Academic literature on the topic 'Printers' Guild'

The process by which journeymen became masters and came to run printing houses of their own was seriously undermined in Europe from the sixteenth century on. As a rule, there was a concentration of a few printing presses in a handful of urban workshops. These were dominated by several fairly well-known families which encouraged the development of state control. This was a period of religious and political turmoil, particularly in England and France. Few studies on the early history of the printing industry are as thorough and illuminating as Natalie Zemon Davis's work on Lyons. In this large and prosperous French city, the rapidly expanding sixteenth-century printing industry employed many male immigrants who often spent all their adult lives as wage earners working as pressmen or compositors in a trade that was very different from that of their fathers. Both government and guild intervention contributed extensively and almost continuously to the expansion of this urban body of permanent journeymen in the capital-intensive Printing trade before the Industrial Revolution. Looking back on his career as a journeyman and foreman in the mid eighteenth-century Parisian world of printing, Restif de la Bretonne presumably articulated a widespread opinion when he wrote in his autobiographical writings that among printers “un ouvrier ne devient jamais maitre […] les maîtres engendrent des maîtres, et les compagnons des compagnons et ainsi de génération en génération.” In fact, the position of foreman in a printing establishment was the pinnacle of a lifetime of waged labour. The Dutch journeyman and overseer David Wardenaar in his manual Beschrijving der Boekdrukkunst (1801) described the journeymen (knechts) together with other wage earners as being without alternative prospects (“arbeiders […] bedongen loon […] om dat hij geen ander uitzicht heeft”) and as the workers of an unpayable craft (“gezellen de beärbeiders zijn van het nut […] door deze onbetaalbare kunst”).

Traffic engineering products have two major functions: to guild and indicate signals, they can directly affect drivers vision and mind, its chromaticity characteristics are important parameters index, also those products are the significant parts of active safety. The current traffic engineering products chromaticity test depends on people to trace points in the printed paper to judge whether the parameter is qualified or not. According to the defects, the author developed a set of chromaticity test softwares about traffic engineering products, aiming to improve measurement accuracy and test efficiency. And these softwares have already successfully been operating in the test of traffic engineering products.

By the beginning of the 20th century a unique collection of Hebrew manuscripts (more than 20000 units) and first printed books was formed in the capital of the Russian Empire. These books ended up in St.Petersburg as part of several private collections, such as the collection of a Protestant paleographer and Biblical scholar Konstantin von Tischendorf, of the Karaite leader Avraam Firkovich, of the Archimandrite Antonin Kapustin, of the Barons Gnzburg, of a First Guild merchant Moses Aryeh Leib Friedland and of an Orientalist Professor Daniel Chwolson. The history of these collections and the motives of the collecting activity of their owners are the subject of this article.

Protein delivery systems have been extensively applied in controlled releasing of protein or polypeptides for therapeutic treatment or tissue regeneration. While 3 D printing technology shows great promise in novel dosage form with tailoring dose size and drug release profile, 3 D printable protein delivery system has to face many difficult challenges. In this study, we developed a hybrid suspension combining Eudragit polyacrylate colloid as matrix material and Pluronic polyether hydrogel as diffusion channel for protein release. This hybrid suspension can be 3 D-printed into construct with complex shape and inner structures thanks to its pseudoplastic and thixotropic rheological properties. The protein can be incorporated in hybrid suspension either in its original or nanoparticle capsulated form. The experiment shows that the protein release from construct is a function of drying time, molecular weight (MW) of chitosan, as well as their own structural/diffusional properties. Also, the theoretical derivation suggests polyacrylate matrix tortuosity, chitosan erosion rate as well as hydrogel diffusion coefficient all contributed to the extended duration of release profile. In addition, cytotoxicity test through cell culture confirmed that the construct fabricated from hybrid suspension exhibit relative good bio-compatibility. Finally, heterogeneous constructs with zoned design were fabricated as protein delivery system, which demonstrated the capability of hybrid suspension technique for spatial and temporal release of macromolecular drugs to realize pharmaceutical effectiveness or guild cell organization.

