Log in

Relevant bibliographies by topics / Press and politics Argentina / Journal articles

To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Press and politics Argentina.

Journal articles on the topic 'Press and politics Argentina'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 6 February 2022

Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles

Select a source type:

Consult the top 50 journal articles for your research on the topic 'Press and politics Argentina.'

Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.

You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.

Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.

1

Santos, Tiago. "What is Anti-Literature?" Matlit Revista do Programa de Doutoramento em Materialidades da Literatura 7, no. 1 (2019): 267–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.14195/2182-8830_7-1_18.

Full text

Abstract:

Review of Adam Joseph Shellhorse, Anti-Literature: The Politics and Limits of Representation in Modern Brazil and Argentina, Pittsburg: University of Pittsburg Press, 2017. 258 pp. ISBN 978-0-8229-6447-6. DOI: https://doi.org/10.14195/2182-8830_7-1_18

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

2

Boudon, Lawrence. "State Formation and Democracy in Latin America, 1810–1900. By Fernando López-Alves. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2000. 295p. $49.95 cloth, $17.95 paper." American Political Science Review 96, no. 4 (2002): 856–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055402790461.

Full text

Abstract:

One of the most vexing questions posed over time by political scientists is: Why do democratic polities develop in some countries, but not in others? In his seminal work Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy (1986), still read today by most students of comparative politics, Barrington Moore strove to answer that question by examining the historical process in which commercial agriculture emerged in Britain, France, Germany, Russia, and China. In his book, Fernando López-Alves takes the framework that Moore provided and applies it to three countries in Latin America whose trajectories in the nineteenth century led to different polities and experiences with democracy—Argentina, Colombia, and Uruguay (he also makes brief reference to Paraguay and Venezuela as so-called control cases). While conceding the need for “further testing” (p. 220), he arrives at conclusions that differ significantly from Moore's, even though he does not attempt to dismiss that earlier work.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

3

Escudero, Carolina. "Recovered Media in Argentina: An Inclusive Digital Movement." International Journal of Innovative Science and Research Technology 5, no. 7 (2020): 1236–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.38124/ijisrt20jul636.

Full text

Abstract:

The basis for this paper is the recovered factories movement, which began in Argentina in 2001, and which has grown over the past decade to include media companies, transcending digital inequalities and turning them into opportunities for journalists and media outlets. Just like elsewhere, the situation for journalists in Argentina is precarious, with technological barriers increasing digital inequalities and a lack of respect for workers’ rights, particularly when political processes such as changes in government lead to new economic plans and market instability. This situation of great uncertainty for the press has given rise to a movement on the increase in recent years, known as “recuperated or recovered media” or “workers’ co-ops”. Between 2016 and 2017, at least six media outlets were recuperated by their workers after being closed down or abandoned by their owners, including La Nueva Mañana, in Córdoba; El Ciudadano of Rosario; La Portada, of Esquel; and the Tiempo Argentino newspaper and online news site Infonews, both based in Buenos Aires. Tiempo Argentino is the only national newspaper supported by its readership, contributing 70% of revenue, which has made it one of the few independent voices of dissent in Argentina at a time of high media concentration and domination. The Tiempo Argentino newspaper was one of the winners of the first Latin American Google News Initiative (GNI), illustrating how this movement has transcended politico-social difficulties and transformed digital inequalities into digital inclusion/opportunities. The GNI is an initiative that fosters innovation aiming to improve the sustainability of journalism in a digital era by developing open source software, so as to improve user experience on the Web and optimize internal management procedures for members. Once the software is finalized, the co-op will develop a prototype to be made available to other self-managed media outlets in order to strengthen their membership model. Hence, this exploratory study seeks to analyze the phenomenon of the recovered media in Argentina, focusing on the experience of Tiempo Argentino as the newspaper and its workers face a new digital challenge. At the end of 2001, Argentina’s political and economic crisis was the main theme in world news coverage. At this period and in response to the economic crisis, workers seized control of many abandoned factories. The rise of these “recuperated/recovered businesses”

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

4

Palermo, Silvana Alejandra. "En nombre del hogar proletario: Engendering the 1917 Great Railroad Strike in Argentina." Hispanic American Historical Review 93, no. 4 (2013): 585–620. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-2351647.

