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1
Kerlouégan, Jérôme. "Printing for Prestige? Publishing and Publications by Ming Princes Part 2." East Asian Publishing and Society 1, no. 2 (2011): 105–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/221062811x594342.
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AbstractScattered throughout the realm in a great number of provincial courts, Ming imperial clansmen did not wield political or military power. Some among them therefore used their energies to publish books; indeed, the publishing activities of the Ming princes constitute one of many elements of what can be termed “princely culture.” Even though princely imprints formed an insignificant proportion of Ming publications, a large number of them have survived to our day. Based on the examination of approximately 240 such editions, this essay explores the relationships between the princes and the literati who assisted them. It raises questions central to princely publishing: How learned were the princes? What books did they publish? For which audiences and with what objectives? What are the main characteristics of princely publications? Did princes have well-defined publishing strategies? The last section of the essay addresses the heritage of Ming princely publications in the Qing dynasty. This essay will be published in several installments in East Asian Publishing and Society.
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Kerlouégan, Jérôme. "Printing for Prestige? Publishing and Publications by Ming Princes." East Asian Publishing and Society 1, no. 1 (2011): 39–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/221062811x577503.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractScattered throughout the realm in a great number of provincial courts, Ming imperial clansmen did not wield political or military power. Some among them therefore used their energies to publish books; indeed, the publishing activities of the Ming princes constitute one of many elements of what can be termed “princely culture.” Even though princely imprints formed an insignificant proportion of Ming publications, a large number of them have survived to our day. Based on the examination of approximately 240 such editions, this essay explores the relationships between the princes and the literati who assisted them. It raises questions central to princely publishing: How learned were the princes? What books did they publish? For which audiences and with what objectives? What are the main characteristics of princely publications? Did princes have well-defined publishing strategies? The last section of the essay addresses the heritage of Ming princely publications in the Qing dynasty. This essay will be published in several installments in East Asian Publishing and Society. The bibliography for the whole essay will be published with the last installment.
3
Kerlouégan, Jérôme. "Printing for Prestige? Publishing and Publications by Ming Princes Part 3." East Asian Publishing and Society 2, no. 1 (2012): 3–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/221062812x641195.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract Scattered throughout the realm in a great number of provincial courts, Ming imperial clansmen did not wield political or military power. Some among them therefore used their energies to publish books; indeed, the publishing activities of the Ming princes constitute one of many elements of what can be termed “princely culture.” Even though princely imprints formed an insignificant proportion of Ming publications, a large number of them have survived to our day. Based on the examination of approximately 240 such editions, this essay explores the relationships between the princes and the literati who assisted them. It raises questions central to princely publishing: How learned were the princes? What books did they publish? For which audiences and with what objectives? What are the main characteristics of princely publications? Did princes have well-defined publishing strategies? The last section of the essay addresses the heritage of Ming princely publications in the Qing dynasty. Parts 1 and 2 of this essay were published in East Asian Publishing and Society 1:1 and 1:2. Tables will follow in the next issue.
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Kerlouégan, Jérôme. "Printing for Prestige? Publishing and Publications by Ming Princes Part 4: Appendices." East Asian Publishing and Society 2, no. 2 (2012): 109–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22106286-12341234.
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Abstract Scattered throughout the realm in a great number of provincial courts, Ming imperial clansmen did not wield political or military power. Some among them therefore used their energies to publish books; indeed, the publishing activities of the Ming princes constitute one of many elements of what can be termed “princely culture.” Even though princely imprints formed an insignificant proportion of Ming publications, a large number of them have survived to our day. Based on the examination of approximately 240 such editions, this essay explores the relationships between the princes and the literati who assisted them. It raises questions central to princely publishing: How learned were the princes? What books did they publish? For which audiences and with what objectives? What are the main characteristics of princely publications? Did princes have well-defined publishing strategies? The last section of the essay addresses the heritage of Ming princely publications in the Qing dynasty. The first three parts of this essay have been published in East Asian Publishing and Society 1.1, 1.2, and 2.1.
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Vasic, Rastko. "Notes on Glasinac: The chronology of princely graves." Starinar, no. 59 (2009): 109–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/sta0959109v.
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Princely graves of the Iron Age represent a particular phenomenon in archaeology, which is constantly the subject of interest. They are usually dated to the end of the 6th and the beginning of the 5th century. The author discusses the chronology of princely graves in the Central Balkans and analyses their appearance in each part of this territory: on the Glasinac plateau, in Serbia, Kosovo and Metohija, Montenegro, North Albania and Nordwest Bulgaria. He concludes that they date from the middle of the 7th to the middle of the 4th century, depending on the cultural and socio-economic situation in the respective area. In the middle of the 7th century princely graves in the true sense of the word were known only on the Glasinac plateau, in the Ilijak necropolis. At the end of the 7th and in the beginning of the 6th century they still appear on Glasinac, though in greater number and in various parts of the plateau. In northwest Bulgaria a grave dating to the second half of the 7th century was found, which would, according to grave goods, correspond to the Glasinac princely graves. On the other hand, there are no princely graves in Serbia and north Albania from that time but some outstanding warrior graves are known, belonging possibly to the chiefs of smaller warlike bands, whose power was limited. Princely graves from Arareva gromila on Glasinac, Pilatovici by Pozega and Lisijevo Polje by Berane date to the beginning of the second half of the 6th century, and according to their characteristics represent princes, whose power and wealth were considerable and known to the neighbours. Culmination of the rise of the princes in this region was demonstrated by the graves from Novi Pazar, Atenica, and Pecka banja, which date to the end of the 6th and the first quarter of the 5th century. Some decades later there are several rich graves, e.g. the recently discovered grave from Velika Krsna, which could belong to a prince, but can not be compared with the wealth of the previous princely generation. In the middle of the 4th century, new rich princely burials are seen in the graves in Belsh in Albania and Vratsa in Northwest Bulgaria. Their appearance was conditioned by a new socio-political climate. All this proves that one should be cautious when dating the princely graves in this region to the ?end of the 6th/beginning of the 5th century BC?.
6
Nikolaeva, Natalya D. "Burials of “senior” Monomakhovichi as a system of expressing the power claims of the family." Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta, no. 504 (2024): 120–28. https://doi.org/10.17223/15617793/504/13.