AbstractIn the latter half of the 16th century a conspicuously large number of Netherlandisch artists emigrated to Cologne. The majority came from the south Netherlands after 1567, forced to leave for political and religious reasons during Alva's reign of terror. Worsening economical conditions were another reason. Cologne offered good prospects for immigrants. Most of the Dutch artists who settled there were engravers, designers and publishers of prints, professions which were much in demand. Skilled native artists were rare in Cologne, and the wealthy, art-loving patricians and prosperous burghers were eager customers. From a different point of view, though, Cologne was not the ideal place for refugees. The city was a bastion of Catholicism, and the Netherlandish emigrants were only tolerated on condition that they showed no signs of their Protestant faith. Protestants were regularly arrested and expelled. Only Lutherans were treated with a modicum of lenience; although they, too, were forbidden to practise their religion, they were eligible for citizenship. After the fall of Antwerp in 1585, when a fresh stream of emigrants descended on Cologne, things became even more difficult for non-Catholics, many of whom were forced to leave the city around 1600. Adriaan de Weert (d. ca. 1590) went to Cologne in about 1567. Despite being a Lutheran (in 1579 he was arrested during a sermon), he joined the Cologne guild of painters and was granted citizenship in 1577. De Weert's work is best known from prints after his designs engraved by his close friend Dirck Volkertsz. Coornhert (fig. 2). Coornhert, who had fled from Haarlem to the Rhineland in 1568, also invented subjects for the two friends' prints, and moreover inspired a few moral-philosophical prints after De Weert which were probably engraved by Hendrick Goltzius (figs. 3 and 4). Their prints reflect a personal, unorthodox and anti-clerical view of religion (fig. 2), and are unlikely to have been published in Catholic Cologne. Isaac Duchemin, who like De Weert came from Brussels, made prints of De Weert's more conventional designs (figs. 1 and 6). A later Duchemin print after his own design (1612; fig. 15) shows a horde of ignorant donkeys practising the arts, lampooning the situation of the arts and sciences in Cologne in a period when the last dissident artists and scientists had died or been expelled and the heyday of culture was over. Frans Hogenberg, who was banished by Alva in 1568 and sought admission to Cologne in 1570, was another active Lutheran. During the aforementioned gathering in 1579 he, too, was arrested, but let off with a fine. Hogenberg may originally have had Calvinist sympathies; a print made while he was still in Antwerp (fig. 7) depicts Predestination. He joined the Cologne painters' guild, and was a highly productive engraver and publisher until his death in 1590. Notably his town views and history prints of contemporary war activities and other political events (figs. 8 and 9) were held in high esteem. Crispijn dc Passe the Elder opted for his baptist faith after the fall of Antwerp (1585) and was compelled to leave the city. After a brief sojourn in Aachen in 1589 he moved that same year to Cologne, where he published and engraved a large number of prints. Some were his own designs (fig. i 3), but more often those of Maartcn de Vos, his wife's uncle (figs. 11-12). Despite his friendship with such well-known Protestants as Carel Utenhoven and Matthias Quad, De Passe seems to have been careful to keep out of trouble. His prints catered to the taste of a conservative, Catholic elite, and he endeavoured to gain the favour of prominent citizens of Cologne by dedicating prints to them (fig. 14). However, the city grew increasingly intolerant of the Protestant immigrants. During a campaign to flush them out, especially the baptists, De Passe was registered in 1610 and along with all the other baptists had to leave the city in 1611. He settled in Utrecht, where his prints were published from 1612 on. Catholic Dutch artists also emigrated to Cologne. The public's hostile attitude towards Willem van Tetrode's work (his recently completed high altar in Delft was destroyed in the iconoclasm of 1573) induced the sculptor to seek commissions from Cologne patricians a successful venture, as it turned out. The Catholic painter Geldorp Gortzius of Louvain became Cologne's favourite portraitist (fig. 10). He lived there from 1579 until his death in 1619), holding an administrative post and living in financial circumstances which he would never have enjoyed in the south Netherlands, where there was fierce competition among the many painters.

AbstractThis article discusses a woodcut series with an elaborate iconographic representation of the Flemish city of Ghent, printed in 1524 by Pieter de Keysere. The three-sheet composition consists of a city view, an image of the allegorical Maiden of Ghent, and an extensive heraldic program with the coat of arms of prominent Ghent families and of the Ghent craft guilds. The print series’ production and consumption are unraveled and framed within the wider debate on civic religion in Renaissance Europe. The main argument is that while in this region of Northern Europe civic ideology was equally strong as in Italy, it was not the exclusive playground of the ruling elites. Pieter de Keysere’s woodcut series was aimed at a socially broad, local audience, most particularly Ghent’s corporate middle groups.

