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Journal articles on the topic 'Press and politics – Namibia'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 15 February 2022

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1

Gartley, John. "Media and Resistance Politics: The Alternative Press in Namibia, 1960-1990 (review)." Africa Today 51, no. 1 (2004): 122–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/at.2004.0064.

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2

Andima, Liicka, and Rewai Makamani. "A Semiological Analysis of Dudley's Political Cartoons in the Namibian Newspaper." International Journal of Semiotics and Visual Rhetoric 4, no. 2 (July 2020): 47–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijsvr.2020070104.

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Political cartoons communicate powerful politically inclined renditions reflective of how cartoonists view contestable contemporary issues in society. All over the world, political cartoons that satirize governance practices are a common feature in the press. As in economies of many African states, from 2016 to 2019 the Namibian economy has generally been on the decline, thereby calling for new thinking in socio-economic and fiscal policies of the country. This qualitative study employs the connotative and denotative model of analysis from the Bathesian semiological perspective to reveal how a purposive sample of political cartoons in the Namibian newspapers, exposes how Dudley satirizes mainly against poor service delivery, corruption, and unequal distribution of wealth in Namibia. The study recommends the adoption of a servant-leadership approach based on Ubuntu.
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3

Chaane, Busi. "Namibia 1: the British press." Race & Class 31, no. 1 (July 1989): 79–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030639688903100106.

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4

Gartley, John. "BOOK REVIEW: Heuva, William. MEDIA AND RESISTANCE POLITICS: THE ALTERNATIVE PRESS IN NAMIBIA, 1960-1990. Basel Namibia Studies Series, 6. Basel, Switzerland: P. Schlettwein Publishing, 2001." Africa Today 51, no. 1 (September 2004): 122–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/aft.2004.51.1.122.

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5

Fumanti, Mattia. "W. Hueva, Media and Resistance Politics: the alternative press in Namibia, 1960–1990. Basel: P. Schlettwein Publishing, Basel Namibia Studies Series 6 (pb £25.00 – 3 908193 10 9). 2001." Africa 75, no. 4 (November 2005): 626–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/afr.2005.75.4.626.

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6

BAUER, GRETCHEN. "Media and Resistance Politics: The Alternative Press in Namibia, 1960–1990. (Basel Namibia Studies Series 6). By WILLIAM HEUVA. Basel: P. Schlettwein Publishing, 2001. Pp. xvi+166. CHF 48 (ISBN 3-908193-10-9)." Journal of African History 44, no. 1 (March 2003): 145–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853703548484.

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7

Sunshine, Catherine A. "Cuba now." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 64, no. 1-2 (January 1, 1990): 41–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002025.

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[First paragraph]The Cuba reader: the making of a revolutionary society. PHILIP BRENNER, WILLIAM M. LEOGRANDE, DONNA RICH, and DANIEL SIEGEL (eds.). New York: Grove Press, 1989. xxxv + 564 pp. (Paper US $14.95). Cuba: the test of time. JEAN STUBBS. London: Latin America Bureau, 1989. xvii + 142 pp. (Paper UK £3.95). Cuba: politics, economics and society. MAX AZICRI. London: Pinter Publishers Ltd., 1988. xxiii + 276 pp. (Cloth US $35.00, Paper US $12.50). Cuba libre: breaking the chains? PETER MARSHALL. Boston: Faber & Faber, 1987. viii + 300 pp. (Cloth US $18.95). The closest of enemies: a personal and diplomatic account of U.S.-Cuban relations since 1957. WAYNE S. SMITH. New York and London: W.W. Norton & Co., 1987. 308 pp. (Paper US $8.95). Imperial state and revolution: the United States and Cuba, 1952-1986. MORRIS H. MORLEY. New Rochelle, New York: Cambridge University Press, 1987. ix + 571 pp. (Paper US $16.95, Cloth US $59.50). From confrontation to negotiation: U.S. relations with Cuba. PHILIP BRENNER. Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press, 1988. x + 118 pp. (Cloth US $30.00, Paper US $9.95).Nineteen eighty-eight marked the completion of the Cuban revolution's third decade. Several events that year suggested that Cubans might finally look forward to a lessening of the island's international isolation, if not its domestic economic woes. The revolution had survived eight years of hostility from the Reagan administration. Washington's attempts to secure international censure of Cuba on human rights grounds had culminated in the visit of a United Nations delegation, at Havana's invitation and with relatively little damage to Cuba's image. Fidel Castro's visits to Ecuador and Mexico to attend the inaugurations of two Latin American presidents underscored Cuba's reinsertion into the hemispheric community. Finally, Cuban military successes against South African troops in Angola and Cuba's role in the subsequent negotiations over Angola and Namibia were a source of pride.
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8

