genocide Studies International 14, no. 2 (May 31, 2023): 157–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/gsi-2021-0012.

Full text
Abstract:
From 1948 to 1988, the United States failed to ratify and implement the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide (Genocide Convention). In total, seven presidential administrations neglected to expend the necessary political capital to secure the Genocide Convention's passage. This article is the first comprehensive study of the presidential actions—and, more aptly, inactions—on the long road to ratification. Ultimately, of the seven presidents who failed to procure the Convention's ratification by the Senate, only three even sought the Senate's advice and consent on the important international accord, and in all cases, the presidents did so while working to ensure the act did not harm their broader legislative and foreign policy agendas. Ultimately, President Ronald Reagan oversaw the Convention's ratification, though he did so in response to the threat of a public relations disaster that his administration believed the ratification would help avert. Studying the motivations of these eight presidents deepens our understanding of why it took the United States 40 years to finally adopt the Genocide Convention.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
26

Yengibaryan, R. V. "US Presidents: Personal Dimension." Journal of Law and Administration, no. 1 (July 28, 2018): 3–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2073-8420-2018-1-46-3-13.

Full text
Abstract:
Introduction. The personality of any US president due to his enormous constitutional authority and the place in the government structure of the country has always been considered extremely significant, even if in reality he did not quite measure up to the high moral and political criteria that both voters and the international community wanted him to meet.Materials and methods. Various scientific methods such as comparative-legal, systemic and a number of others form the methodological and research basis of the article.Results of the study. The US President, who is also the head of the Federal Government, the Commander-in-Chief of the Army and the US Navy is not only the first executive person of the country, but also the leader of one of the two leading political parties with enormous political and moral impact on the whole country, and the entire world community. During his term in office as President of the United States, all America and the whole world watch him on television, read and hear about him almost daily. To some extent he sets standards for men’s official fashion and behavior in society and in the family, he is a epitome of virtue and justice. How successful he is in this capacity is another question, but the fact is that the world community discusses his actions, words and behavior, wants to be like him or, on the contrary, criticizes him and does not agree with him, and this is an undeniable fact.Discussion and conclusion. With the date of the next presidential elections approaching and especially in the midst of the presidential campaign a large number of popular scientific and other publications are published in the United States and around the world on the institution of the US Presidency, its amazing stability and the ability to effectively lead the most dynamic branch of the three powers provided by the US Constitution the executive power.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
27

Frishman, William H., Franklin H. Zimmerman, and Robert G. Lerner. "Vascular and Heart Diseases in the Incumbent Presidents and Vice Presidents of the United States of America." Cardiology in Review 21, no. 1 (2013): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/crd.0b013e31827303b5.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
28

Ferrero, Christopher. "The Iran Narrative: The Ideational Context of US Foreign Policy Decision-Making toward the Islamic Republic of Iran." Iran and the Caucasus 17, no. 1 (2013): 41–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1573384x-20130105.

Full text
Abstract:
The United States and Iran have been estranged for over thirty years. Conventional wisdom in the US holds that Iran is chiefly responsible given its threatening actions and harsh rhetoric. Yet, between 1990 and 2003, Iran presented successive American presidents with opportunities for rapprochement. Each declined to fully seize the opportunity. Why? This article posits the causal significance of ideas and discourse in the United States. What the author calls the Iran Narrative is comprised of the vast collection of frames, myths, caricatures, news reports, “expert” analyses, and ideas that cohere and portray Iran as a uniquely evil, hostile, and irrational enemy of the United States. Domestic actors leverage the Narrative to increase the political costs and reduce the normative desirability of rapprochement with Iran. Perceptions of high political cost and low normative desirability dissuade American presidents from more actively pursuing engagement with Iran. In this article, the author tests the evidence for the existence of an Iran Narrative through a media content analysis and suggests that the Narrative has causal significance for policy decisions. Further explication of the Narrative is an interdisciplinary task that ought to leverage the tools of political science, psychology, anthropology, and other fields. The policy implications of the Iran Narrative are critical. If the Narrative does, indeed, constrain American presidents from taking bold risks for peace with Iran, then a fuller explication and deconstruction of the Iran Narrative is a necessary condition of rapprochement between Washington and Tehran.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
29

Sprengel, Mieczysław. "Political Relations of Australia with the United States: 2000–2017." International Studies. Interdisciplinary Political and Cultural Journal 23, no. 1 (July 15, 2019): 115–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1641-4233.23.08.

