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Journal articles on the topic 'Pretonic vowels'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 4 February 2022

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1

Garr, W. Randall. "Pretonic Vowels in Hebrew." Vetus Testamentum 37, no. 2 (April 1987): 129. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1517715.

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2

Garr, W. Randall. "Pretonic Vowels in Hebrew." Vetus Testamentum 37, no. 1-4 (1987): 129–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853387x00185.

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3

Asherov, Daniel, Alon Fishman, and Evan-Gary Cohen. "Vowel Reduction in Israeli Heritage Russian." Heritage Language Journal 13, no. 2 (August 31, 2016): 113–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.46538/hlj.13.2.3.

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This study examines vowel reduction patterns of Israeli Heritage Russian speakers (IHRs). Contemporary Standard Russian is well documented as having a complex system of vowel reduction (e.g., Barnes, 2002; Crosswhite, 1999; Jakobson, 1929; Padgett, 2004): specifically, underlying /o/ surfaces as [o] in stressed syllables, as [ɐ] in the first pretonic syllable, and as [ə] in other unstressed syllables. In Modern Hebrew, on the other hand, stressed and unstressed vowels differ in duration, but not in quality (Cohen, Silber-Varod, & Amir, in preparation; Maymon, 2001). We conducted a production experiment to determine the patterns of vowel reduction in the Russian of IHRs. Sixteen IHRs were exposed to audiobased forms of real and nonce words with stressed /o/ and were required to produce the forms with and without stressed suffixes. Thus, underlying /o/ was produced in three distinct prosodic positions: stressed (e.g., /nos/ ‘nose sg.’), pretonic (e.g., /nos- ̍ɨ/ ‘nose pl.’), and antepretonic (e.g., /nos-o ̍voj/ ‘nasal.’). The quantity (duration) and quality (F1, F2) of /o/ were acoustically analyzed and compared to a control group of five Russian-speaking adult immigrants to Israel. The results showed that IHRs reduced unstressed /o/ in both real and nonce words, but in producing nonce words they did not display the height contrast that is expected between pretonic and antepretonic vowels. We argue that IHRs’ productions of real words may be rote-learnt, whereas their treatment of nonce words better reflects their productive grammar. We propose that IHRs’ productive system of vowel reduction is a mixed system, combining aspects of their heritage language (i.e., Russian) and dominant language (i.e., Hebrew).

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4

Bisol, Leda. "Vowel harmony: A variable rule in Brazilian Portuguese." Language Variation and Change 1, no. 2 (July 1989): 185–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0954394500000065.

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ABSTRACTBrazilian Portuguese has a vowel harmony rule which consists of the optional raising of the pretonic e and o vowels to i and u, respectively, if there is a high vowel in the following syllable. This is an old rule, the origin of which can be traced back to the Latin of the 4th century a.d. Because the rule is subject to multiple conditioning by both linguistic and social factors, it can be treated as a variable rule.

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5

Müller Pograjc, Blažka, and Jasmina Markič. "Nasal vowels and diphthongs in European Portuguese: a problem for Slovene speakers." Linguistica 57, no. 1 (December 30, 2017): 243–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/linguistica.57.1.243-254.

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Portuguese, a Romance language, and Slovene, a Slavic language, are distant in the geographical, historical, cultural and linguistic senses. There are not many contrastive studies of these two languages, and even fewer in the phonetic-phonological field. The present work is limited to the study of standard European Portuguese (PE) and aims to address one of the major problems in teaching Portuguese phonetics to Slovene speakers: the correct production of Portuguese nasal vowels.After a contrastive presentation of the vowel systems of both languages, the study is limited to Portuguese nasal vowels and diphthongs, which do not exist in Slovene. The analysis of Portuguese vowels is fundamentally related to the position of the accent: stressed vowels and pretonic, postonic or final vowels. The nasal vowels are presented in smaller numbers than the oral ones and do not occur in postonic syllables, except in some diphthongs. This work presents the analysis of a practical survey carried out in Portuguese classes for Slovene students of level A at the University of Ljubljana and is focused on the production of nasal vowels by Slovene speakers. The objective is to highlight the errors produced, to look for the causes in order to improve the teaching of this aspect of the phonetics and phonology of the European Portuguese.