Cooper, Allan D. "BOOK REVIEW: Bauer, Gretchen. 1998. LABOR AND DEMOCRACY IN NAMIBIA. Athens: Ohio University Press. 1971-1996." Africa Today 46, no. 3-4 (July 1999): 223–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/aft.1999.46.3-4.223.

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9

Hoffman, Mark. "Book Review: Vivienne Jabri, Mediating Conflict: Decision-making and Western Intervention in Namibia (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1990, 198pp., £29.95 hbk.)." Millennium: Journal of International Studies 20, no. 1 (March 1991): 117–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/03058298910200010812.

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10

Durham, Deborah. "BOOK REVIEW: Walther, Daniel Joseph. CREATING GERMANS ABROAD: CULTURAL POLICIES AND NATIONAL IDENTITY IN NAMIBIA. Athens: Ohio University Press, 2002." Africa Today 51, no. 1 (September 2004): 138–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/aft.2004.51.1.138.

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11

Landis, Elizabeth S. "The International Mandate System and Namibia. By Isaak I. Dore. Boulder and London: Westview Press, 1985. Pp. xvii, 230. Index. $22." American Journal of International Law 80, no. 2 (April 1986): 425–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2201998.

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12

Dale, Richard. "Mediating Conflict: decision-making and western intervention in Namibia by Vivienne Jabri Manchester and New York, Manchester University Press, 1990. Pp. 198. $59.95." Journal of Modern African Studies 31, no. 3 (September 1993): 500–501. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00012064.

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13

Yarbrough, Michael W. "Out in Africa: LGBT Organizing in Namibia and South Africa. By Ashley Currier. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2012. Pp. xii+255. $75.00 (cloth). $25.00 (paper)." American Journal of Sociology 119, no. 1 (July 2013): 286–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/670358.

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14

MELBER, HENNING. "Histories of Namibia: living through the liberation struggle: life histories told to C. LEYS and S. BROWN London: The Merlin Press, 2005. Pp. 165. £14.95 (pbk.)." Journal of Modern African Studies 44, no. 1 (February 6, 2006): 164–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x0525156x.

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15

Smyth, Dion. "Politics and palliative care: Namibia." International Journal of Palliative Nursing 25, no. 2 (February 2, 2019): 102. http://dx.doi.org/10.12968/ijpn.2019.25.2.102.

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16

Coger, Dalvan M. "BOOK REVIEW: Hayes, Patricia, et al., eds. NAMIBIA UNDER SOUTH AFRICAN RULE: MOBILITY AND CONTAINMENT, 1915-46. Windhoek: Out of Africa; Oxford: James Currey; Athens: Ohio University Press, 1998." Africa Today 47, no. 1 (January 2000): 142–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/aft.2000.47.1.142.

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17

Dale, Richard. "The Occupation of Namibia: Afrikanerdom's attack on the British Empire by Allan D. Cooper Lanham, New York, and London, University Press of America, 1991. Pp. 215. $49.00. $24.00 paperback." Journal of Modern African Studies 30, no. 3 (September 1992): 536–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00011009.

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18

Van Cranenburgh, Oda. "Namibia: Consensus institutions and majoritarian politics." Democratization 13, no. 4 (August 2006): 584–604. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13510340600791889.

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19

Pugach, Sara. "Daniel Joseph Walther, Creating Germans Abroad: Cultural Policies and National Identity in Namibia. Athens, OH: Ohio University Press, 2002. 296 pp. ISBN 0-8214-1458-5 (hardcover); 0-8214-1459-3 (paper)." Itinerario 27, no. 3-4 (November 2003): 314–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300021008.