Full text

Abstract:

Abstract This article explores working-class families’ modes of collective action in Argentina’s first national railroad strike in 1917. While historical literature has largely focused on the role of railroad unions in labor politics, insufficient attention has been paid to community mobilization and family support in this labor protest. This study offers a fresh approach to this massive social conflict by reconstructing female public participation in its events. The study also takes gender as a category for analyzing the cultural meanings of sexual difference, which shaped both the political sociability of working-class families and their language of rights. Drawing on a variety of sources, such as trade-union journals, the left-wing press, major national newspapers, company documents, official records, and memoirs of labor militants, the essay contends that the great railroad strike was in essence a family enterprise. It represented a landmark in the making of the railwayman as the male breadwinner at the same time that it prompted an acknowledgment of working-class women’s rights in the public domain.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

5

Ablard, Jonathan D., and Ernesto Bohoslavsky. "Rumors, Pescado Podrido and Disinformation in Interwar Argentina." Journal of Social History 55, no. 1 (2021): 65–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jsh/shab043.

Full text

Abstract:

Abstract This article identifies how and why Argentine political rumors were created, spread, and legitimized by government officials, military officers and the press in the interwar years. In that period, the practice of what we now call “fake news”—known as pescado podrido (rotten fish) in Argentina for it poisons the one who hears or repeats it—became more common and took on international proportions. In Argentina, a variety of forces drove the increase in disinformation, including political instability, the rising (and later the banning) of the majoritarian Radical Party, elite anxiety about the threat of communism, and a long-lasting nationalist fear about the integrity of borders. Authorities and right-wing politicians were inclined to see any anti-government actions as linked to international communism and, in some cases, imaginary Jewish conspiracies. The article offers two case studies: One refers to the anti-Radical Party rumors, especially those spread in the days immediately before and after the coup d’état in 1930; and the other to a more generalized atmosphere of anti-communist inspired rumors and fake news in the interwar period. This article is based on research in government archives and newspaper collections in Patagonian cities, Buenos Aires, and Washington, D.C. Argentine official sources included records from the Ministry of the Interior, the Gobernación del Neuquén, President Agustín P. Justo’s papers and recently declassified army and navy documents.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

6

Levitsky, Steven. "Grassroots Expectations of Democracy and Economy: Argentina in Comparative Perspective. By Nancy R. Powers. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2001. 294p. $45.00 cloth, $19.95 paper." American Political Science Review 96, no. 3 (2002): 669–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055402820366.

Full text

Abstract:

As the recent political meltdowns in Venezuela and Argentina made clear, a vast gap persists between elite behavior and mass attitudes in much of Latin America. Scholarly understanding of this gap—and its political implications—would benefit from more fine-grained, yet theoretically informed, studies of nonelites. Nancy Powers's Grassroots Expectations of Democracy and Economy is one such study. Drawing on in-depth interviews with 41 residents of two lower-income neighborhoods in Argentina's federal capital, Powers examines how poor people understand their own interests. She argues that people experience poverty in vastly different ways, and this variation has important implications for political behavior. Thus, to understand how poor people view the relationship between their own material conditions and government policy, one must examine “the conditions themselves and how people live with them” (p. 33). This kind of inductive analysis has important and well-known limitations, particularly for studies—such as this one—based on a small sample size. Yet given how little we continue to know about the relationship between mass attitudes and macrolevel politics in Latin America, such a “bottom up” approach should be welcomed. To the extent that fine-grained inductive research generates insights that 1) are unlikely to emerge out of larger-n studies and 2) challenge or refine dominant theoretical assumptions, it can be extremely fruitful. This is the case with important sections of the book.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

7

Szusterman, Celia. "Austen Ivereigh, Catholicism and Politics in Argentina, 1810–1960 (Basingstoke: Macmillan Press, 1995), pp. xiii + 275, £45.00." Journal of Latin American Studies 28, no. 2 (1996): 515–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x0001316x.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

8

Garriga-López, Adriana M. "Patients of the State: The Politics of Waiting in Argentina. JavierAuyero, Durham: Duke University Press, 2012. 197 pp." Journal of Latin American and Caribbean Anthropology 17, no. 3 (2012): 534–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1935-4940.2012.01269.x.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

9

Goldstein, Ariel Alejandro. "The Press and Classical Populism in Argentina and Brazil." Latin American Perspectives 45, no. 3 (2018): 109–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x18767396.