Full text
Abstract:
Relations between Australia and the United States have developed for long time notably during World War II. Over the following decades, cooperation has become more intense as Australians adopt many cultural patterns from the Americans. Australia declared and supported US presidents in military operations, which is why some have called Australia, America’s sheriff for working to stabilize this part of the world. One cannot overlook the personal arrangements between leaders that help shape the dynamic of deepening the mutual relations these two nations. Donald Trump’s personal interactions’ with the Prime Ministers of Australia play a significant role in this regard.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
30

Iordanova, V., and A. Ananev. "Comparative analysis of the trade policy of Barack Obama and Donald Trump." Mezhdunarodnaja jekonomika (The World Economics), no. 3 (March 1, 2020): 59–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/vne-04-2003-06.

Full text
Abstract:
The authors of this scientific article conducted a comparative analysis of the trade policy of US presidents Barack Obama and Donald Trump. The article states that the tightening of trade policy by the current President is counterproductive and has a serious impact not only on the economic development of the United States, but also on the entire world economy as a whole.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
31

CRAMER, ALEXANDER, and KENNETH CRAMER. "Identifying Families in C-SPAN's U.S. Presidential Ratings: 2000, 2009, and 2017." Michigan Academician 47, no. 2 (January 1, 2021): 136–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.7245/0026-2005-47.2.136.

Full text
Abstract:
ABSTRACT Since the inauguration of George Washington in 1789, the United States of America has seen the governance of some 44 individual presidents. Although such presidents share a variety of attributes, they still differ from one another on many others. Significantly, these traits may be used to construct distinct sets of “families” of presidents throughout American history. By comparatively analyzing data from experts on the U.S. presidency – in this case, the C-SPAN Presidential Historians Surveys from 2000, 2009, and 2017 – this article identifies a consistent set of six presidential families: the All Stars; the Conservative Visionaries; the Postwar Progressives; the Average Joes; the Forgettables; and the Regrettables. In situating these categories in history, this article argues that U.S. presidents can be accurately organized into cohesive, like-performing families whose constituents share a common set of criteria.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
32

Bullett, Maryann S. "Certification Requirements for Public School Speech-Language Pathologists in the United States." Language, Speech, and Hearing Services in Schools 16, no. 2 (April 1985): 124–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1044/0161-1461.1602.124.

Full text
Abstract:
A survey was conducted to determine the current minimum certification requirements in each state for the employment of speech/language pathologists in public school settings. Questionnaires requesting certification requirements were sent to state departments of education and presidents of state speech/language associations. The results indicate that the majority of the states and the District of Columbia require a bachelor's degree as the minimum degree for certification. Minimum clinical practicum hours and certification renewal criteria vary greatly from state to state.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
33

MERVIN, DAVID. "Presidents, Precedents and the Use of Military Force." Journal of American Studies 32, no. 3 (December 1998): 483–501. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875898005957.