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20

Lindsay, Jennie. "The politics of population control in Namibia." Review of African Political Economy 13, no. 36 (September 1986): 58–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03056248608703686.

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21

Willemse, Hein. "The politics of narrating Cinderella in Namibia." Tydskrif vir Letterkunde 41, no. 2 (April 20, 2018): 69–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/tvl.v41i2.29675.

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This article reports on variations of the Cinderella fairytale as told by two southern Namibian storytellers, Martha Frederik and Katrina Louw. The analysis concentrates on the self-imagery of these storytellers as reflected in their performances. Although their stories are not overtly political they interpret their social environment, the relationships between men and women and employment interactions. In this sense these narratives communicate deeper dimensions of Namibian colonial relationships. Life in the towns of Aranos and Gochas is uninspiring, since these are small agricultural supply stations, settled in the mostly arid, sparse, semi-desert southern region of Namibia, Hardap. These communities are generally dirt poor, inhabited mainly by the unemployed, children, women and pensioners. The article further explores facets of the Frederik and Louw's re-interpretations of Cinderella. A few salient sections in especially the performance of Frederik are selected to demonstrate how the storytellers reconstruct their experience of life. Both texts are adapted intuitively to the storytellers' social circumstances and lived experience. The article concludes that it is through the exploration of such narrative experiences that the dialogical relationship between the powerful and the powerless can be understood.
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22

McSheffrey, Gerald M., and Geisa Maria Rocha. "South Africa and Namibia: Domestic Politics and Decolonization." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne des Études Africaines 20, no. 2 (1986): 270. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/484874.

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23

McSheffrey, Gerald M. "South Africa and Namibia: Domestic Politics and Decolonization." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue canadienne des études africaines 20, no. 2 (January 1986): 270–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00083968.1986.10804159.

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24

Zuern, Elke. "Memorial politics: challenging the dominant party's narrative in Namibia." Journal of Modern African Studies 50, no. 3 (September 2012): 493–518. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x12000225.

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ABSTRACTGreater international attention to human rights, particularly genocide, has offered activists opportunities to draw on transnational networks and norms. Many examples have been documented of the varying successes of domestic movement organisations employing international support. Much less attention has been paid to cases lacking significant organisations, but small groups and even individuals can draw attention to their demands if they effectively engage transnational interest. Genocide offers a particularly potent means of generating attention. Namibia is engaged in domestic debates over crimes committed by German forces over a century ago. In a country with no large opposition party and no significant social movement mobilisation, a number of relatively small groups of activists are indirectly challenging the power of the dominant party by correcting its one-sided narrative of the country's anti-colonial heroes. German efforts to respond to crimes committed in the past offer further opportunities for activists to draw attention to heroes and histories beyond those celebrated by the dominant party.
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25

Nicholson, Kit. "A resolvable conflict? The politics of land in Namibia." Land Use Policy 14, no. 3 (July 1997): 234–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0264-8377(97)88633-4.

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26

BOTHA, CHRISTO. "The Politics of Land Settlement in Namibia, 1890–1960." South African Historical Journal 42, no. 1 (May 2000): 232–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02582470008671376.

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27

Livingston, Julie, and Marion Wallace. "Health, Power and Politics in Windhoek, Namibia, 1915-1945." International Journal of African Historical Studies 36, no. 1 (2003): 207. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3559361.

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28

SILVESTER, J. "A Resolvable Conflict? The politics of land in Namibia." African Affairs 96, no. 383 (April 1, 1997): 302–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.afraf.a007845.

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29

Koot, Stasja, Walter van Beek, and Jeroen Diemer. "The Khwe of Namibia. Foragers between Game, Tourism, and Politics." Anthropos 111, no. 2 (2016): 497–512. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0257-9774-2016-2-497.

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30

Saul, John S., and Colin Leys. "Lubango and After: 'Forgotten History' as Politics in Contemporary Namibia*." Journal of Southern African Studies 29, no. 2 (June 2003): 333–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03057070306209.