Full text

Abstract:

Comparison of the policies vis-à-vis the press of the classical populist governments of Argentina and Brazil reveals that the populist elites came into conflict with traditional media elites over exclusionary views that modified the contours of the public sphere. Newspapers committed to liberal principles engaged in intransigent struggle with populism, and this struggle created opportunities for new entrepreneurs to form political alliances with these governments to expand their businesses. The relationship between these “mediatized populisms” and the new media entrepreneurs contributed to the patrimonialism that came to characterize the link between the media and Latin American states in subsequent years. Una comparación de las políticas relativas a la prensa por parte de los gobiernos populistas clásicos de Argentina y Brasil muestra que las élites populistas entraron en conflicto con las élites de los medios tradicionales. Dichas desavenencias fueron causadas por puntos de vista excluyentes que alteraban el contorno de la esfera pública. Los periódicos comprometidos con los principios liberales sostuvieron una lucha intransigente con el populismo, lucha que dio la oportunidad a nuevos empresarios de formar alianzas políticas con dichos gobiernos y expandir así sus negocios. La relación entre estos “populismos mediáticos” y los empresarios de los nuevos medios contribuyó al patrimonialismo que asumiría el vínculo entre dichos medios y los Estados latinoamericanos en años subsiguientes.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

10

Rubilar Luengo, Mauricio. "“La Prusia americana”: prensa argentina e imaginario internacional de Chile durante la Guerra del Pacífico (1879-1881)." Revista de Historia y Geografía, no. 33 (April 14, 2016): 83. http://dx.doi.org/10.29344/07194145.33.366.

Full text

Abstract:

ResumenLa prensa sudamericana, en particular la de Buenos Aires, tuvo un amplio y heterogéneo desarrollo en la segunda mitad del siglo XIX, resultado y expresión de diversas orientaciones políticas, caracterizándose por ser una prensa de opinión, doctrinaria, de trinchera y cada vez más informativa en virtud de los acontecimientos que marcaron el desarrollo de las sociedades latinoamericanas. Uno de esos eventos trascendentales a nivel regional fue la Guerra del Pacífico (1879-1883) que enfrentó a Chile contra la alianza de Perú y Bolivia. Este conflicto adquirió una importante dimensión internacional y generó un permanente interés informativo en la prensa argentina. Por consiguiente, el artículo tiene como objetivo caracterizar la actitud discursiva que adoptó parte de la prensa de Buenos Aires al momento de analizar y juzgar la conducta de Chile durante la Guerra del Pacífico. Planteamos la existencia de un “negativo imaginario internacional” que sematerializó en la formulación de un discurso periodístico que asignó a Chile y a los chilenos una conducta bélica “agresiva, expansionista y opuestaa los principios de la civilización”, la cual amenazaría potencialmente losintereses nacionales argentinos en el contexto de las disputas limítrofes entre ambos países.Palabras clave: Guerra del Pacífico; Argentina; Prensa; Opinión Pública“The american Prussia”: Argentinian press and international imaginary in Chile during the War of the Pacific (1879-1881)AbstractThe South American press, particularly in Buenos Aires, had a large and heterogeneous development in the second half of the Nineteenth Century, as a result and expression of different political persuasions, characterized by being a press of opinion, doctrinaire, of trench and increasingly informative under the events that marked the development of Latin American societies. One of those transcendent events at the regional level was the War of the Pacific (1879-1883) where Chile fought against Peru and Bolivia alliance. That conflict acquired an important international dimension and created a permanent information interest in Argentina press. Therefore, the article aims to characterize the discursive attitude adopted by part of the press of Buenos Aires at the time to analyze and judge the Chilean performance during the War of the Pacific. We propose the existence of an “international negative imaginary”, materialized in the formulation of a journalistic discourse that assigned to Chile and Chileans a war conduct that was “aggressive, expansionistand opposed to the principles of civilization”, which potentially threaten the national Argentine interests in the context of border disputes betweenthe two countries.Keywords: Pacific War; Argentina; press; public opinion“A Prussia americana”: imprensa argentina e imaginário internacional do Chile durante a Guerra do Pacífico (1879-1881)ResumoA imprensa sul-americana, particularmente Buenos Aires, teve um amplo e heterogêneo desenvolvimento na segunda meta de do século XIX, resultado e expressão das diversas orientações políticas, com a característica de ser uma imprensa de opinião, doutrinária e de trincheira, cada vez mais informativa em virtude dos acontecimentos que marcaram o desenvolvimento das sociedades latino-americanas. Um desses acontecimentos importantes a nível regional foi a Guerra do Pacífico (1879-1883) que enfrentou a Chile contra a aliança de Peru e Bolívia. Este conflito adquiriu uma dimensão internacional importante e gerou um permanente interesse informativo na imprensa argentina. Portanto, o artigo tem como objetivo caracterizar a atitude discursiva adotada pela imprensa de Buenos Aires ao momento de analisar e julgar aconduta do Chile durante a Guerra do Pacífico. Propomos a existência de um “negativo imaginário internacional” que se materializou na formulação de um discurso jornalístico que atribuiu ao Chile e aos chilenos uma conduta bélica “agressivo, expansionista e oposta aos princípios da civilização”, aqual poderia ameaçar os interesses nacionais argentinos no contexto das disputas fronteiriças entre os dois países.Palavras-chave: Guerra do Pacífico; Argentina; Imprensa; Opinião Pública

