Academic literature on the topic 'Priscillianism'

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Journal articles on the topic "Priscillianism"

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Dam, Raymond Van. "‘Sheep in Wolves' Clothing’: the Letters of Consentius to Augustine." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 37, no. 4 (October 1986): 515–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900022016.

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The correspondence of Augustine that Johannes Divjak recently discovered and then edited in CSEL lxxxviii has provided new grist for the scholarly mills of commentary and exegesis. One of these letters (Ep. 11*), sent to Augustine from Consentius, a learned Christian living on one of the Balearic Islands, has been hailed as an important source about ‘the Priscillianist cause’ and ‘secret Priscillianists’ in northern Spain during the early fifth century. In fact, the information in this letter is more teasingly inexplicit. Consentius had composed some anti-Priscillianist writings, but only on the basis of second- and third-hand sources. Fronto, a monk in northern Spain, then apparently used these writings in order to pose as a heretic and discover other heretics who included, he claimed, some local clerics; but once accused of heresy, his opponents insisted upon, and finally ‘proved’, their orthodox Catholicism. And although in his deposition about his heresy-hunt Fronto never once mentioned Priscillianism, Consentius nevertheless glossed the whole affair as one involving Priscillianism when he included a copy of Fronto's deposition in his letter to Augustine.
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Burrus, Virginia. "Priscillianism and Women." Gerión. Revista de Historia Antigua 39, no. 2 (September 28, 2021): 541–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.5209/geri.78117.

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Several names of women who were supporters of Priscillian are known, such as Euchrotia, Procula, Urbica, Hedibia, and Agape, but they are to us no more than shadowy figures. To proceed further than what prosopography has to offer, we must depend on ambiguous evidence: the accusation of magical practices and sexual promiscuity in the Council of Saragossa, the debated female authorship of two anonymous letters preserved in a single, possibly Gallic manuscript, and lastly the Life of Saint Helia, where the issue of virginity is prominent but whose links with Priscillianism are at best tenuous.
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Sordyl, Krzysztof. "Dzieje schizmy pryscyliańskiej (370-385). Dramatyczna likwidacja pryscylianizmu." Vox Patrum 59 (January 25, 2013): 317–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.4033.

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Priscillianism was a serious problem for the church in Spain from the second half of IV century till the end of VI century. In this article there has been discussed the beginning and the development of Priscillian schism and its dramatic conse­quences for Priscillian himself, his followers and the ancient church. Heterodox trend in Priscillian doctrine, immorality of this community’s life, as well as the errors of the church people and the imperial authority in solving Priscillian con­troversy have been shown. The first two stages of Priscillian schism have been analysed: the first one starting from Priscillian’s speech in the synod in Saragossa (380), and the second one from the above mentioned synod till Priscillian’s trial and execution (385). The reasons for Priscilllian’s execution and the reaction to his death, both in Christian and pagan world, have been presented.
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Sordyl, Krzysztof. "The influence of Gnosticism and Manichaeism on Priscillianist doctrine, basing on Priscillianist and anti-Priscillianist sources." Theological Research. The Journal of Systematic Theology 3, no. 1 (July 31, 2016): 75–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.15633/thr.1682.

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The aim of this article is to discuss how the Priscilliann’s thought corresponds to Gnostic-Manichaean doctrine. There is no doubt that Priscillian in his writings presents himself as an expert on various heterodox movements of his time. The true sources of Priscillianism need to be sought at the metaphysical level.
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Sordyl, Krzysztof. "Ojcowie Kościoła i manichejczycy wobec apokryfów na tle kryzysu pryscyliańskiego." Vox Patrum 60 (December 16, 2013): 275–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3992.