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The author of the article examines the system of princely burials of Vladimir Monomakh’s sons. The aim of the article is to analyze the logic of burials of Vladimir Monomakh’s sons, considering the political and ideological realities of the 12th century. The analysis is based on the Ipatiev and Laurentian chronicles. In the introduction to the article, the author explains the importance of studying the system of princely burials: they are a symbolic expression of ideas about the power strategies and claims of the ruling elites of the Middle Ages. The author suggests that polycentrism, which was finally established in Russia in the 12th century, had to influence the forms of legitimization of power, including the burial system of the Rurik dynasty. Also it is stated that the example of the burial system of the sons of Monomakh is most indicative of the history of the 12th century. After all, it was the sons of Vladimir Monomakh who continuously held power in Kiev until 1139. Yuri and Vyacheslav Vladimirovich were significant political figures during the strife for the Kievan throne in the middle of the 12th century. Finally, the historiography has repeatedly suggested that it was Prince Vladimir and his sons who had a strategy to establish the hegemony of their family in medieval Russia. The main part of the article is divided into two parts. The first part is about the burials of Vladimir’s sons in Kiev and its surroundings. The second is about the burial of princes outside Kiev. The author examines the Kiev burials, starting with Vladimir Monomakh. Further, the burials of Mstislav the Great, Yaropolk Vladimirovich, Vyacheslav Vladimirovich, and Yuri Dolgoruky are analyzed chronologically. Based on a detailed analysis of the circumstances of the death and funeral of the princes, the author comes to several conclusions. The high importance of burials from the standpoint of identification of power elites is explained by the mechanism of the feudal society functioning. In the process of decentralization of medieval Russia, the system of princely burials became more situational. The burial of each son of Vladimir Monomakh was associated with a number of conditions: the political agenda that the prince followed during his lifetime, the presence or absence of his direct heirs, the mutual relations of the prince and the urban community. Situationality was due to the adaptation of the ruling elite to changing conditions against the background of an acute struggle for land plots. This struggle was based on a long process of transformation of the system of relations between representatives of the princely dynasty, as well as between princes and the emerging nobility.
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Кежа, Ю. Н. "Символическая коммуникация и репрезентация княжеской власти в Древней Руси по данным миниатюр Радзивиловской летописи". Палеоросия. Древняя Русь: во времени, в личностях, в идеях, № 4(28) (25 квітня 2025): 47–72. https://doi.org/10.47132/2618-9674_2024_4_47.
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В рамках изучения миниатюр Радзивиловской летописи (конец XV в.), выявлены и проанализированы сюжеты, связанные с символическими коммуникативными практиками в древнерусской династии Рюриковичей (ХІ–ХІІ вв.), в частности, коммуникация между князьями и рядовым населением, межкняжеские отношения внутри династии, различные формы репрезентации княжеской власти. На основе анализа миниатюр определены ярко выраженные визуальные формы трансляции образа древнерусского правителя. На изображениях представлены знаковые элементы княжеского одеяния, а также предметы, символически связанные с властью княжеского рода: «древнерусская княжеская шапка» и меч. Использование меча как инсигнии господства показано на ряде миниатюр, где данный предмет связан с обретением, обладанием или передачей власти древнерусских князей. В миниатюрах отразилось древнерусское понимание персонализации городского коллектива в образе одного человека, представленного на летописных изображениях. Так, подтверждается вывод о «коллективной личности» древнерусского города, которая могла выступать субъектом политических отношений наряду с князьями. Миниатюры достаточно подробно отражают информацию летописных источников об интронизационных ритуалах Рюриковичей, связанных с занятием княжеских столов в древнерусских городах. Разрешение конфликтов в княжеской династии часто иллюстрировалось княжескими пирами. Миниатюры являются ценными свидетельствами по княжескому погребальному обряду. Within the study of miniatures in the Radzivilov Chronicle (late 15th century), some narratives related to symbolic communicative practices of the ancient Russian Rurikid dynasty (11th‑12Ith centuries) have been identified and analyzed, including communication between princes and ordinary population, inter-princely relations within the dynasty, and various forms of princely power representation. Based on the analysis of the miniatures, some vivid visual forms portraying the image of an ancient Russian ruler have been determined. The depictions show symbolic elements of princely attire, as well as some objects symbolically linked to the power of the princely family, e. g. an «ancient Russian princely cap» and a sword. A sword as an insignia of dominance is depicted in several miniatures where it is associated with acquisition, possession, or transfer of the power by the ancient Russian princes. The miniatures reflect the ancient Russians’ understanding of personalization of the urban community in the image of one person shown in the chronicle pictures. Thus, it is confirmed that the concept of «collective personality» of an ancient Russian city, which could act as a subject in political relations along with the princes. The miniatures provide sufficiently detailed information from chronicle sources regarding the rituals of Rurikids’ princely enthronement in ancient Russian cities. Conflict resolution in the princely dynasty was often depicted as princely banquets. The miniatures are valuable evidence of the princely funeral rite.
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ZMORA, HILLAY. "THE PRINCELY STATE AND THE NOBLE FAMILY: CONFLICT AND CO-OPERATION IN THE MARGRAVIATES ANSBACH–KULMBACH IN THE EARLY SIXTEENTH CENTURY." Historical Journal 49, no. 1 (2006): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x05005030.
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Focusing on the Franconian margraviates of Brandenburg around 1500, this study argues that the process of state formation engendered an elite of nobles who derived their power and status from the possession of high office. It shows, however, that as the state expanded, and the princely debt mounted, the relationship between ruler and noble elite was transformed: the leading nobles came to control more and more of the state in terms of offices and share of the public debt. To secure themselves in this elevated but unstable position they developed a dense network of marriage alliances among themselves. By the early sixteenth century this consortium of eminent nobles acquired a powerful hold on the princely state to the detriment of the princes and the exclusion of fellow nobles. The article suggests that it is against this background that the notorious deposition in 1515 of Margrave Friedrich by his sons should be seen: his overthrow was, among other things, an outcome of a change in the balance of power between prince and nobles that had been taking place since 1450. Finally, this change played a part in the creation of the Imperial Knighthood by which the nobles constitutionally placed themselves outside the princely states.
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Kononov, Pavel I. "The Establishment Processes, Essence and Key Traits of the Yard and Allodial System of Princely Administration and Court in Ancient Rus in the Late XI to the First Half of the XII Century." Administrative law and procedure 11 (October 29, 2020): 70–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.18572/2071-1166-2020-11-70-79.
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The article considers the process of formation and development in the old Russian state of the end of the XI-first half of the XII centuries of the household-patrimonial system of princely administration and court. The main features of this system of public power, the structure and functions of the princely administration, methods of its activities, and relations with the population of the territories subject to the Prince are studied.
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Brock-Servais, Rhonda. "Cinderella’s Princely Ever After." Libri et liberi 12, no. 2 (2024): 235–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.21066/carcl.libri.12.2.1.