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

11

Bitar, Sebastián E. "Book Review: The Politics of Gay Marriage in Latin America: Argentina, Chile, and Mexico68.1456 DiezJordi — The Politics of Gay Marriage in Latin America: Argentina, Chile, and Mexico (Cambridge University Press, 2015). Latin American Politics and Society59(3), Fall 2017: 137–140." International Political Science Abstracts 68, no. 1 (2018): 144. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002083451806800164.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

12

Degiovanni, Fernando. "BRENDAN LANCTOT. Beyond Civilization and Barbarism: Culture and Politics in Postrevolutionary Argentina. Lewisburg: Bucknell University Press, 2014. 177 pp." Revista Canadiense de Estudios Hispánicos 38, no. 2 (2014): 397–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.18192/rceh.v38i2.1700.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

13

Breckenridge, Robert L. "Catholicism, and Politics in Argentina, 1810–1960. By Austin Ivereigh. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1995. xiv + 275 pp. $59.95." Church History 66, no. 2 (1997): 403–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3170733.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

14

Boudreau, Julie-Anne. "Javier Auyero 2012: Patients of the State: The Politics of Waiting in Argentina. Durham, NC and London: Duke University Press." International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 38, no. 2 (2014): 723–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2427.12150_5.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

15

DUBOIS, LINDSAY. "Patients of the State: The Politics of Waiting in Argentina. Javier Auyero. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2012. 196 pp." American Ethnologist 41, no. 4 (2014): 788–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/amet.12111_16.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

16

Karush, Matthew B. "Javier Auyero, Poor People's Politics: Peronist Survival Networks and the Legacy of Evita. Durham: Duke University Press, 2001. 296 pp. $64.95 cloth; $19.95 paper." International Labor and Working-Class History 65 (April 2004): 207–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547904340135.

Full text

Abstract:

During the early 1990s, Argentina's Peronist Party accomplished a political magic trick: under the leadership of President Carlos Menem, Peronism turned away from its traditional commitment to social justice and an activist state, embraced the free market and neoliberal reform, and yet maintained the electoral support of the majority of the poor. For many Argentine intellectuals, this trick was easy enough to explain. According to the conventional wisdom, poor people remained loyal to Peronism, despite their rapidly declining standard of living, either because they remained under the hypnotic spell of Juan and Evita or because they were bought off by clientelist politicians offering handouts. Javier Auyero's ethnography of Peronist politics in an impoverished shantytown on the outskirts of Buenos Aires challenges these simplistic explanations. This timely and important book reconceptualizes political clientelism, a crucial phenomenon within scholarship on Latin America and beyond, while making visible and intelligible a population that has been relegated to marginality both by socioeconomic realities and by academic discourse.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

17

Grauer, Ryan. "Moderating Diffusion: Military Bureaucratic Politics and the Implementation of German Doctrine in South America, 1885–1914." World Politics 67, no. 2 (2015): 268–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887115000027.