Full text
Abstract:
In the late summer of 1996 Iraqi troops moved into the Kurdish “safe haven” in Northern Iraq, thereby triggering a crisis of national security for the United States. Unsurprisingly, this incident led to speculation in the media about the nature of President Clinton's response. Would he be able to meet this test of his leadership? What form would any military action take? Would it be strong enough, or would it be an overreaction? In the event, the president ordered two cruise missile strikes against Iraqi defence installations and substantially extended the no-fly zone in Southern Iraq set up after the Gulf War. These actions were the subject of debate in the United States Senate and, after some partisan wrangling, and a few rumbles of complaint about inadequate consultation, a non-binding resolution endorsing the missile strikes was approved by a vote of 96–1. But, as was noted by the press, “none of this really mattered because such ‘sense of the Senate’ resolutions have no binding effect and are largely ignored, even inside the Beltway.”What was striking about this incident was that throughout the crisis the United States Congress was little more than a bystander. Inevitably all eyes turned to the president. It was he and not the national legislature that became the focus of public and media attention. Does he have the mettle needed? What will he do, and will his actions be sufficient to deal with the situation? These were the sort of questions being debated on the talk shows and in the press. To put it bluntly, at this moment, there was little interest in what the legislature might say or do, the mighty Congress, at this point at least, was reduced to a role comparable, dare it be said, to that of the British House of Commons. The situation called for leadership and decisive action and no one was under any illusion that the legislature could provide either, only the president was in a position to meet these needs. When it comes to the making of foreign policy, and particularly when crises of national security arise, the president, it seems, is inevitably, the main player, the senior partner.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
34

Raj, Kirath. "The Presidents' Mental Health." American Journal of Law & Medicine 31, no. 4 (December 2005): 509–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009885880503100405.

Full text
Abstract:
Calvin Coolidge had a successful run in politics for over twenty years before ultimately becoming president of the United States in 1923. Throughout Coolidge's first term as president, he worked long, hard hours, was active in Congress, and maintained a strong relationship with the media. This changed, however, during the second term of his presidency. Less than a month after his second-term election, Coolidge's son died of blood poisoning. This traumatic event caused the President to enter into a deep depression. In his autobiography, Coolidge admitted that when his son died, the power and glory of the presidency went with him. His grief, which has since been coined pathological grief, had an effect on the President's mind, body and spirit. President Coolidge lost interest in his job and began sleeping fourteen hours a day, ultimately earning a reputation as one of the most ineffectual presidents ever to hold office. His depression rendered him incapable of making decisions, and as a result most of his duties were delegated to members of his Cabinet. Though the White House knew for four years that Coolidge's depression rendered him incompetent, he remained in office until the end of his second term.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
35

Rose, Mark H. "United States Bank Rescue Politics, 2008–2009: A Business Historian's View." Enterprise & Society 10, no. 4 (December 2009): 612–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1467222700008284.

Full text
Abstract:
First I describe my background in American historical scholarship. Thereafter, I assess the efforts of Presidents George W. Bush and Barack H. Obama and their senior advisors to stabilize American financial institutions during the period 2008–2009. My fundamental contention is that state actors such as Bush and Obama structured financial industries and markets. Despite the ubiquitous presence of these state actors, however, American business and political leaders maintained the fiction that state and business were, and properly ought to remain, separate entities. In Part III, I return to my scholarly background and to a proposed scaffolding for historical scholarship focused on the political economy of U.S. financial institutions since 1970.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
36

Karatayeva, Aigul Muratbayevna, and Dauren Bakhtybayuly Makhambetsaliyev. "CONSTITUTIONAL LEGAL REGULATION OF THE EXECUTIVE BRANCH IN THE UNITED STATES." Bulletin of the Institute of Legislation and Legal Information of the Republic of Kazakhstan 2, no. 69 (June 30, 2022): 175–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.52026/2788-5291_2022_69_2_175.