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This paper focuses on three film adaptations of “Cinderella” that appeared in the late 1990s and early 2000s: Ever After: A Cinderella Story (1998), A Cinderella Story (2004), and Another Cinderella Story (2008). Close reading the details of the movies, particularly the presentation of the Cinderella characters, the relationships between women, and the role that men play, reveals problematic ideologies about gender and power. All these films are postfeminist adaptations of the Cinderella story that have a veneer of girl power and independence, but actually suggest that most females are not trustworthy and that true power lies with the masculine.
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Rehman, Muneeb Ur, and Munazza Razzaq. "Governance and power dynamics in the Princely States of the Northwest Frontier, Pakistan: a historical overview." Asian Journal of Politicology and Allied Studies (AJPAS) 2, no. 1 (2024): 11–33. https://doi.org/10.47264/idea.ajpas/2.1.2.
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This research study focuses on the political, administrative, and judicial history of the former princely states during British rule, which were annexed to Pakistan after 1947 as special autonomous territories administered under federal-cum-provincial jurisdiction as the Provincially Administered Tribal Areas (PATA) after 1969. This study covers the princely state's accession to Pakistan, its constitutional and political development during the British occupation, and its constitutional status under the 1956 and 1962 constitutions of Pakistan. Moreover, this study analyses the strategic importance of princely states to British India and of PATA to Pakistan, as well as the reasons for the comparatively longer survival of princely states, and the integration of princely states into Pakistan in 1947 as PATA. The study has thoroughly analysed the governance systems of the princely states and identified the gaps during the princely rule and after they were formally annexed to Pakistan’s mainstream as special regions. The findings reveal that the British and Pakistan have used these areas for strategic purposes, and the democratic setup was not intentionally extended to these regions. The areas still need special attention for the provision of basic infrastructure, improvement of the governance structure and measures for economic development.
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Настюк, А. А. "INFLUENCE OF USURIOUS RELATIONS ON THE DEVELOPMENT OF KIEVAN RUS." Прикарпатський юридичний вісник 1, no. 3(28) (2020): 33–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.32837/pyuv.v1i3(28).315.
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The purpose of our work is to study usury relations and their impact on the development of Kievan Rus.
 The source legal basis shows that in Kievan Rus the usury was governed by princely legislation. Russian-Byzantine treaties emphasize the interest of the princely power in stable trade relations. In our opinion, namely, the stimulation and support from the state to the traders explain the intensive development of trade relations in the state, which, in turn, develop usurious relations, since the creation of a credit system is a necessary element of increasing trade operations. We have analyzed the chronicles and found that the foreigners (Jews), indigenous peoples (Russes), religious organizations and councils were the borrowers. Our study found that not only ordinary people, but also princely power were credited.
 In the paper, we considered the reasons for ensuring the legal regulation of usurious relations through the introduction of new articles in the Russian truth during the reign of Vladimir Monomakh in Kiev.
 During the study, we concluded that the subjects of usurious relations were not only ordinary people and boyars who took money out at interest, but also princes did. We found that the princes borrowed money from religious organizations, congregations, and Jews. We found out that owing to debts, the princes were forced to make concessions to creditors. This led to a change of policy in the state. Our study found that the princes did not always want to be responsible for their debt obligations. The princes’ reluctance to repay debts prompted them to break and violate credit conditions, even to amend legislation. The victims of usurious relations were not only the princes but also the people of Kiev. The uprising of 1113 was the result of harsh conditions for repayment of debt interest rates. The expulsion of the Jews is a clear indication that the authorities in Kievan Rus fought not with usury, but with foreign residents who could interfere with the internal affairs of Kievan Rus through their debts. The influence of the prince administration on the personal system in the interests of his social group caused a revolt, as it happened after the death of Svyatopolk II. If the purpose of power was to fight against usury, in Russian truth it would be forbidden. After the expulsion of the Jews, the authorities softened the conditions for borrowing money. In turn, it indicates that not only Jews but also Russes were engaged in usury. Thus, the expulsion of the Jews was a factor in the competition for usurious cash flows. 
 We concluded that the level of economic development of Kievan Rus was closely linked to usurious relations.
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Cohen, Benjamin B. "Social Clubs in a Princely State: The Case from Hyderabad, Deccan." Indian Historical Review 48, no. 2 (2021): 187–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/03769836211052096.
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Social clubs began in India in the late eighteenth century in the wake of British colonial expansion. Clubs flourished in colonial India’s two great administrative divisions: those areas under direct control and the indirectly controlled princely states of India. This article explores the role of clubs in Hyderabad city, the capital city of India’s largest and wealthiest princely state. Here, club dynamics operated differently. By the nineteenth century, princely state urban capitals supported two centres of power: the local Indian ruler and that of the British Resident. These multiple centres of power forced clubs in this urban environment to be less attentive to difference among members (race and class) and more attentive to reaching across divisions. An examination of clubs in a princely state urban environment, thus, reveals an Indo-British clubland, largely marked by forms of social coexistence and cooperation.
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Dzhabayeva, Takhmina Ch. "Formation of large feudal property on Kumyk Plain of Dagestan from the 16th to the mid 18th centuries." Vestnik of Kostroma State University, no. 2 (2019): 14–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.34216/1998-0817-2019-25-2-14-17.
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The article is devoted to a detailed analysis of the history of the formation of the feudal land ownership of the Kumyk princes of Dagestan, its features, the role of the family and clan factor. The caution and foresight of the Russian Tsarist authorities in establishing contacts with the rulers of Dagestan, including the Kumyk princes, is noted. In addition, data are provided on the formation of mutually benefi cial relations between the Kumyk princes of Dagestan and Russian power. It is noted that by 1722, the land on Kumyk Plain of Dagestan had already been in full ownership of the princely house. Later, the documents issued by the imperial authority only confi rmed and to a certain extent regulated the land tenure of the princes. The article concludes that long before the 18th century the lands of the Kumyks had been in hereditary possession of the Kumyk princes. In the fourth generation after Sultan Mut – the ancestor of the Kumyk princes – (approximately in the early 18th century) his lands were divided into allotments according to the number of princely clans who owned them together, not dividing them among themselves.
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Woodworth, Cherie. "The Birth of the Captive Autocracy: Moscow, 1432." Journal of Early Modern History 13, no. 1 (2009): 49–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006509x462276.