Full text

Abstract:

How do military ideas, and military doctrines in particular, spread through the international system? This article extends extant work on military diffusion by exploring why some states, after deciding to adopt another's innovative warfighting system, fail to implement it. The author argues that for states to successfully implement a military doctrine developed abroad, much information about the unobservable aspects of the warfighting system is needed. States vary in their capacity to acquire the necessary knowledge because they face differing levels of resistance to military diffusion within their armed forces. Powerful groups within the military that are opposed to such adoptions are likely to use their influence to press for policies and bureaucratic maneuvers that constrain information flows between innovating states and their own state and consequently inhibit implementation and diffusion of military doctrines. Therefore successful implementation of foreign military doctrines can be expected when states face minimal resistance within their militaries, and moderated or failed implementation can be expected when opposition is more significant. A provisional test of the argument is conducted through an assessment of Argentina, Brazil, and Chile's attempts to implement the German military doctrine at the turn of the twentieth century.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

18

Baker, Andy. "The Politics of Market Reform in Fragile Democracies: Argentina, Brazil, Peru, and VenezuelaThe Politics of Market Reform in Fragile Democracies: Argentina, Brazil, Peru, and Venezuela. By Kurt Weyland. (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2002. Pp. 336. $39.50.)." Journal of Politics 66, no. 2 (2004): 643–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022381600008471.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

19

Pion-Berlin, David. "The Politics of Human Rights in Argentina: Protest, Change, and Democratization. By Alison Brysk. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1994. 291p. $45.00." American Political Science Review 89, no. 3 (1995): 775–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2083027.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

20

Waisbord, Silvio R. "Knocking on Newsroom Doors: The Press and Political Scandals in Argentina." Political Communication 11, no. 1 (1994): 19–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10584609.1994.9963008.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

21

Mascioto, María de los Ángeles. "El pintor que escribe en un muro de papel: David Alfaro Siqueiros en la Revista Multicolor de los Sábados (1933)." Catedral Tomada. Revista de crítica literaria latinoamericana 6, no. 11 (2019): 149–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/ct/2018.337.

Full text

Abstract:

The article analyses David Alfaro Siqueiros participation in Revista Multicolor de los Sábados(Argentina). On the one hand, it studies the way this periodic publication apropriates and re-significate the predominant idea on Siqueiros Art Theory: take the art out of the museums to the street. On the other hand, this paper explores the way in which the literary production of the Mexican muralist overshadows his political proposal because of the conditions of mass press.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

22

MENDOZA, MARCOS. "The Social Life of Politics: Ethics, Kinship, and Union Activism in Argentina. Sian Lazar. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2017. 256 pp." American Ethnologist 45, no. 3 (2018): 424–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/amet.12681.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

23

Rivas Otero, José Manuel. "Mariela SZWARCBERG. Mobilizing Poor Voters. Machine Politics, Clientelism, and Social Networks in Argentina. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015. 175 pp. ISBN: 978-1-107-11408-1." América Latina Hoy 74 (February 12, 2017): 147–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.14201/alh.14684.

Full text

Abstract:

El clientelismo es un tema habitual en las investigaciones sobre América Latina que ha sido estudiado por diversas disciplinas y enfoques. El trabajo que aquí se presenta aborda este fenómeno desde la ciencia política y la teoría de los incentivos perversos, definiéndolo como una estrategia de movilización en la que los políticos solucionan o prometen solucionar los problemas de los votantes a cambio de su apoyo. Su objetivo de es explorar los mecanismos que explican la consolidación paralela del clientelismo y la democracia en Argentina mediante el análisis de redes, esto es, estudiando las relaciones entre punteros y votantes, y entre punteros y líderes políticos.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

24

Arrese, Ángel. "The role of economic journalism in political transitions." Journalism 18, no. 3 (2016): 368–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1464884915623172.

Full text

Abstract:

Due to its peculiar nature, the economic and financial press, throughout history, has had a particular liberty of action in times of tight media controls imposed by the authorities. Both the type of content that it spreads – technical information useful for markets and businesses – and its limited public visibility – with tiny, but influential, audiences – have facilitated this media’s carte blanche to influence elite public opinion in moments of profound political and economic change. This phenomenon can be analysed in some detail around the processes of the political transitions experienced in many authoritarian and totalitarian regimes in the last third of the 20th century. As discussed in this article, economic publications played an important role in changing the mindset of the ruling classes in Argentina, Spain, Russia, China and South Africa, before and after political changes, during times when freedom of the press was restricted for other media.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

25

North, Peter. "Auyero Javier Routine Politics and Violence in Argentina. The Gray Zone of State Power. [Cambridge Studies in Contentious Politics.] Cambridge University Press, Cambridge [etc.] 2007 xviii, 190 pp. £38.00; $70.00;." International Review of Social History 53, no. 03 (2008): 530. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859008003830.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

26

SAWERS, LARRY, and RAQUEL MASSACANE. "Structural Reform and Industrial Promotion in Argentina." Journal of Latin American Studies 33, no. 1 (2001): 101–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00005897.