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6

Huang, Hui-chuan J. "The Nature of Pretonic Weak Vowels in Squliq Atayal." Oceanic Linguistics 57, no. 2 (2018): 265–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ol.2018.0012.

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7

Madruga, Magnun Rochel, Silke Hamann, and Maria Bernadete Marques Abaurre. "Gradient and categorical assimilation of pretonic vowels in Brazilian Portuguese." Journal of Portuguese Linguistics 19, no. 1 (November 11, 2020): 12. http://dx.doi.org/10.5334/jpl.234.

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8

Viegas, Maria do Carmo, and Rosa Maria Assis Veado. "Alçamento de vogais pretônicas." Cadernos de Linguística e Teoria da Literatura 4, no. 7 (December 30, 2016): 53. http://dx.doi.org/10.17851/0101-3548.4.7.53-70.

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Abstract: This paper discusses the pretonic vowels [e] ~ [i] and [o] ~ [u] alternation in the coloquial register of the Belo Horizonte metropolitan region. It argues that:a) The above mentioned alternations have the status of línguistic variable and so can not be described by categoria morfo-fonological rules;b) the structural enviroment isn't the same in the variable (i) and (u) conditioning, making clear that for each variable there is a rule with particular caracteristics.

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9

Viegas, Maria Do Carmo. "Estudo sobre o alçamento de vogais médias pretônicas e os itens lexicais*." Revista do Centro de Estudos Portugueses 21, no. 29 (December 31, 2001): 217. http://dx.doi.org/10.17851/2359-0076.21.29.217-241.

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<p>O objetivo principal deste trabalho é discutir dois modelos teóricos da mudança lingüística, o modelo neogramático e o modelo difusionista, tendo como ponto de partida a análise do processo de alçamento (ou alteamento) de vogais médias pretônicas no português falado na região metropolitana de Belo Horizonte. Observei que alguns itens lexicais que foram considerados alçados na literatura não deveriam ser assim considerados, pois poderiam ter sido incorporados ao léxico português com a vogai já alta. Observei ainda que o processo de alçamento é bastante regular nas suas etapas iniciais. Esta afirmação não exclui a seletividade lexical, que foi evidenciada em várias etapas do processo de alçamento. Os primeiros itens atingidos pelo processo foram os itens transmitidos, mais familiares, usados no dia-a-dia, com ambiente de harmonização vocálica, mais nitidamente caracterizado no caso do /e/. Posteriormente o processo adquiriu estigma, associado aos grupos sociais que o utilizavam. O alçamento foi usado indicando desprestígio, atribuindo valor pejorativo, e os itens usados alçados foram dessa maneira reestruturados (vide o número enorme de itens chulos alçados). Ainda hoje, observamos o alçamento de itens que normalmente não são alçados quando se quer marcar estes itens pejorativamente. Adoto o conceito de léxico "conexionista" conforme proposto por Bybee (1995). Neste modelo de léxico estão previstos vários tipos de processos (assimilação, dissimilação, etc.) e está configurada a relação desses processos com o léxico e o seu uso. Opto, portanto, pelo modelo difusionista de mudança lingüística por ser o que descreve e explica melhor os dados aqui levantados.</p> <p> </p> <p>The main purpose of this paper is to make evident that many lexical items of the portuguese language cannot be secn as exceptions to the pretonic mid vowels raising rules as thcy have been considered and that through the residue analysis the remaining exceptions bring out the need of understanding the linguistic change processes as bcing implementcd by lexical diffusion</p>

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10

Wrenn, Phyllis. "Word Stress, Sentence Stress and Syllable Prominence in Nova Scotia Acadian French." Canadian Journal of Linguistics/Revue canadienne de linguistique 30, no. 1 (1985): 47–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008413100010689.