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AbstractRelying on Russian chronicle sources of the fifteenth century, this paper argues that beginning with Vasilii II in 1432, the grand principality of Moscow mirrored the political structure of its overlords, the Golden Horde. The most recent work by Mongolists and Turkologists on ruling traditions and state structures of the Mongol khanates show that the successor states to the Chingisid empire were ruled not by an autocratic khan but by a council of four qarachi beys, heads of the four leading clans. The selection of the teenager, Vasilii II, as grand prince of Moscow in 1432 was a decision made by a coalition of three of the four qarachi beys in order to weaken a rival bey, and simultaneously also weakened the rulership of the grand prince of Moscow by increasing the power of the boyar and princely clans surrounding him. However, the political model the princely clans-plus-grand prince was effective and flexible and later facilitated the rise of Moscow over its former rivals and overlords.
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Mykola, Rud. "The Pricipality of Obodrites in the Period of Political Consolidation (the 11th – the First Third of the 12th Centuries)." Ethnic History of European Nations, no. 63 (2021): 9–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2518-1270.2021.63.01.
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Based on narrative sources and special historical literature, the article analyzes the process of consolidation of the Obodrit tribes within a relatively single early feudal state in the 11th – first third of the 12th century. The research is based on the principles of historicism, scientific and authorial objectivity, as well as on the use of general scientific (analysis, synthesis, generalization, comparison) and special-historical (historical-typological, historical-systemic) methods. It is noted that the military successes of the late 10 – early 11 centuries and the gaining the Polabian Slavs’ independence from the German feudal lords did not, however, lead to the final strengthening of the central princely power in Obodrites, which at that time had to wage aт exhausting struggle against strong groups of the nobility, which considered aggravating dependence on the supreme prince. The author came to the conclusion that the greatest power of the Obodrit state was achieved under Gottschalk and his son Henry of the Nakonid family, under whose rule were not only Obodrit, but also Lutici lands. It is noted that the consolidation course of the Nakonids was carried out in different directions: they created a system of princely fortresses with officials to control the districts adjacent to the fortresses, increased his military presence and by all means contributed to Christianization. In foreign policy, the Nakonid princes sought to strengthen allied relations with the Saxons and Danes and, as far as possible, used their assistance to strengthen positions within the country. However, this policy did not succeed.
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Roy, Roxanne. "L'institution oratoire du Prince ou le savoir au service du bien dire." Renaissance and Reformation 31, no. 4 (2008): 85–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/rr.v31i4.9151.
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Conceived somewhat in the style of the 'Mirrors of Princes' tradition composed of educational tracts addressed to future monarchs dating back to the 9th century, these late sixteenth-century treatises of royal eloquence are intended to serve the Prince and edify his speech. For this reason, they invite examination as princely 'Institutions of Oratory'. The ideal portrait of the king, forever haunted by a general fear of conferring royalty upon an ass, is one of a 'learned and well-spoken' prince. Education and eloquence therefore constitute two royal virtues which allow the sovereign to distinguish himself from the people and render himself worthy of the admiration of all subjects. This primary relation between learning and eloquence taken as fundamental elements of royal power is the main concern of the present study and analysis. We shall examine the case of three 'rhetorics', composed for the use of Henry III with the intention of informing himself as a model of the 'well-spoken king'.
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Ampleeva, T. Yu. "The Legal Nature of Princely Power in Ancient Russia." Journal of Law and Administration 19, no. 2 (2023): 46–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2073-8420-2023-2-67-46-53.
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Introduction. The effectiveness of the functioning of public power largely depends on how its image is actualized in the public consciousness and the legal culture of society. As part of the study of the emerging public power of medieval Russia, one of the basic and, at the same time, difficult to solve problems should be considered the identification of the nature of the Old Russian public power. The researcher has to take into account not only the fact that the Old Russian society has not become a subject of a single legal process, but also the discreteness of its legal space. Territorial disunity, preservation of traditional normative attitudes in society, their complex combination with legal innovations during the IX-XII centuries actively influenced the process of formation of the Old Russian legal culture. Materials and methods. In addition to documentary monuments, the works of ancient Russian literature of various genres - from epics to hagiographic works of the IX-XII centuries - have been studied. In this study, general scientific and private scientific methods of cognition were used. At the same time, the comprehension of the concept of princely power as state power in the Old Russian cultural tradition presupposes a qualitative analysis of its formation. To determine the nature of princely power in the process of formation of ancient Russian statehood, the method of reconstruction of conventional models of ancient Russian legal culture was used, as well as a genetic method that allows us to consider the process of formation of public power in Ancient Russia in dynamics. The results of the study. The conducted research gives every reason to believe that the conceptualization of princely power in the consciousness of ancient Russian society begins from the moment of its formation. The analysis of chronicle texts has shown that the phenomenon of power is reflected initially in everyday consciousness, gradually moving from reflecting reality to constructing the imageconcept of power. The process of statehood formation is reflected in the etiological myths about the origin of the founder of the state or the dynasty of rulers. This process was most fully reflected in the text of the "Legend of the Vocation of the Varangians", preserved in various editions of the Tale of Bygone Years, the author of which justified in detail the contractual basis of the princely power of the first Rurikovich. Discussion and conclusion. The use of semantic resources of the ordinary Old Russian language, most vividly reflected in the epic epic, allows us to reveal the reflection of the existence of power at the level of everyday consciousness. The historicism of epics is clearly manifested in the selection of sung events, in the popular assessment of these events and actors. For the chronicler of the XII century, it was important to emphasize that the transfer of supreme power takes place according to a contract ("in a row"), which establishes the duty of the invited ruler to ensure order and stability in society and limits his powers.
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Chelcu, Cătălina. "Rules, Behaviors, Sanctions. Means of Manifestation of Juridical Authority in Moldavia in the First Decades of the 19th century." Revista Istorică 35, no. 4-6 (2024): 351–60. https://doi.org/10.59277/ri.2024.4-6.35.05.
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The article analyses the judicial practice in medieval and pre-modern Moldavia, with a special focus on the ways in which the ruler, as a supreme judicial authority, created the mechanism of social control through law. Eventually, justice was called to regulate the behaviours that did not pay attention to the rules (customs, norms) by which the Moldavian society of the period was governed. Although the princely institution lost its previous prestige due to the Phanariot regime, the ruler preserved his status as the supreme juridical authority of the realm. However, during the 19th century, the death sentence became increasingly rare, probably due to the injunction of the Porte. The means of manifestation of the princely power in Moldavia, as it emerges from the research of the sources of the first three decades of the 19th century, derive from the very authority of the ruler. The prince used all the means, including the symbolic ones, in an attempt to impose the social control. From this perspective, respect for the law was an essential tool, supported by a judicial apparatus composed of dignitaries and servants with limited executive and judicial powers.
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COHEN, BENJAMIN B. "The Court of Wards in a Princely State: Bank Robber or Babysitter?" Modern Asian Studies 41, no. 2 (2007): 395–420. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x05002246.