Full text
Abstract:
The American executive (presidential) government has long been interested in social sciences and has attracted the attention of researchers and the media. The U.S. Constitution describes the points of the U.S. government and the powers and restrictions that are granted to them. Article II sets out the tasks of the executive branch. Despite the lack of attention to the executive branch, historian Jack Rakoff called it the «most creative act» of the creators of the presidential post. In article II of the Constitution, the creators offered the world something completely new: power is the head of the executive branch, which comes from the people and not from heredity or power. However, the Constitution says little that the President will be as strong as today. The developers assumed that the legislature would be much more influential. Madison wrote that «it is rare if the executive power represented by us has sufficient power to resist the legislative power». Subsequently, it can be shown that the ability of the government to manage the legal power entrusted to it effectively depends on its ability to maintain the trust of the American people. The executive branch of the Federal Government of the United States is a large-scale, complex, and multi-level organization consisting of thousands of human components from different walks of life and adhering to other personal value systems. The surprisingly short section of the Constitution (Article II), which establishes the powers and duties of the President, leaves a wide range of influences that presidents can flexibly interpret. (Not surprisingly, presidents do this in their favor). Often, the powers of the President are not spelled out in Article II but reflect the norms developed over two centuries of history.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
37

Schmitt, Catherine. "How the Presidents Ate Their Salmon." Gastronomica 13, no. 4 (2013): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/gfc.2013.13.4.1.

Full text
Abstract:
Between 1912 and 1992, recreational anglers on the Penobscot River in Maine carried on the annual tradition of giving the first Atlantic salmon caught each spring to the President of the United States. Local anglers maintained cultural traditions of catching and eating salmon, keeping them in the social memory of the region. Each president’s receipt and consumption of the first fish retained a national memory of Atlantic salmon as food, a memory that otherwise may have faded due to the decline of Atlantic salmon populations. At the same time, the annual gift of the Presidential Salmon revealed how local populations of food fish were affected by national policies regarding energy, industrial water use, and pollution. Today, the Presidential Salmon has implications for current restoration efforts on the Penobscot and other rivers across the globe.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
38

Wayne, Stephen J. "Presidents and Prime Ministers: Conviction Politics in the Anglo-American Tradition. By Patricia Lee Sykes. Lawrence: University of Kansas Press, 2000. 399p. $45.00." American Political Science Review 95, no. 2 (June 2001): 526. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055401872026.

Full text
Abstract:
In the Stephen Skowronek tradition of leadership studies (The Politics Presidents Make, 1993), Patricia Lee Sykes makes an important substantive and methodological contri- bution with her cross-national comparison of conviction politicians in the United States and the United Kingdom. She begins with a topology that dichotomizes two basic leadership styles: conviction and consensus. She carefully defines these on the basis of their goals and strategies and the external conditions that facilitate them.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
39

CHO, JAEHYUN. "A study on the executive orders of the Presidents of the United States." DONG-A LAW REVIEW 94 (February 28, 2022): 33–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.31839/dalr.2022.02.94.33.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
40

JOHNSON, LOCH K. "The Contemporary Presidency: Presidents, Lawmakers, and Spies: Intelligence Accountability in the United States." Presidential Studies Quarterly 34, no. 4 (December 2004): 828–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1741-5705.2004.00226.x.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
41

Clinton, Joshua D., Anthony Bertelli, Christian R. Grose, David E. Lewis, and David C. Nixon. "Separated Powers in the United States: The Ideology of Agencies, Presidents, and Congress." American Journal of Political Science 56, no. 2 (November 21, 2011): 341–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-5907.2011.00559.x.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
42

Alzubaedi, Dr Hasan Hadi. "The influence of religion on the presidents of the United States of America." International and Political Journal, no. 55 (June 1, 2023): 397–424. http://dx.doi.org/10.31272/ipj.i55.181.

Full text
Abstract:
Every person has something in which he believes. These beliefs have an impact on his life, whether it is a heavenly or an earthly religion. Even those who believe that nature is in charge believe that it has an impact on their lives. This is similar to the impact of different religions on domestic and foreign policy trends and visions. Different sects of the same religion have different effects on political ideas. For example, Protestantism has a greater influence on elites than Catholicism. When studying Western political ideas, certain things become clear. Taking the United States as an example, religion plays a significant role in shaping political life. Religion is prominent in electoral campaigns, as well as decisions made by these presidents based on their ideological beliefs derived from their religious beliefs
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
43

Tuna, Tülin. "The Middle East Policy of America during the Cold War." International Journal of Human Resource Studies 2, no. 2 (June 2, 2012): 84. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/ijhrs.v2i2.1887.