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The prosody of Acadian French has received relatively little attention in formal analyses of the dialect, though few who are acquainted with this variety of French, whether linguist or not, would hesitate to give an impressionistic judgement when asked to describe it. The delivery (débit) is characteristically slow, the melody “chantante” (‘singsong’). V. Lucci (1972:121) attributes this impression to the large number of accents, represented by repeated short, rapid rises in pitch. At the same time, he notes a feature that has been referred to in other descriptions of Canadian varieties of French (cf.J.-D. Gendron 1966:142–146; M. Boudreault 1968:87–99) that results in rhythmic patterns not encountered, in theory, in standard French. This dialectal feature is pretonic syllable lengthening, which, according to Lucci, although it appears to be an accent, is in reality a preaccent, the articulatory strengthening of the syllable preceding the accented syllable, which, of course, is the final one. This feature, whether in Acadian or in other varieties of French (cf. F. Carton 1980:85), is in fact generally ascribed to the durational characteristics of the vowel; whether or not the resulting syllable prominence should be interpreted as accent (displacement of the tonic accent, pretonic stress) has been a matter of dispute. Both Boudreault and Gendron, it is true, in describing the phenomenon, refrain for the most part from referring either to syllable prominence (perceptual judgement or physical measurement) or to accent. The former, however, does attribute one group of examples to the presence of an accent d’insistance; these examples are, in fact, stressable monosyllables, pretonic in the word group. The remainder, according to him, are a residue of intrinsic, etymologically motivated vowel length, the explanation preferred by Gendron. According to Gendron, the tonic accent still falls on the final syllable, although it is weak (in relation to a stronger pretonic syllable), and he criticizes J.-P. Vinay (1955:75), who speaks of displacement of the tonic accent.

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11

Kortlandt, Frederik. "Rise and fall of vowel length in Slavic." Rasprave Instituta za hrvatski jezik i jezikoslovlje 44, no. 1 (2018): 287–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.31724/rihjj.44.1.7.

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My observation that Mate Kapović’s ideas about Slavic accentuation lack a chronological perspective has evoked a furious reaction (Kortlandt 2016b: 478f., Kapović 2017). Since his account can easily leave a false impression on an uninitiated reader, I will here try to clarify the major issues in the simplest way possible. I will limit myself to the five topics that Kapović apparently found most difficult to appreciate: pretonic vowel length, the genitive plural, monosyllabic lengthening, length in medial syllables, and length in Czech monosyllables. The numbers of the stages mentioned below refer to the detailed relative chronology of Slavic phonological developments that I have proposed elsewhere (Kortlandt 1989, 2011: 157‑176, 277‑309).

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12

Kaplan, Aaron. "Overshoot in licensing-driven harmony." Phonology 36, no. 4 (November 2019): 605–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0952675719000319.

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Kaplan (2018a) argues for a positive and gradient version of positional licensing in Harmonic Grammar. A chief difference between this formalism and standard positional licensing is that it predicts that harmony whose goal is to place a feature in a licensing position may overshoot its target by extending beyond the licensing position. Centralisation harmony in Tudanca Montañés bears out this prediction: though harmony triggered by a final vowel typically stops at the stressed syllable, under particular circumstances it extends into the pretonic domain. Positive gradient positional licensing is indispensable in an account of this. It plays a central role in a gang effect that drives overshoot, an interaction that cannot be replicated with standard versions of positional licensing.

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13

Pereira Barbosa Doiron, Maranúbia. "O Que a Galinha vai Fazer Quando Canta e Vai para o Ninho? Respostas e não respostas dos informantes do Atlas Linguístico do Estado de Alagoas - ALEAL." Signum: Estudos da Linguagem 21, no. 1 (June 8, 2018): 89. http://dx.doi.org/10.5433/2237-4876.2018v21n1p89.