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Scholarship on institutional history rarely brings the academe to a heightened state of excitement. However, when institutions cross spans of time and place while intersecting with multiple cultural identities and levels of power, things can become more captivating. An ideal institution for examination of this very process is the Court of Wards. Originally devised in Tudor England, the Court was later brought to India by members of the East India Company and put into wide use throughout the subcontinent. In India, its purpose was to shelter child heirs and their estates, eventually returning heir and estate to autonomy when ruling age was reached. However, while the Court in England and in India has received some critical review, we can extend its investigation one step further by examining its use in the ‘other India’, that of the princely states. How did this administrative unit become adopted and adapted to some of India's 560 princely states? To what degree were the Court and its administrators able to rectify an inherent tension within the Court's purpose? It was largely designed to protect child heirs and their estates, and return them in due time. But, in a princely state, in some circumstances, the ultimate ‘owner’ of any land was the chief prince. Did the Court mediate between the wishes of the ruling prince and his (or her) smaller ‘little kings?’ In short, to what extent was the Court of Wards at times a babysitter, and at other times a bank robber?
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Gridin, S. I. "Russian Pravda as a primary source of administrative law and process in ancient Russia." Courier of Kutafin Moscow State Law University (MSAL)), no. 5 (July 15, 2024): 142–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.17803/2311-5998.2024.117.5.142-149.
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Russian Truth is the oldest monument of the law of feudal Rus’. It reflects the growth of princely power and the expansion of the princely court. This study is devoted to identifying the features of law and legal proceedings in this era. Like the ancient Laws of the XII tables in Ancient Rome and the Babylonian laws of King Hamurabi (Hamurabi), to which our study was devoted. Russian Truth is also a judge. In it we meet the rules of law, which we now call administrative law and process. Separate historical epochs are mixed up in Russkaya Pravda, there is no systematization of norms. A separate part of the truth is called “The Court of Yaroslav Vladimirovich.” Russkaya Pravda does not give us a complete account of the organization of the princely court. Separate princely decisions became the norm for subsequent court decisions. So, the prince sets penalties for killing people depending on their position. Pravda Yaroslavichi forbids blood feuds and introduces a fine instead. Litigation under Russkaya Pravda is adversarial, which establishes pre-trial procedures. The relationship between the plaintiffs and the defendants is clarified. This order is called “arching” and “persecution of the trace.” Competitiveness arises from those forms of struggle that existed even in a tribal society, when relations were sorted out by force. The study showed that the law according to Russian Pravda has gone ahead of the primitive customs of more ancient times and represents a developed system, where there was a court, a process, a system of evidence and punishments.
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Sokolov, R. A. "THE POLITICAL CAPITAL OF A CHILD RULER: KNIAZHICHI ON THE NOVGOROD THRONE. A CASE STUDY OF ALEXANDER NEVSKY." Bulletin of Udmurt University. Series History and Philology 32, no. 1 (2022): 115–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2412-9534-2022-32-1-115-118.
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The crisis of power in Veliky Novgorod in the 1220s expressed in frequent changes on the princely throne. In these conditions the practice of "feeding" the princes (the term was introduced by I. Ya. Froyanov) was used by governors. This practice was used by the Novgorod community earlier, in the end of the 11th century. Later, the princes themselves tried to use this tactic of the Novgorodians, seeking to strengthen their own sons in the reign of Novgorod. This is precisely what caused the fact that Yaroslav Vsevolodovich left his children Fedor and Alexander as governors. With the help of such a strategy, Yaroslav eventually succeeded in securing Novgorod for Alexander.
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P.O., Ramanjinamma. "H.V. NANJUNDAIAH'S CONTRIBUTION DURING PRINCELY MYSORE." Shanlax International Journal of Arts, Science and Humanities 6, S2 (2019): 152–55. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.3271472.
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An attempt is made in this paper to explain H.V. Nanjundaiah’s contribution during to princely Mysore. Hebbalu Velpanur Nanjundaiah one of the intellectuals of Mysore rose from poverty to power by dint of hard work and merit. He appeared like a progressive man to the orthodox and Vice-versa. He served in different departments including the Revenue, Judicial, and educational departments.
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Rogulski, Jakub. "Insignia Summorum Principum. Using symbols of power in pursuit of higher rank and status by German prince-electors and Polish-Lithuanian princes." Virtus | Journal of Nobility Studies 27 (December 31, 2020): 55–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.21827/virtus.27.55-78.
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In 1680 an anonymous Polonus Borussus composed a treatise suggesting the equal status between the German imperial princes and the Polish-Lithuanian princely families in terms of their symbolism. Using it as a starting point, the article investigates the way in which these elites expressed their real power and political ambitions in a similar manner. By comparing the Electors of Brandenburg and the houses of Radziwiłł, Wis´niowiecki and Sanguszko it shows that, first, Polonus Borussus did not exaggerate too much when he hinted at the ‘symbolic’ equality of the German electors and the Polish-Lithuanian princes; and second, that these elites differed from each other in two aspects: the primary audiences of their symbolic practices (peers in the case of the German princes as opposed to the middling nobility, the antagonist of the Polish-Lithuanian princes) as well as the potential to exploit symbols (the ‘symbolic audacity’ of the Polish-Lithuanian princes contrasting with the ‘confirmative’ use of the German princes).
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K., Lakshmirangaiah, and Jamuna M. "H.V. NANJUNDAIAH'S CONTRIBUTION DURING PRINCELY MYSORE." Shanlax International Journal of Arts, Science and Humanities 6, S2 (2019): 67–69. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.2649998.
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An attempt is made in this paper to explain H.V. Nanjundaiah’s contribution during to princely Mysore. Hebbalu Velpanur Nanjundaiah one of the intellectuals of Mysore rose from poverty to power by dint of hard work and merit. He appeared like a progressive man to the orthodox and Vice-versa. He served in different departments including the Revenue, Judicial, and educational departments. In 1905, he was secretary to the Government of Mysore.<strong><sup>1</sup></strong> He had every chance to become the Dewan of Mysore and the newspapers also justified the same.
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Malmenvall, Simon. "Smrt Borisa in Gleba kot poosebitev krščanskega političnega ideala in pojav vladarskih mučencev." Res novae: revija za celovito znanost 6, no. 1 (2021): 26–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.62983/rn2865.221.2.