Full text

Abstract:

This article is a case study that shows the difficulty and complexity of structural adjustment by examining in great detail the reform of a single programme, the promotion of industrial investment in the less developed regions of Argentina. The article describes how the programme grew after 1956 when industrial promotion was first implemented so the reader can fully understand its intricate complexity. The reform process is described in detail, from the time that officials first became aware that the program was costing several percent of GDP to the present. Changing the system was an elaborate process of thrust and parry and counterthrust by government reformers and entrenched supporters of the old regime. The Congress, the Supreme Court, provincial officials and various international institutions were all able to exert considerable influence over the pace and nature of reform. The reform effort also illustrates the role of a free press and public opinion. A cadre of economists working within the government and in private research institutes carried out an effective campaign to inform the public about the programme's excesses. The end result is a precarious and far from simple or transparent, though decidedly less expensive, set of compromises that pleases no one.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

27

Zuvekas, Clarence. "Frondizi and the Politics of Developmentalism in Argentina, 1955–1962. By Celia Szusterman. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1993. Pp. xiv, 318. $75.00." Journal of Economic History 54, no. 3 (1994): 710–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050700015254.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

28

DUMBRELL, J. "The politics of human rights in Argentina: Protest, change and democratization Brysk, Alison (1994), Stanford University Press (Stanford). xiii + 291 pp. $30.00 hbk." Bulletin of Latin American Research 15, no. 2 (1996): 270–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0261-3050(96)90054-6.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

29

FISHBURN, E. "S Kuhnheim Jill, Gender, Politics and Poetry in Twentieth Century Argentina, University Press of Florida, Oxford and New York (1996), p. x + 201." Bulletin of Latin American Research 17, no. 2 (1998): 242–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0261-3050(97)00095-8.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

30

Peinhardt, Clint. "Foreign and Domestic Investment in Argentina: The Politics of Privatized Infrastructure. By Alison E. Post. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2014. 266p. $110.00." Perspectives on Politics 14, no. 3 (2016): 933–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592716002668.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

31

Manfredi-Sánchez, Juan-Luis, Adriana Amado-Suárez, and Silvio Waisbord. "Presidential Twitter in the face of COVID-19: Between populism and pop politics." Comunicar 29, no. 66 (2021): 83–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.3916/c66-2021-07.

Full text

Abstract:

This paper analyses the use of Twitter as a presidential communication channel during the first few months of the COVID-19 crisis. The aim is to determine how four recently elected presidents (those of Spain, Argentina, Mexico and Brazil) managed their political communication, and to explore the thesis that they resorted to populist messages during the first months of their terms in office. Using a qualitative methodology and the XL Node tool to capture data, a comparative analysis was performed on the messages posted on their personal Twitter accounts during the first 20 weeks of 2020, classified in six categories: polarization; conspiracy; exaltation and leadership; personalisation and privacy; emotions and feelings; and media publicity. The results indicate that the four presidents share populist traits, but to a different extent. López Obrador and Bolsonaro display a more populist profile, with emotional appeals to the people and to their saving action as regards the implementation of health policies. Conversely, Alberto Fernández and Pedro Sánchez are more akin to the pop politician profile, posting photographs and media messages with a view to receiving press coverage. Both post tweets, based on values and historical events, aimed at their grassroots supporters. The main conclusion is that the pandemic has enhanced the presidential and personalist profiles of the four leaders, although their actions during the COVID-19 crisis were not necessarily in keeping with the populist paradigm. Thus, Sánchez and Bolsonaro implemented a health management communication strategy, while López Obrador and Fernández paid scant attention to health policy. El trabajo analiza el uso de Twitter como canal de comunicación presidencialista en el periodo inicial de la COVID-19. El objetivo es conocer el manejo de cuatro presidentes (España, Argentina, México y Brasil) y analizar la tesis del presidencialismo populista en líderes en su primera mitad de mandato. El método es cualitativo y compara los mensajes de la cuenta personal de Twitter las primeras 20 semanas de 2020. Se analizan en seis categorías: polarización, conspiración, exaltación y liderazgo carismático, personalización y vida privada, emoción y sentimientos, y publicidad en medios. Los cuatro presidentes comparten rasgos populistas, pero en distinto grado o caracterización. López Obrador y Bolsonaro ofrecen un perfil más populista con apelaciones emotivas al pueblo y su acción sanitaria salvífica. En cambio, Alberto Fernández y Pedro Sánchez responden al perfil de política pop, de liderazgo mediatizado para que la prensa amplifique sus logros. Se concluye que la pandemia ha acentuado el perfil presidencialista y personalista, aun cuando no encajen en el paradigma populista. Así, Sánchez y Bolsonaro sí despliegan una estrategia de comunicación de gestión sanitaria, mientras que López Obrador y Fernández apenas prestan atención a la política sanitaria.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