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31

Kössler, Reinhart. "Facing a Fragmented Past: Memory, Culture and Politics in Namibia*." Journal of Southern African Studies 33, no. 2 (June 2007): 361–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03057070701292640.

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32

Deacon, Harriet. "Health, Power and Politics in Windhoek, Namibia, 1915-1945 (review)." Bulletin of the History of Medicine 78, no. 4 (2004): 916–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/bhm.2004.0164.

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33

International Monetary Fund. "Namibia: 2013 Article IV Consultation-Staff Report; Press Release." IMF Staff Country Reports 14, no. 40 (2014): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5089/9781475518450.002.

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34

Meissner, Richard, and Jeroen Warner. "Indigenous paradiplomacy and the Orokawe hydroelectric dam on the Kunene River." Regions and Cohesion 11, no. 1 (March 1, 2021): 21–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/reco.2021.110103.

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English Abstract: What role can non-diplomats play in managing and altering power relations in transboundary river basins? We answer this by investigating the lobbying efforts of indigenous peoples to stop the construction of the planned Orokawe (Baynes) dam on the Kunene River. The Kunene River forms part of the border between Angola and Namibia with several concluded treaties in place. These treaties set the context of bilateral state diplomacy concerning the allocation and management of a transboundary water resource. The theoretical foundation of our investigation are ideational power conceptualizations and practice theory. We discuss the employment of ideational power in transboundary rivers with numerous practices, such as lobbying and transnational network development. This article argues that actors consciously practice power during transboundary water diplomacy.Spanish Abstract: ¿Qué papel desempeñan los no-diplomáticos en la gestión y modificación de las relaciones de poder en las cuencas fluviales transfronterizas? Respondemos investigando los esfuerzos de cabildeo de los pueblos indígenas para detener la construcción de la presa Orokawe (Baynes) en el río Kunene, entre Angola y Namibia. La asignación y gestión de este recurso hídrico transfronterizo, cuenta con varios tratados concluidos que establecen el contexto de la diplomacia estatal bilateral. La base teórica de esta investigación son las conceptualizaciones del poder ideacional y la “teoría de la práctica”. El empleo del poder ideacional en ríos transfronterizos se refleja en prácticas como el cabildeo y el desarrollo de redes ransnacionales. Este artículo sostiene que los actores practican conscientemente este poder durante la diplomacia del agua transfronteriza.French Abstract: Quel rôle les non-diplomates peuvent-ils jouer dans la gestion et la modification des relations de pouvoir dans les bassins fluviaux transfrontaliers? Nous répondons à certe question en enquêtant sur les efforts de lobbying des peuples autochtones pour arrêter la construction du projet du barrage d’Orokawe (Baynes) sur le fleuve Kunene. Le Kunene forme une partie de la frontière entre l’Angola et la Namibie, pays entre lesquels plusieurs traités sont en vigueur. Ces traités définissent le contexte de la diplomatie bilatérale des États concernant le partage et la gestion de la ressource en eau transfrontalière. Les fondements théoriques de notre enquête reposent sur les conceptualisations du pouvoir idéationnel et la théorie de la pratique. L’article aborde les nombreuses pratiques du pouvoir idéationnel dans les cours d’eau transfrontaliers, telles que le lobbying et le développement de réseaux transnationaux. Il soutient que les acteurs exercent consciemment le pouvoir dans le cadre de la diplomatie transfrontalière de l’eau.
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35

Carey, Michael Clay. "Local Press Politics." Journalism Studies 18, no. 4 (August 11, 2015): 409–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1461670x.2015.1065201.

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36

Cole, Jill. "Himba in the Mix: The "Catwalk Politics" of Culture in Namibia." WSQ: Women's Studies Quarterly 41, no. 1-2 (2013): 150–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wsq.2013.0046.

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37

Malaba, Mbongeni. "Christi Warner’s Ice Cream and Politics: A New Collection from Namibia." English Academy Review 34, no. 1 (January 2, 2017): 52–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10131752.2017.1333226.