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The princely brothers Boris and Gleb were the first canonized saints of Kievan Rus’. They respected the will of their elder brother, Sviatopolk, and voluntarily accepted their deaths in order to prevent further bloodshed and draw attention to the transience of earthly goods—in this case, political power. The martyrs of Rus’ were similar to the cases of princes Ludmila and Wenceslas of Bohemia, prince Jovan Vladimir of Dioclea, and Magnus Erlendsson, jarl (earl) of the Orkney Isles. All of the saints mentioned did not resort to revenge or fratricide as a means of struggle for power, but rather voluntarily accepted their deaths for the benefit of peace in their homelands. Ruler martyrs were regarded by their contemporaries as promoters of the new ideal of the Christian monarchs and as symbols of the rejection of the recent pagan past. This phenomenon, characteristic for the newly-Christianized lands on the eastern and northern periphery of Europe between the tenth and twelfth centuries, is also connected with the self-esteem of the ecclesiastical and secular elites—they saw their homelands, despite their relatively late adoption of Christianity, as culturally on equal footing with the other polities, which was to a large extent possible due to the emergence of the first local saints.
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Saksena, Priyasha. "Jousting Over Jurisdiction: Sovereignty and International Law in Late Nineteenth-Century South Asia." Law and History Review 38, no. 2 (2019): 409–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248019000701.
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The article examines the relationship between colonialism and international law by focusing on late nineteenth century debates surrounding the sovereignty of the “princely states” of colonial South Asia. The princely states were ruled by indigenous rulers and were not considered to be British territory, but remained subject to British “influence;” as a result, there were numerous controversies over their legal status. During the course of jurisdictional disputes, a variety of interested players - British politicians, colonial officials, international lawyers, rulers and advisors of princely states - engaged in debates over the idea of sovereignty to resolve questions of legal status, the extent of rights and powers, and to construct a political order that supported their interests and aspirations. I focus on legal texts written by British international lawyers and colonial officials as well as material relating to two jurisdictional disputes (one between the state of Travancore and the British Government and another between the state of Baroda and the British Government) to trace two versions of sovereignty that were articulated in late nineteenth century South Asia - unitary and divisible. In doing so, I argue that international law, and the doctrine of sovereignty in particular, became the shared language for participants to debate political problems and a key forum for the negotiation of political power.
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Kellet, Mark Alan. "The power of princely patronage: pigeon‐shooting in Victorian Britain." International Journal of the History of Sport 11, no. 1 (1994): 63–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09523369408713847.
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Paul, Michael C. "Episcopal Election in Novgorod, Russia 1156–1478." Church History 72, no. 2 (2003): 251–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640700099844.
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Episcopal election in Western Christianity evolved considerably over the course of the fifth to the twelfth centuries. In the early part of this period, an open electorate consisting of the clergy and the people (clerus et populus), as well as the diocesan clergy and the metropolitan archbishop, all took part in the election and consecration of a new bishop. Over the course of several centuries, the local prince came increasingly to dominate the process due both to Germanic and Roman traditions of the role of the prince and to the growth in power of the local rulers over the course of the Middle Ages. Efforts to harmonize the discordant views of a “democratic” versus an elite (either princely or clerical) electorate with the ideals of canon law, which forbade lay participation in episcopal election, led to assertions that the clergy were to elect the bishop with the people and the prince giving their assent to the bishop-elect. However, with the Gregorian reforms of the twelfth century, the right of the clergy in episcopal elections became preeminent as the reformers sought to enforce the canon laws and exclude the laity from episcopal election, especially in light of past princely abuse. Despite the apparent victory of the reformers in the Investiture Controversy, the local ruler continued to play a preeminent role in episcopal appointments (or elections) into modern times, though the principle of election “by the clergy and the people” fell into disuse.
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Petrov, Alexey. "On the Issue of the Baptism of Princess Olga." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 1 (February 2020): 200–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2020.1.16.
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Introduction. More than once researchers will address this issue and related subjects. Where, how and why did Princess Olga receive holy baptism? When and in what capacity did she travel to Constantinople? What was the meaning of Olga’s baptism for Rus? Was the blessed princess the ruler of a pagan state? The author proposes to share his thoughts on this subject in this article. Methods. The method of considering this issue ultimately comes down to finding the best option for reconciling conflicting testimony of sources, taking into account extensive historiography, but also in the context of a particular historiographic and theoretical paradigm. Analysis. The opinion about the official nature of Olga’s trip to Constantinople as the full-fledged ruler of the Russian land can be successfully opposed by the opinion that the visit of the princess to the capital of the empire is a private event in the life of the widow of the Russian prince. Doubts were justified that she could be equal in status to her late husband and fully take control of his princely duties and government powers. Most likely, her political position was ambivalent. It is difficult to deny the baptism of Igor’s widow in Constantinople, because all the sources talking about him, not coinciding in the dating of this event, nevertheless, unanimously localize him there. Results. Christianity, adopted by Princess Olga in 957 in Constantinople during an unofficial trip there as part of a trade caravan, from the very act of baptism to the end of the princess’s life, remained only her personal affair. After baptism, Olga completely refused to participate in government activities. The latter circumstance allows emphasizing that aspect of her Christian feat that researchers did not pay attention to: conscious self-removal from power (even symbolic) in pagan society in order to follow Christian commandments and adhere to Christian values.
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Ramusack, B. N. "ANGMA DEY JHALA. Royal Patronage, Power and Aesthetics in Princely India." American Historical Review 118, no. 2 (2013): 504–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/118.2.504a.
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Hussain, Shafqat. "Animal Kingdoms: Hunting, the Environment, and Power in Indian Princely States." Journal of Historical Geography 44 (April 2014): 149–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jhg.2014.02.014.
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Korpela, Jukka. "The Last Vikings: Russian Boat Bandits and the Formation of Princely Power." Russian History 48, no. 1 (2022): 89–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/18763316-12340024.
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Abstract The Viking age ended in the twelfth century in Scandinavia. Rising royal powers recruited most magnates and secured the development of medieval maritime trade. Only a few people who were marginalized to the peripheries turned to piracy. The situation in the Eastern Baltic and along Russian rivers was different. The Viking culture arrived there in the ninth century, but princely power formed late. Control of remote areas was superficial. Raiding by private gangs of young men and warlords continued: this activity was part of the economy and local societies benefited from it. The culture faded away gradually after the late fourteenth century but still in the seventeenth century, dragon ships raided along Siberian rivers. This activity provided the context for the formation of the early modern Muscovite economy, which differed from the West European pattern. This difference is essential to understand the situation in Russia today.
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Blasinger, Katharina. "Die Geschichte Tirols im Spiegel der landesfürstlichen Residenz Schloss Tirol. Die Residenzen der Tiroler Landesfürst_innen bis um 1500." historia.scribere, no. 10 (June 19, 2018): 321. http://dx.doi.org/10.15203/historia.scribere.10.111.