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In the Church of the first centuries some Fathers of the Church used the Apocrypha. But, the general tendency, which we can notice in the fourth century theology, is resignation from using them. It was connected, among other things, with creating the biblical canon. In Priscillian’s opinion, it is allowed to use the Apocrypha. The bishop of Avila propagating the right to use them contributed to spreading them, especial­ly in Spain and Mediterranean Gaul. Priscillian was favourable to these texts, but careful, and so were some of the Fathers of the Church. In spite of it, it was reading the Apocrypha that contributed to accusing him of Manichaeism and Gnosticism. Mani and his followers also took advantage of the Apocrypha using novel extracts in which a fight for purity dominates and characters’ indomitabi­lity is shown. The anti-Priscillian literature unanimously condemned reading the Apocrypha by Priscillianists. The synod in Toledo does it as well as the first synod in Braga, the popes Innocent I and Leon the Great and the writers Augustinian, Orosius, Turibius. The Priscillianists refering to the Apocrypha created sabellian conception of the Holy Trinity. Various texts presumably edited by the Priscillianists (Monarchiani Prologues, The Revelation of St. Thomas, Pseudo-Titus Letter) contain references to the Apocrypha. It should be noticed that the Priscillianist exegetic principle was to explain canon books by means of other texts. Besides, D. de Bruyne pre­sents the Apocrypha ascribed to the Priscillianists; this collection comprises the following texts: Collectio de diversis sententiis, Apocalypsis, Sermo S. Augustini Episcopi, Homilia de die iudicii, De parabolis Salomonis, Liber ,,canon in Ebreica” Hieronymi presbyteri. He also made an attempt to establish a probable list of the Apocrypha which the Priscillian community might have used.
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Gazzotti, Danilo Medeiros. "The processes of legitimation and recognition of priscillianism in the second half of fourth century." Mare Nostrum (São Paulo) 4, no. 4 (October 28, 2013): 67. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/issn.2177-4218.v4i4p67-80.

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No século IV se desenvolveu na região da Gallaecia uma nova interpretação do cristianismo que foi denominada de Priscilianismo, pois seu criador era Prisciliano de Ávila. Após ser denunciado pela facção ortodoxa nicena da ecclesia da Diocésis Hispaniarum, Prisciliano e seus seguidores começam a tentar obter uma legitimação e o reconhecimento da autoridade de sua vertente do cristianismo, tanto no âmbito da ecclesia, como no âmbito da administração imperial. Apesar de ter obtido sucesso em um primeiro momento, Prisciliano e seus seguidores veem esse reconhecimento ser colocado em xeque por causa do processo de legitimação imperial em torno do usurpador Magno Máximo. Temos a intenção de mostrar neste trabalho como se desenvolveu este processo de legitimação e reconhecimento da autoridade político-religiosa do priscilianismo e como o mesmo esbarrou em outro processo de legitimação de autoridade, agora na figura do usurpador Magno Máximo.
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Ferreiro, Alberto. "Priscillian and Nicolaitism." Vigiliae Christianae 52, no. 4 (1998): 382–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007298x00254.

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AbstractPriscillian was censured of both doctrinal heresy and sexual immorality by his accusers. On the question of his alleged sexual exploits, this issue merits a closer look than has been previously done by modern researchers. Some scholars believe the conciliar decrees of the Iberian Peninsula regarding relations between men and women are a response, directly and indirectly, to illicit relations in Priscillianist circles.1 It is further argued that these decrees reflect an episcopal attempt to bring women into greater submission to men within and outside of Priscillianist groups.2 There has been, moreover, some discord among some researchers as to whether Priscillian was ever accused of Nicolaitism.3 There are, however, other pressing questions that I will explore in this article that will shed light on these concerns in Priscillian scholarship. Specifically, my agenda is: (a) to identify precisely in the anti-Priscillian literature which writers were responsible for accusing Priscillian and his followers of sexual immorality; (b) In the same vein, to engage any evidence which identifies whether Nicolaitism was ever attributed to Priscillianists; and (c), Lastly, to distinguish between rumor based misinformation about sexual libertarianism as opposed to what was actually decreed officially in conciliar legislation.
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GAZZOTTI, DANILO MEDEIROS. "A difusão do Priscilianismo pela Gallaecia: o testemunho de Idácio de Chaves * The diffusion of Priscillianism for through Gallaecia: the testimony of Hydatius of Chaves." História e Cultura 1, no. 1 (May 7, 2012): 71. http://dx.doi.org/10.18223/hiscult.v1i1.465.