Full text
Abstract:
Abstract This article aims to explain the Middle East policy of America during the cold war. The structure of international politics has changed after World War II. Two new powers, the United States of America and the Soviet Russia, have dominated the world politics. In this period, the Middle East was of great importance for the United States economically, politically and strategically. The United States has been struggling to prevent a power threatening the interests of the West from controlling or dominating the Middle East. Especially in the period after 1945, it has been responsive to the Soviet Union’s developing control or influence over the region. In the present article, the importance of the Middle East for the United States is going to be emphasized first. Then, the doctrines called by the names of the US presidents and some conflicts and depressions experienced in this period are going to be discussed. Key Words: the Middle East policy of USA, the Cold War, Doctrines.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
44

GRIN, Gilles. "The United States and the EC from 1985 to 1992." Journal of European Integration History 30, no. 1 (2024): 81–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0947-9511-2024-1-81.

Full text
Abstract:
This article examines American positions on the Internal Market Completion Program initiated in 1985 by the European Community. This eight-year program lasted until the end of 1992. The positions of experts, business representatives, the media, Congress and the administrations of Presidents Ronald Reagan and George H.W. Bush are presented. We discover the ignorance of the European project on the other side of the Atlantic until 1988, then the acute fear of the creation of a “Fortress Europe” and the major political change brought about by the arrival of George H.W. Bush at the head of the United States in January 1989. From a mainly economic perception, the emphasis shifted to the link between “Europe 1992” and the future of NATO. The American objective was to maintain the Atlantic Alliance and its integrated military structure, whatever the cost, despite the end of the Cold War.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
45

Lewis, James B. "The United States Presidents and Their Wills Herbert R. Collins David B. Weaver Facts about the Presidents Joseph Nathan Kane." Cardozo Studies in Law and Literature 4, no. 1 (April 1992): 69–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/743435.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
46

Lewis, James B. ": The United States Presidents and Their Wills . Herbert R. Collins, David B. Weaver. ; Facts about the Presidents . Joseph Nathan Kane." Cardozo Studies in Law and Literature 4, no. 1 (April 1992): 69–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/lal.1992.4.1.02a00060.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
47

Lymar, Marharyta. "Transformations of the US European Policy in the 2nd Half of the 20th Century." American History & Politics Scientific edition, no. 8 (2019): 9–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2019.08.01.

Full text
Abstract:
The article deals with the European aspects of the US foreign policy in the 2nd half of the 20th century. It also includes studies of the transatlantic relations of the described period and the exploration of an American influence on European integration processes. It is determined that the United States has demonstrated itself as a partner of the Western governments in the post-war reconstruction and further creation of an area of US security and prosperity. At the same time, it is noted that the American presidents have differently shaped their administrations’ policies towards Europe. The greatest supporter of the European integration processes was President Eisenhower. Among other things, the US President believed that Europe would become a key ally of the United States, thus, he considered the union of Sweden, Greece, Spain and Yugoslavia as a solid foundation for building a “United States of Europe”. After Eisenhower administration, European affairs, to a lesser extent, were taken up by such Presidents as Johnson, Carter, Reagan and Clinton. Showing no personal interest, Kennedy, Nixon and Bush-Sr. were forced to support the transatlantic dialogue, understanding the inevitability of European integration and the need for the United States to cooperate with the new consolidated actor. The United States aimed to strengthen its position in the European space, moving to that purpose by using NATO mechanisms and applying the policies of American protectionism against the communist threat. The main competitor of the United States for strengthening national positions in Europe was France led by General de Gaulle, who believed that the affairs of Europe should be resolved by European governments without the American intervention. However, NATO continued to serve as a springboard for the U.S. involvement in European affairs. At the end of the 20th century, through the close links between the EU and NATO, the USA received new allies from Central and Eastern European countries. It is concluded that after the end of World War II, Europe needed an assistance that the United States willingly provided in exchange for the ability to participate in European issues, solving and partly controlling the integration processes. The study found that, despite the varying degree of the American interest in transatlantic affairs, Europe has consistently been remaining a zone of national interest for the United States.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
48

Farhang, Sean. "Legislative-Executive Conflict and Private Statutory Litigation in the United States: Evidence from Labor, Civil Rights, and Environmental Law." Law & Social Inquiry 37, no. 03 (2012): 657–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-4469.2011.01273.x.