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Tyrol Castle can be referred to as a ‘Dynastenburg’, as it was the ancestral seat of power for the Counts of Tyrol. Under the rule of Meinhard II (1259–1295) the castle developed to the centre of his power and came to be the place of residence for the princely family and their court. In the year 1420 the ancestral seat was relocated to Innsbruck and thus Tyrol Castle lost its representative power and function as a residence, falling into decay as a consequence. The combination of power and representation as well as its impact on buildings structures is crucial for this analysis.
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Kooiman, Dick. "Invention of Tradition in Travancore: A Maharaja's Quest for Political Security." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain & Ireland 15, no. 2 (2005): 151–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186305005018.
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AbstractUp until the British departure from India, in 1947, hundreds of Indian princely states succeeded in maintaining a semi-autonomous existence beneath the wide umbrella of British paramount power. These states, which were scattered over the whole subcontinent, ranged from large and imposing to tiny and insignificant, and were dominated by Hindu, Muslim and Sikh ruling elites.
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Vinogradov, Andrey. "The “Sermon on Law and Grace” in the Context of the Russian-Byzantine Conflict in the Mid-11th Century." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija 29, no. 6 (2024): 128–41. https://doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2024.6.9.
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The article offers a new interpretation of the ideological content of the Sermon on Law and Grace in the context of the Russian–Byzantine conflict in the mid-11th century. Presented, apparently, in the Tithe Church on March 26, 1049, it contains Yaroslav’s program to strengthen the prestige and independence of the Russian Church. The compilation of the Sermon was entrusted to one of the most educated Eastern Slavs of his time, the princely presbyter Ilarion: on the one hand, he did not directly subordinate to the metropolitan, and on the other, the prince did not directly reveal the origin of his initiative. By showing that the era of Jewish law was replaced by the era of Christian grace, Ilarion demonstrates that Russia took an equal place among Christian nations thanks to its baptism by Prince Vladimir, who himself was baptized miraculously. Without directly calling Vladimir a saint, the author raises his status by likening him to the apostles and saints. To Constantine the Great, which also sanctifies his descendants and, first of all, Yaroslav, represented as the successor of his father’s work. In addition to this, Ilarion introduces for the first time in Russian literature the idea of the divine establishment of the prince’s power, likening him implicitly to the Byzantine emperor, whom Yaroslav guided in his construction of churches and their decoration. Thus, Yaroslav, like the Emperor, also gets the right to interfere in the affairs of the Church, which happened very soon, in 1051.
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Lander, J. R., and Anthony Goodman. "John of Gaunt: The Exercise of Princely Power in Fourteenth-Century Europe." American Historical Review 99, no. 1 (1994): 216. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2166212.
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Bradley, Patricia J. "John of Gaunt: The Exercise of Princely Power in Fourteenth-Century Europe." History: Reviews of New Books 22, no. 4 (1994): 161. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1994.9949068.
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Volckart, Oliver. "Power politics and princely debts: why Germany's common currency failed, 1549-56†." Economic History Review 70, no. 3 (2017): 758–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ehr.12421.
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Bangash, Yaqoob Khan. "Betrayal of Trust: Princely States of India and the Transfer of Power." South Asia Research 26, no. 2 (2006): 181–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0262728006066491.
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McLeod, John. "The English Honours System in Princely India, 1925–1947." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 4, no. 2 (1994): 237–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186300005460.
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In 1893, the Government of India revised the handbook for the officials who conducted its relations with the Indian States. The new edition included a chapter on titles and ceremonial because of “the great importance of these matters in Indian Political business”. Modern scholars agree that what we now call “honours” and “civic ritual” are worthy of study; and Stern's monograph on Jaipur State, and Dirks's on Pudukkottai, are only two of the many recent works that have noted the central role that titles and ceremonial played in the relationship between the British Paramount Power and the princes and chiefs of India.
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Prokopiev, Andrei. "Imperial and Princely Court of the Holy Roman Empire in Early Modern in Modern Historiography." ISTORIYA 14, no. 3 (125) (2023): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840025002-1.
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The article considers the phenomenon of the imperial and princely court of the Holy Roman Empire in the focus of modern historiographical discussion of German historians. What were the new methodological approaches to the study of the court at the end of the 20th century? How strong was the influence of historical sociology and anthropology? What new schools and trends can be identified at the turn of the century? The specificity of the German material is especially emphasized: the need for a comparative study of over 300 residences of the imperial estates in the early modern period. Today, the princely and imperial courts are seen by historians not so much as a political instrument of power, but as a reflection of the diverse social and cultural processes in the society of the beginning of modern times.
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Yuvaraj, Patil. "Knowledge Hub in Princely State of Kolhapur Karveer Nagar Wachan Mandir." International Journal of Advance and Applied Research 10, no. 1 (2022): 677 to 680. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.7223490.
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Democracy has given people some rights participation in power duties and freedom people got the fundamental right to get Knowledge. we are given local self governments as Garampanchayat, school, hospital, and library at every village through consternation. The library has become an information centre and guidance cerate. Library helps to make civilized citizen; Libraries become centers to quench the thirsts of knowledge of people. So they become important in human life Kolhapur was the leading princely state having radical thoughts. This state had abandoned orthodox cal thoughts .Karveer Nagar wachan Mandir inculcated progressive thoughts in Kolhapur princely state. We come across the chancing school of thoughts.while taking the historical review of this library .The timely projects employed by this library and the response it got, shows the important role of this library in Kolhapur state.
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Wang, Liping, and Julia Adams. "Interlocking Patrimonialisms and State Formation in Qing China and Early Modern Europe." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 636, no. 1 (2011): 164–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716211402922.
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Familial power contributed to binding territories together and systematically severing them in both China and early modern European states. In the early Qing (1644–1911) Empire, Manchu conquerors met the challenges of securing and expanding rule by discovering ways to use laterally related brothers and imperial bondservants to hold Chinese bureaucrats in check, while deploying bureaucracy to restrain princely brothers from partitioning the state. The ensuing interlock of patrimonial practices and bureaucracy, developed in a style similar to ancien régime France, stabilized political power for centuries.
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C., K. Mamatha. "FOOTSTEPS OF DEMOCRACY IN PRINCELY MYSORE STATE 1881 TO 1940." Shanlax International Journal of Arts, Science and Humanities 6, S2 (2019): 76–78. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.2632477.