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<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: ">O presente artigo tem o intuito de realizar uma análise da crônica do bispo Idácio de Chaves. Esse episcopal era um fiel seguidor do Concílio de Niceia e, por isso, era totalmente contra as interpretações cristãs que diferiam da oficial, o cristianismo ortodoxo. Na região de seu episcopado, Idácio teve que lidar com uma interpretação cristã chamada de priscilianismo, a qual teve muita aceitação pela população. Apesar de não ser adotada em larga escala por um povo bárbaro, como o arianismo, a mesma acabou se difundido de tal modo na região da <em>Gallaecia</em> que viria a ser um dos motivos por qual Idácio de Chaves acreditava que a unificação religiosa do Império Romano na região estava ameaçada. Temos a intenção de discorrer nesse artigo sobre a difusão do priscilianismo nessa região durante finais do século IV d.C. até meados do século V d.C. e de interpretar o que foi essa <em>heresia </em>para Idácio de Chaves.</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;"><span><strong><span style="font-family: ">Palavras-chave:</span></strong></span><span><span style="font-family: "> </span></span><span style="font-family: ">Priscilianismo <span><span style="background: #FBFBF3;">–</span></span> <em>Gallaecia</em> <span><span style="background: #FBFBF3;">–</span></span> Idácio de Chaves.<span></span></span></p> <p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;"> </p><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;"><span><strong><span style="font-family: ">Abstract:</span></strong></span><span><span style="font-family: "> </span></span><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;" lang="EN-US">This paper aims to carry out an analysis about the chronicle of the Bishop Hydatius. This espiscopate was a loyal believer of the Council of Nicaea and, for that reason, he was thoroughly against Christian interpretations which were different from the official one, the orthodox Christianity. In his episcopal region, Hydatius had to deal with a Christian interpretation called Priscillianism, which had a lot of acceptance by the population. Although it was not largely adopted by a barbarian population like arianism, it became much widespread in the region of <em>Gallaecia </em>which would be one of the reasons in which Hydatius believed that the religious unification of Roman Empire in the region was endangered. In this article, we aim to talk about the diffusion of Priscillianism in this region during the end of IV Century a.C. until in the middle V Century a.D. and to interpret what this heresy was to Hydatius of Chaves.</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;"><span><strong><span style="font-family: " lang="EN-US">Keywords:</span></strong></span><span><span style="font-family: " lang="EN-US"> </span></span><span style="font-family: " lang="EN-US">Priscillianism <span><span style="background: #FBFBF3;">– </span></span><em>Gallaecia</em> <span><span style="background: #FBFBF3;">– </span></span>Hydatius of Chaves.</span></p>
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Henning Drecoll, Volker. "Impulse aus der Augustinforschung." Evangelische Theologie 79, no. 5 (September 1, 2019): 385–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.14315/evth-2019-790510.

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AbstractResearch in Augustine is manifold. Recent scholarship in Germany focused upon Augustine‘s heresiology (esp. against Manichaeism, but also Pelagianism, Donatism, Priscillianism), the controversy with Neoplatonism, his exegesis (esp. in sermons and in de Genesi ad litteram), emotions (esp. for the description of sin and grace), and his widespread correspondence. As important impulses for modern theology, his concept of God may be of special interest. God establishes his will in time and history and cannot be urged against his will. This is the presupposition not only for Augustine’s christology and pneumatology, but also for his understanding of history and his doctrine of grace. The latter takes into consideration the social context of human beings, the emotional character of voluntary decisions and the ongoing development of individual identity. Furthermore, good and evil are not equal options, but the good is only possible if God enables the individual to act according to his insights and exerts a direct influence upon one's will. Insights or knowledge are not salvific by themselves, but belong to one’s development that leads to a better understanding of creation and revelation exactly when it is orientated towards God’s salvific operations.
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Piay Augusto, Diego. "… At tum Instantius, Salvianus et Priscillianus Romam profecti: the Priscillianists’ itineraries to the Eternal City." Antiquité Tardive 22 (January 2014): 157–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.at.5.103185.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Priscillianism"

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Sanchez, Sylvain Jean Gabriel. "La "secte " des spirituels de Priscillien d'Avila : doctrine et pratique : Priscillianisme et manichéismedu IVe au VIe siècle." Paris 4, 2005. http://www.theses.fr/2004PA040256.