32

Kingstone, Peter. "The Politics of Freeing Markets in Latin America: Chile, Argentina, and Mexico. By Judith A. Teichman. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2001. 288p. $55.00 cloth, $19.95 paper." American Political Science Review 96, no. 3 (2002): 674–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055402880364.

Full text

Abstract:

The politics of neoliberal reform in Latin America has produced a number of impressions that are more or less widely held, but not necessarily entirely accurate. For example, many critics of the neoliberal reform process see it as a creature of Washington and Wall Street—views of economic development imposed on vulnerable, debt-ridden Latin American governments. The International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank play crucial roles as carriers of the “Washington Consensus” and enforcers of its policy prescriptions. In this view, insulated technocrats—often with U.S. economics degrees—implement these essentially unpopular programs without consultation, oversight, or any societal participation. “Delegative democracy” and populations battered by a decade or more of debt and inflation help explain the extent to which these unelected and unaccountable technocrats have been able to promote this agenda. A narrow electoral coalition, anchored by wealth holders and conservative ideologues, has maintained the political space for these insulated technocrats to continue, despite deep opposition from societal groups such as labor.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

33

EARLE, REBECCA. "Regina A. Root, Couture and Consensus: Fashion and Politics in Postcolonial Argentina (Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press, 2010), pp. xxx+221, $25.00, pb." Journal of Latin American Studies 44, no. 2 (2012): 402–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x12000211.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

34

Daby, Mariela Szwarcberg. "Politicized Enforcement in Argentina: Labor and Environmental Regulation. By Matthew Amengual. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2016. 286p. $99.99. - Curbing Clientelism in Argentina: Poverty, Politics, and Social Policy. By Rebecca Weitz-Shapiro. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2014. 208p. $90.00 cloth, $29.99 paper." Perspectives on Politics 14, no. 4 (2016): 1254–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592716003881.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

35

Acuña, Pedro. "Transnational sports soundscapes: Soccer announcers and radio in Argentina and Chile, 1920s‐60s." Radio Journal:International Studies in Broadcast & Audio Media 19, no. 1 (2021): 79–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/rjao_00035_1.

Full text

Abstract:

The article contributes to the field of cultural studies and radio history by focusing on soccer (or fútbol), arguably the most significant mass spectacle in twentieth-century Latin America. By exploring the trajectories, iconic voices and styles of sportscasters, the article reconstructs the masculine soundscape of soccer in Argentina and Chile between the 1920s and 1960s. Play-by-play announcers, who ranged from second-rate actors and singers to professional journalists, crafted their own versions of masculinity and nationalism that were central to representing sports culture in an increasingly transnational context. The article pays special attention to the sporting press, audio records and sports films, since many commentators borrowed heavily from other forms of mass culture. Their oral representations of the game, loaded with moral evaluations and political statements, can be seen as cultural texts because they enabled new ways of imagining sports for much larger audiences than those sitting in the stadium.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

36

Hochstetler, Kathryn. "Routine Politics and Violence in Argentina: The Gray Zone of State Power. By Javier Auyero. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007. 208p. $70.00 cloth, $22.99 paper." Perspectives on Politics 6, no. 2 (2008): 396–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592708080924.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

37

KING, JOHN. "Gabriela Nouzeilles and Graciela Montaldo (eds.), The Argentina Reader: History, Culture, Politics (Durham, NC, and London: Duke University Press, 2003), pp. xiv+580, £20.95, pb." Journal of Latin American Studies 37, no. 4 (2005): 814–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x05230201.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

38

ETCHEMENDY, SEBASTIÁN. "Sian Lazar, The Social Life of Politics: Ethics, Kinship, and Union Activism in Argentina (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2017), pp. xi + 243, £23.99, pb." Journal of Latin American Studies 50, no. 4 (2018): 982–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x18000809.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