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38

Kössler, Reinhart. "Entangled history and politics: Negotiating the past between Namibia and Germany." Journal of Contemporary African Studies 26, no. 3 (July 2008): 313–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02589000802332531.

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39

International Monetary Fund. "Namibia: 2015 Article IV Consultation-Press Release; Staff Report; and Statement by the Executive Director for Namibia." IMF Staff Country Reports 15, no. 276 (2015): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5089/9781513556642.002.

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40

International Monetary Fund. African Dept. "Namibia: 2017 Article IV Consultation-Press Release; Staff Report; and Statement by the Executive Director for Namibia." IMF Staff Country Reports 18, no. 56 (2018): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5089/9781484344071.002.

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41

Polus, Andrzej, Dominik Kopinski, and Wojciech Tycholiz. "Ready or Not: Namibia as a Potentially Successful Oil Producer." Africa Spectrum 50, no. 2 (August 2015): 31–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000203971505000202.

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The primary objective of this paper is to assess whether Namibia is ready to become an oil producer. The geological estimates suggest that the country may possess the equivalent of as many as 11 billion barrels of crude oil. If the numbers are correct, Namibia would be sitting on the second-largest oil reserves in sub-Saharan Africa, and exploitation could start as soon as 2017. This clearly raises the question of whether Namibia is next in line to become a victim of the notorious “resource curse.” On the basis of critical discourse analysis and findings from field research, the authors have selected six dimensions of the resource curse and contextualised them within the spheres of Namibian politics and economy. While Namibia still faces a number of important challenges, our findings offer little evidence that the oil will have particularly disruptive effects.
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42

Cooper, Ian. "It's My Party: Opposition Politics, Party Motivation and Electoral Strategy in Namibia." Journal of Southern African Studies 40, no. 1 (January 2, 2014): 111–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03057070.2014.888901.

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43

Friedman, John T. "Making Politics, Making History: Chiefship and the Post-Apartheid State in Namibia." Journal of Southern African Studies 31, no. 1 (March 2005): 23–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03057070500035620.

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44

Dale, Richard. "Melding War and Politics in Namibia: South Africa's Counterinsurgency Campaign, 1966-1989." Armed Forces & Society 20, no. 1 (October 1993): 7–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095327x9302000102.

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45

Shigwedha, Vilho Amukwaya. "The homecoming of Ovaherero and Nama skulls." Human Remains and Violence: An Interdisciplinary Journal 4, no. 2 (2018): 67–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/hrv.4.2.5.

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In October 2011, twenty skulls of the Herero and Nama people were repatriated from Germany to Namibia. So far, fifty-five skulls and two human skeletons have been repatriated to Namibia and preparations for the return of more skulls from Germany were at an advanced stage at the time of writing this article. Nonetheless, the skulls and skeletons that were returned from Germany in the past have been disappointingly laden with complexities and politics, to such an extent that they have not yet been handed over to their respective communities for mourning and burials. In this context, this article seeks to investigate the practice of ‘anonymising’ the presence of human remains in society by exploring the art and politics of the Namibian state’s memory production and sanctioning in enforcing restrictions on the affected communities not to perform, as they wish, their cultural and ritual practices for the remains of their ancestors.
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46

Nordkvelle, Yngve. "Teachers, culture, and politics: the struggle for a curriculum for the free Namibia. A case‐study of the Namibia Secondary Technical School." Journal of Education Policy 10, no. 4 (July 1995): 361–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0268093950100403.

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47

Niezen, Ronald. "Speaking for the dead: the memorial politics of genocide in Namibia and Germany." International Journal of Heritage Studies 24, no. 5 (December 22, 2017): 547–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13527258.2017.1413681.

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48

Schnegg, Michael. "Lost in Translation: State Policies and Micro-politics of Water Governance in Namibia." Human Ecology 44, no. 2 (April 2016): 245–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10745-016-9820-2.

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49

Kaniss, Phyllis. "The press and local politics." Communication Review 3, no. 3 (June 1999): 241–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10714429909368584.

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50

Thompson, Dennis F. "Privacy, Politics, and the Press." Harvard International Journal of Press/Politics 3, no. 4 (September 1998): 103–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1081180x98003004009.

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