As new histories of the public execution are published, cultural perceptions of crowds are again enjoying scholarly interest. This contribution evaluates the role to be played by visual culture in crowd culture, weaving an account that draws from a closer analysis of live visual relations to explain both crowd impulses and its afterimages. A visually structured history can be navigated in order to examine the murder on 20 August 1672 of Jan and Cornelis de Wit at the hands of a street crowd, a determining event in the Dutch ‘disaster year’ of 1672. Giving close examination to contemporary prints, a drawing and a play, the contribution makes two overarching observations: first, that a Christological reading of the execution site strongly informed all of the after-images of the murders. Moreover, sacredness worked as a schema for the mob's own part during the tragedy. Second, the crowd's behaviour followed a pattern of structured theatricality and merriment that is best understood in the context of historical disturbance culture. The Dutch crowds of 1672 offered a double bill of religious and secular visual logics, blurring the limits of a judicially ordered punishment and producing in the tacit testimonies examined here a marked affective response.

AbstractBook historians have generally seen the introduction of the printed book auction catalogue as an important event in the history of the book trade. Catalogues were already being printed in the Dutch Republic in about 1600 and the present article discusses the factors that favoured this remarkably early development. In section 2 the author surveys present knowledge of book auctions from classical antiquity up to the year 1598. In particular, he discusses sales of books in the estates of deceased persons in the Low Countries during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, with particular reference to auctions in Leiden and The Hague in the last part of the sixteenth century. From the data assembled it emerges that the auctioning of books was certainly not first thought of in the Dutch Republic and that many auctions of property, including books, were held before 1599. In 1596 Louis (II) Elzevier was granted permission to hold book auctions in the Great Hall of the Binnenhof in The Hague, and in the hands of a bookseller it was possible for this form of trade to develop in the best possible way. In section 3 the author moves on to the earliest book sales with printed catalogues, namely the Marnix sale of 1599 and the Daniel van der Meulen sale of 4 June 1601 and following days. In the latter case it is possible to establish that the initiative to print a catalogue came not from the bookseller but from the deceased's widow and executor. Their instructions to the Leiden bookseller Louis (I) Elzevier were merely to conduct the auction, for which service he received five per cent of the proceeds. These large book sales in Leiden were apparently so successful that the inheritors of scholarly libraries in other towns had them auctioned in Leiden. After Leiden, sales with printed catalogues were also held in two other towns: in The Hague in 1605 and in Middelburg in 1605-7. From the catalogue of the auction held in Middelburg on 26 February 1607 it is clear that the collection was not a private one but either a part or the whole of a bookseller's stock. In 1606 and 1607 auctions were held in Leiden to sell some large stocks of books, namely those of the deceased Heidelberg printer and publisher Hieronymus Commelin. Some of these books, however, came from still living members and partners of the Commelin family, and when in 1608 the same group of wealthy dealers again wanted to have large numbers of unbound books auctioned in the town the booksellers of Leiden asked the authorities to ban auctions of this kind on the grounds that they were doing serious damage to the local book trade. Between 1607 and 1610 at least sixteen auctions with printed catalogues were held in Leiden, of libraries both of Leiden scholars and clerics and of owners from elsewhere. Only one catalogue from The Hague is known from this period (1609). One noteworthy element is the 'Appendix' to be found in some of the catalogues. The books in this section were, as the author shows, probably not privately owned but from the auctioneer-bookseller's own stock. He was taking the opportunity to turn part of his stock of books into hard cash. In section 4 the author describes the circumstances in Middelburg, The Hague and Leiden that help explain why book auctions first developed in those three places. After Amsterdam, Middelburg was at this time the most important trading centre in the Dutch Republic, and many merchants from the Southern Netherlands had settled there in the first decade of the seventeenth century. The book collections auctioned in Middelburg were modest in size. However, the number of potential buyers was probably also quite small, certainly compared with Leiden. Circumstances in The Hague were sharply different from those in Leiden and Middelburg. The book auctions were held on land belonging to the Court of Holland, where the regulations drawn up by the town and the rules of the Hague guild did not apply. In the Great Hall of the Binnenhof Louis (II) Elzevier was allowed to hold as many auctions as he liked. The climate was favourable to him, what with the presence of the many delegates to the States of Holland and the States General, the officials working for the many administrative and legal bodies and his fellow booksellers in the Hall. This was particularly true for law books, but in the period described by the author Leiden became the undisputed centre of auction sales of scholarly libraries. The author regards the following factors as of decisive importance. (1) In contrast to other towns in the province of Holland, such as the important book centre of Amsterdam, the Leiden booksellers could themselves act as auctioneers and collect five per cent of the proceeds as their fee. (2) In about 1600 Leiden was the only town in the Republic where the booksellers were not organized into a guild. In practice this meant that there were no rules for the booksellers to have to observe when holding auctions. Furthermore, the auctioning of large and important collections was in the interest of the university community, and the university governors consequently did their best to block any attempt to introduce local regulations which would prejudice the auctions. (3) The university was attracting ever larger numbers of students, both from the provinces of the Dutch Republic and from the surrounding countries. They not only bought for themselves, but also on behalf of friends and relatives in other places. Besides these crucial factors the author also discusses some other favourable circumstances. For example, the whole development of the book auctions took place against the background of extremely rapid economic growth and a great many other new initiatives in the commercial field. In the early decades of the seventeenth century the book trade in Leiden enjoyed almost unlimited freedom of action. The innovations in auctioning books gave the town an important lead over the country's other centres of the book trade. Finally the author turns to two important consequences of the introduction of the printed catalogue. Using a catalogue it became possible to reach so many potential customers that booksellers were now able to turn their own stocks into hard cash for acceptable prices through the medium of the auction. It was thus possible to some extent to nullify one of the disadvantages of the existing system, the 'Change', which tended to produce large, not to say too large, stocks. And in the second place the introduction of the printed catalogue had a particularly stimulating effect on the formation and enrichment of both institutional and private libraries in the seventeenth century.