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<em>In the time 1881 Mysore state as eagerly to share their power with the People. That Mysore gave birth to the first Representative Child in India. The restoration of the throne to Mummudi Krishnaraja Wodeyar in 1799.The way in which Transfer of power took place in 1799 and in 1881 had almost sheltered the credibility of the Wodeyars as a ruling family. By bestowing the kingdom to Wodeyars. The British’s expected the rulers to remain faithful to them. Nagara insurrection of 1831 was Mummudi Krishnaraja wodeyars hardly had any knowledge the suffering of his people. Because of the gap between the state and subjects that led to the rebellion of the formers in Nagara division in 1831.By making this incident a case of incompetence of Mummudi Krishnaraja wodeyar. The kingdom was taken over by the British. After 1881 British’s to given provision of Instrument of Transfer policy in 25 March 1881<sup>1</sup>. Chamaraja wodeyer 10<sup>th</sup> was king and ruler the state of Mysore its rendition to wodeyar dynasty than ruled Nalwadi Krishna Raja Wodeyar complet the Mysore A Model state , his period.</em>
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Arakcheev, Vladimir A. "The Evolution of State Institutions of the Republic of Pskov and the Problem of its Sovereignty from the Thirteenth to Fifteenth Centuries." Russian History 41, no. 4 (2014): 423–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763316-04104002.
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The article analyzes the socio-political organization of the Pskov Veche republic in the 13th–15th centuries, particularly the changes in personnel and in competences of the Pskov princes, the authority and the officials of the princely administration. The article shows the evolution of the sotnia (a hundred unit) organization from the princely one into the republican one. The research reveals Pskov’s considerable differences from Novgorod in terms of regulation of commerce and defines the function of the rank-and-file traders’ elder in the system of the republican power. The author argues that the Pskov veche functioned as a state institution that had been formed in the course of Pskov’s fight for independence in the 13th century. The fact of adopting the documents of taxpaying at the veche assembly reveals the fully institutionalized character of governmental bodies of the Pskov republic. By drawing upon H.J. Berman’s argument of independence within European cities of the 11th – 12th centuries, this article contributes to the discussion of Pskov’s independence by outlining the main criteria of Pskov’s sovereignty. Pskov had a right to issue and supplement laws; the Pskov Judicial Charter arose out of the princes’ local charters and was further edited at the veche assembly. Pskov set its own taxes and the veche was empowered to free separate groups of landowners from taxes. The rights to military mobilization, to the declaration of war and to making peace, which were under the complete jurisdiction of the republic, undoubtedly demonstrates the sovereignty of Pskov. Finally, the sovereignty of Pskov was manifested in the symbols of stamps and coins that were used in the Pskov republic. All these facts taken together demonstrate the feasibility of applying the medieval European cities’ criteria of sovereignty to Pskov’s socio-political realities.
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Szentpáli-Gavallér, Pál. "The Emergence and Limits of State Supremacy. A Comparative Analysis of the Powers of the Prince of Transylvania and the Habsburgs Holding the Hungarian Royal Title." Acta Universitatis Sapientiae, Legal Studies 11, no. 1 (2022): 127–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.47745/ausleg.2022.11.1.08.
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This study outlines the historical and theoretical background of the evolution of sovereignty and monarchy, that is, its Roman-Germanic roots, as well as the constitutional history of Hungarian and Transylvanian sovereignty, and discusses the limitations of the ruler’s power, in particular the fundamental role of Transylvanian electoral conditions, on the basis of which the Transylvanian princely state was given a manner of rule of law.
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Elvira, Kochkina. "To the Question of Key Features of Court Proceedings in the Old Russian State." Siberian Criminal Process and Criminalistic Readings, no. 3 (37) (September 13, 2022): 73–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/2411-6122.2022.3.73-80.
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The article reflects the author’s approach to summarizing and identifying characteristic features of court organization and proceedings in the Old Russian state. In addition to the characteristic features of court organization and proceedings in the Old Russian State, the author also discusses the theories of organizing the judiciary power in Russian tribal principalities of law historian D.Ya. Samokvasov, and analyzes the establishment of the Old Russian court system. Several types of courts are discussed: a Princely court, a church court, a communal court, a manorial court; judicial offices, procedural status of some proceedings’ participants, their functions and roles in the administration of justice are described. The author also examines the problematic issue of the participation of the community in the administration of justice, singles out the stages of the court process according to “Kratkaya Pravda”, as well as the role of the Princely court in the Old Russian state.
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Murdock, Graeme. ""FREELY ELECTED IN FEAR": PRINCELY ELECTIONS AND POLITICAL POWER IN EARLY MODERN TRANSYLVANIA." Journal of Early Modern History 7, no. 3 (2003): 213–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006503772486874.
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AbstractTransylvania's survival was threatened by both its Habsburg and Ottoman neighbors. Given this precarious international position, ruling princes required sufficient power to govern effectively, and also needed to maintain a broad consensus for their right to exercise authority over the diverse political elite. A successful balance of power between princes and the estates was built around the freedoms granted to a number of different churches, and around the right of the diet to elect princes. This article examines the elections of Gábor Bethlen and other Calvinist princes in Transylvania during the early seventeenth century. Even though these elections were rarely free or fair, they provided a key basis for the growing political authority of princes who were widely identified as divinely-appointed rulers. Transylvania thus provides a model of a competence for elective monarchy, a form of political organization often thought to lead inevitably to unstable and ineffective government.
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Martin, Matthew. "Porcelain and Catholic Enlightenment: The Zwettler Tafelaufsatz." Eighteenth-Century Life 45, no. 3 (2021): 116–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00982601-9273020.
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The mastery of a hard-paste porcelain technology in Dresden in 1708 was a major natural philosophical achievement for the European Enlightenment. From the outset, the material possessed a representative function at the Saxon court, where it served to promote the power and cultural prestige of the Wettin dynasty. As porcelain factories were established at courts across Europe, however, the material's signifying role became complex. On the one hand, its alchemical associations aligned it with unfettered princely power in the realm of the absolutist court. On the other, its origins in laboratory investigation could indicate a princely engagement with the Enlightenment pursuit of scientific knowledge. These contradictory associations reached an apogee in the so-called “Catholic Enlightenment,” producing artworks that sought to consolidate the church. This paper analyzes the Zwettler Tafelaufsatz—the great porcelain table centerpiece that was created in 1768 as part of a multimodal baroque celebration of Abbot Rayner Kollmann's jubilee at the Cistercian monastery of Zwettl in Lower Austria. Here the porcelain medium enabled the Cistercian brethren to argue for the continuing role of monasteries and monastic scholarship in eighteenth-century Enlightenment learning, while simultaneously declaring the limits of human learning and the ultimate supremacy of divine revelation in the context of an absolutist world order.