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This paper aims at describing and analyzing abstentions and invalid responses to some questions of the Phonetic-Phonological Questionnaire (QFF) that were registered by the informants of the Linguistic Atlas of the State of Alagoas - ALEAL. Relatively common in field studies, information with these characteristics are still poorly explored in scientific studies. This work is mainly based on the results referring to QFF 26 – BOTAR (to lay), in which we asked the informant “What will the chicken do when it clucks and goes to the nest?”. The verb pôr (to put), predominant among the speakers of the ALEAL, is understood as invalid responses, because it doesn’t meet the purposes of the linguistic phenomenon that would be analyzed, that is, the opening of the pretonic medial vowel. Only two abstentions were registered. When examining the reasons that lead the speakers to realize the mentioned occurrences, it is intended to contribute to a correct interpretation of the information obtained, in addition to rethinking the current methodologies, always with a view to the production of a cartography of excellence, that is, faithfully aligned to the different variables worked by the researcher, and, of course, to the collected registers.

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14

Loma, Aleksandar. "Two Serbian place names ending in -is of Romanian origin - Mris and Desiska." Balcanica, no. 38 (2007): 57–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc0738057l.

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The suffix -i? is among the most productive in Romanian toponymy, and is mostly used for deriving drymonyms (names of forests) with the name of a tree as their usual derivational stem. (Micro)toponyms of the kind are frequent in the parts of Serbia with a Romanian-speaking (Vlach) population, but they also occur where there have been no Vlachs for centuries. To the already recorded examples (Peris in Svrljig, documented since 1455, from Rom. peri? 'pear grove'; Val(u)nis near Babusnica from Rom. aluni?, 'hazel grove') further two are added here: Mris, a hill in Zaglavak, probably from Rom. meri?, 'apple grove', with a reduction and syncope of the pretonic vowel in Serbian or already in Romanian pronunciation;and Desiska, or Desis in the fifteenth century, a village in Toplica, from Rom. desi?, 'thicket', 'bush'). In an additional overview of the origin of the Rom. suffix -i? the assumption is made that it goes back to the South Slavic -is (< CSl *-ys') in such a way that the Serbian word gustis was used as a model for forming the appellative desi? (Rom. des < Lat. densus, 'thick', 'dense'), whence it was abstracted in Romanian and used further on in this function, competing with the inherited -et < Lat. -?tum.

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15

Kaplan, Aaron. "Persistence and Opacity in Eastern Andalusian Harmony." Proceedings of the Annual Meetings on Phonology 9 (May 1, 2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/amp.v9i0.4899.

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This paper proposes a novel account of a derivationally opaque aspect of ATR harmony in Eastern Andalusian. Harmony in the language is driven by Positional Licensing: [-ATR] originating on final vowels must spread to the stressed vowel. Intervening post-tonic vowels optionally also harmonize, as do pretonic vowels. Typically in licensing-driven systems, if harmony is unable to reach the licensor, harmony does not affect non-licensing positions either. Not so in Eastern Andalusian: high vowels do not harmonize, but a stressed high vowel does not prevent unstressed vowels from harmonizing as normal – harmony can overapply on these vowels. The analysis, couched in serial Harmonic Grammar, develops a new mechanism called persistence that accounts for this opacity. Under persistence, once a feature satisfies Positional Licensing by spreading to the licensing position, Positional Licensing remains satisfied for the rest of the derivation, even if the feature vacates the licensing position. This allows a stressed high vowel to harmonize, thereby permitting unstressed vowels to harmonize, too, and then harmony can retract off the high vowel without running afoul of Positional Licensing.

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16

"Pretonic Vowel Reduction in Brazilian Portuguese: Harmony and Dispersion." Journal of Portuguese Linguistics 15 (March 2, 2016). http://dx.doi.org/10.5334/jpl.7.

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