An attempt to outline the contours of a new research field within the framework of the history of Russian journalism — the history of entrepreneurial journalism of the mid — second half of the 19th — early 20th centuries is presented. The publicistic work of Russian entrepreneurs of this time is interpreted by the authors as the forerunner of modern business journalism. It is shown that the key role in its constitution was played by the Great Reforms of the 1860s — 1870s, during which entrepreneurship became a collective actor in the emerging public (media) space and showed the ability to express and defend its interests, including through the printed word. It is noted that even then an array of non-professional entrepreneurial publications of various genres began to take shape, which subsequently evolved into an independent branch of journalistic creativity. It is pointed out that entrepreneurs-publicists remained primarily practitioners, people of action, which determined the special pragmatism of their texts, closely related to the “guild” and personal business interests. The authors come to the conclusion that when studying the journalistic creativity of entrepreneurs, not only logical coherence should be taken into account, but also the synchronicity of all forms of the author’s verbal creativity and his business activity.

We do not know who trained Esaias Boursse (1631-1672) to be a painter, but we do know that he became a member of the Amsterdam Guild of St Luke around 1651. He certainly did not have a successful career because he joined the Dutch East India Company (VOC) in 1661. He travelled to Colombo, the capital of the island of Ceylon (Sri Lanka since 1972), captured six years earlier by the Portuguese, by way of Batavia (now Jakarta). In 1663 he was back in Amsterdam – remarkable, as the standard contract with the VOC was for five years. In financial straits again, he re-joined the VOC in 1671 and left for Asia. Shortly after leaving he died at sea. In 1996 an album containing 116 drawings came to light, most of them made by Boursse during his time in Ceylon; he made only a small number during his outward or return journeys to the Cape of Good Hope. The drawings are completely different from his earlier known oeuvre of genre paintings and prints with religious themes. The pages in his ‘Tijkenboeck’ provide a unique picture of what Boursse saw in and around Colombo. They are important evidence of the early days of the VOC in its conquered colony of Ceylon.

This chapter provides a summary and overview of Milestone’s life and career. In 1979 the Directors Guild of America honored him with a tribute, where various actors and directors praised his contribution to the Hollywood movie industry. Film historian David Parker wrote an appreciation for the printed program, noting his longevity and concern for “social candor.” Journalist Arthur Lewis wrote a profile calling Milestone “modest” and “macho.” His close friend Norman Lloyd described Milestone as “remarkable,” but observed that “personal complications” prevented his huge talent from emerging fully.