39

Domínguez, Jorge I. "Politics in Context - Nancy R. Powers: Grassroots Expectations of Democracy and Economy: Argentina in Comparative Perspective. (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2001. Pp. 294. $19.95.)." Review of Politics 64, no. 3 (2002): 541–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500035063.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

40

Clifton, Judith. "Foreign and Domestic Investment in Argentina: The Politics of Privatized Infrastructure by Alison E. Post. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2014. 266 pp. $95 (cloth)." Governance 28, no. 3 (2015): 408–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/gove.12154.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

41

Levine, Daniel H. "Catholicism and Politics in Argentina, 1810–1960. By Austen Ivereigh. (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1995. Pp. 275. Illustrations. Notes. Bibliography. Glossary. Index. No Price.)." Americas 53, no. 3 (1997): 452–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1008043.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

42

Wright, Winthrop R. "The Politics of Human Rights in Argentina: Protest, Change, and Democratization. By Alison Brysk. (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1994. Pp. 291. Notes. Bibliography. Index. $42.50.)." Americas 55, no. 2 (1998): 349–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1008075.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

43

Perelman, Mariano Daniel. "Lazar, Sian. The social life of politics: ethics, kinship, and union activism in Argentina. xi, 243 pp., illus., bibliogr. Stanford: Univ. Press, 2017. £23.99 (paper)." Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 25, no. 2 (2019): 419–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9655.13062.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

44

ΖΕΣΤΑΝΑΚΗΣ, ΠΑΝΑΓΙΩΤΗΣ. "Valeria Manzano, The Age of Youth in Argentina. Culture, Politics and Sexuality from Perón to Videla, Chapel Hill, The University of North Carolina Press, 2014." Μνήμων 34 (May 23, 2016): 284. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/mnimon.10191.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

45

Karush, Matthew B. "The Argentina Reader: History, Culture, Politics. Edited by Gabriela Nouzeilles and Graciela Montaldo. Durham: Duke University Press, 2002. Pp. xiv, 580. Notes. Index. $21.95 paper." Americas 60, no. 3 (2004): 475–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2004.0018.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

46

Hurtado, Diego. "Semi-periphery and capital-intensive advanced technologies: the construction of Argentina as a nuclear proliferation country." Journal of Science Communication 14, no. 02 (2015): A05. http://dx.doi.org/10.22323/2.14020205.

Full text

Abstract:

Throughout the second half of the twentieth century a varied collection of pressure mechanisms were deployed from nuclear technology exporting countries — mainly from the US — to obstruct the development of a group of semi-peripheral countries’ autonomous nuclear capabilities. Argentina was part of this group. This article focuses on how “fear” of nuclear proliferation was used by US foreign policy as one of the most effective political artifacts to construct and protect an oligopolistic nuclear market. Spread by the press and by some prestigious social science sectors from the US and some European countries, a persistent and dense discourse production was devoted over several decades to the bizarre practice of “calculating” the alleged hidden intentions of those semi-peripheral countries which aspired to dominate as many technologies of the nuclear fuel cycle as possible.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

47

Ippolito-O'Donnell, Gabriela. "Powers of the Weak - Alison Brysk: The Politics of Human Rights in Argentina: Protest, Change and Democratization. (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1994. Pp. xiii, 291. $42.50.)." Review of Politics 58, no. 1 (1996): 211–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500051895.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

48

LEVY, MARCELA LÓPEZ. "Javier Auyero, Patients of the State: The Politics of Waiting in Argentina (Durham, NC, and London: Duke University Press, 2012), pp. xii + 196, £60.00, £14.99 pb." Journal of Latin American Studies 48, no. 1 (2016): 206–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x15001431.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

49

BEHREND, JACQUELINE. "Rebecca Weitz-Shapiro , Curbing Clientelism in Argentina: Politics, Poverty, and Social Policy (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 2014), pp. xi + 195, $90.00; £55.00, hb." Journal of Latin American Studies 49, no. 2 (2017): 418–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x17000293.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

50

Jensen, Kelly. "The Age of Youth in Argentina: Culture, Politics, and Sexuality from Perón to Videla. By Valeria Manzano: University of North Carolina Press, 2014, p. 338, $34.95." Latin Americanist 60, no. 4 (2016): 579–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/tla.12098_2.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

We offer discounts on all premium plans for authors whose works are included in thematic literature selections. Contact us to get a unique promo code!