Full text
Abstract:
Examining qualitative historical evidence from cases of federal regulation in the areas of labor, civil rights, and environmental policy, this article provides support for the hypothesis that divergence between legislative and executive preferences—a core and distinctive feature of the American constitutional order—creates an incentive for Congress to rely upon private lawsuits, as an alternative to administrative power, to achieve its regulatory goals. It also shows that this mechanism encouraging statutory mobilization of private litigants had been operative long before its powerful growth started in the late 1960s, that it operated in similar fashion with Republican legislators facing Democratic presidents and Democratic legislators facing Republican presidents, and that it remained a source of controversy and an active influence on congressional decision making throughout the half century covering the 1940s through the 1980s.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
49

Ikechukwu-Ibe, Chioma Juliet, Sopuruchi Christian Aboh, and Christopher Uchenna Agbedo. "Pragmatic Analysis of Presidential Campaign Manifestos of Muhammadu Buhari and Donald Trump." Theory and Practice in Language Studies 11, no. 8 (August 1, 2021): 952–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.17507/tpls.1108.11.

Full text
Abstract:
The study examines the presidential campaign manifestos of Presidents Muhammadu Buhari of the Federal Republic of Nigeria in 2015 and Donald Trump of the United States of America in 2016. Specifically, it sets out to analyse these presidents’ campaign speech promises on security using the cooperative principle, ascertain the conformity of their promises on job creation to the theory of cooperative principle. The study also sets out to examine the two presidents’ campaign promises on health care using the theory of cooperative principle. Using the secondary source as method of data collection, the analysis is based on one of the tenets of the Gricean (1975) Cooperative Principle- maxim of quality. The study, therefore, adopts Paul Grice’s (1975) Cooperative Principle (CP) as its theoretical framework. The findings of the study suggest that both Presidents Muhammadu Buhari and Donald Trump observed the conversational maxim of quality at some point in their presidential campaign speech promises on security, job creation and health care, but violated it at some other point. In all, the maxim of quality as a conversational rule was not fairly observed by both presidents in their presidential campaign manifestos in 2015 and 2016 respectively.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
50

Malkina, H., and M. Burdiuh. "POPULISM IN THE UNITED STATES: HOW DEMOCRACY OVERCOMES THE CHALLENGE." Actual Problems of International Relations, no. 151 (2022): 4–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/apmv.2022.151.1.4-9.

Full text
Abstract:
The article considers populism as a threat to democracy in the USA. It explains the causes and consequences of populism spread. The article describes the economic and cultural factors of the growth of populism, as well as analyzes approaches to the study of modern populism based on examples of political rhetoric in the United States. Left-wing and right-wing populism, as well as its main characteristics, are defined. The article describes how the populist political identity was formed in the United States by the efforts of both the Democratic and Republican parties. The populist political rhetoric of US Presidents F. Roosevelt, R. Reagan, D. Trump and other members of the American establishment is analyzed. The reason for the attractiveness of populism is explained, and its anti-pluralist and anti-liberal approaches are described in detail. In addition, the article notes that populism is part of the strategy of political forces to manipulate the electorate, and explains how democracy in the United States overcomes the populist challenge.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
You might also be interested in the bibliographies on the topic 'Presidents, united states, paramours' for other source types:
Dissertations / Theses Books
We offer discounts on all premium plans for authors whose works are included in thematic literature selections. Contact us to get a unique promo code!

To the bibliography