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Existe-t-il des rapports entre priscillianisme et manichéisme en dehors des accusations hérésiologiques courantes ? Priscillien est un catholique schismatique. Il connaît bien les enseignements des manichéens et des gnostiques mais sa doctrine et ses pratiques sont davantage inspirées par la Bible et la tradition chrétienne. Les éléments tendancieux que l'on retrouve dans ses Traités (dualisme anthropologique, origine divine de l'âme, utilisation des apocryphes, etc. ) n'ont pas entamé l'intégrité de l'évêque d'Avila mais ils portent en eux des semences gnostico-manichéennes qui germeront à la génération suivante. Les priscillianistes des Ve et VIe siècles dévient par rapport au catholicisme car ils radicalisent et amplifient ces éléments tendancieux. Par le choix des problèmes et des pratiques que les priscillianistes considèrent comme importants (un regain pour l'astrologie, le mythe gnostique de l'âme, une exaltation de la virginité et un rejet du mariage, la dissimulation par le mensonge, une abstinence alimentaire rigoureuse, etc. ), le mouvement prend une orientation clairement hérétique
Are there any links between Priscillianism and Manicheism outside the common heresiological accusations ? Priscillian is a schismatic Catholic. He has a good knowledge of manichean and gnostic teachings but his doctrine and his observance are more inspired by the Bible and by the christian tradition. The tendentious elements in his Treatises (the anthropological dualism, the divine origin of the soul, the use of the Apocrypha, etc. ) did not harm the integrity of Avila's bishop but they constituted gnostic and manichean seeds that sprouted in the following generation. The Priscillianists of the Vth and VIth centuries move away from Catholicism by toughening and amplifing these tendentious elements. Through the choice of the problems and the observance that the Priscillianists regard as important (we notice a revival of astrology, of the gnostic myth of the soul, of the exalting of virginity and the rejection of marriage, of the dissimulation by untruthfulness, of rigorous food abstinence, etc. ), the movement takes a clearly heretical direction
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Bremond, Maxime. "Totius orbis discordia : l'hérétique mis en cause par l'histoire. Crise arienne et affaire priscillianiste chez Jérôme, Orose et Sulpice Sévère." Thesis, Brest, 2021. http://www.theses.fr/2021BRES0108.

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Lorsque l'historiographie chrétienne de l'Antiquité tardive évoque les mouvements hérétiques, elle s'appuie sur les représentations des hérésiologues des siècles précédents, et fait de l'hérétique un perturbateur récurrent de la marche de l'Histoire, à côté du barbare et de l'usurpateur. Mais cette mise en cause de l'hérésie s'opère dans des représentations de l'Histoire bien différentes selon les historiens. Notre étude repose sur l'examen de trois textes historiographiques latins, de la fin du IVe ou du début du Ve siècle de notre ère : le dernier livre des Histoires d'Orose, la continuation de la Chronique d'Eusèbe par Jérôme, et les deux dernières séquences des Chroniques de Sulpice Sévère. Leur récit est centré sur la crise arienne ou l'affaire priscillianiste. L'écriture historique relevant à la fois, dans l'Antiquité, de la tradition littéraire, de l'art de la narration et de la persuasion rhétorique, c'est par une analyse littéraire des textes que nous montrons comment l'hérésie est érigée par nos historiens au rang de cause explicative majeure et de symptôme généralisé des désordres de l'histoire de l'Eglise et de l'Empire
When Christian historiography of late Antiquity evokes heretical movements, it relies on the representations of the heresiologists of the preceding centuries, and makes heretics recurrents disrupters of the march of History, alongside with barbarians and usurpers. But this indictment of heresy takes place in representations of History that differ from one historian to another. Our study is based on the examination of three Latin historiographical texts, written at the end of the fourth and the beginning of the fifth centuries AD : the last book of Orosius'Histories, Jerome's continuation of Eusebius' Chronicle, and the last two sequences of the Chronicles written by Sulpicius Severus. Their narratives are centered on the Arian crisis and the Priscillianist case. As historical writing in Antiquity is a literary tradition and an art of narration and rhetorical persuasion, it is through a literary approach that we show how heresy is considered by our historians as a major explanatory cause, and a generalized symptom of the disorders of Church and Empire history
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Books on the topic "Priscillianism"

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Prisciliano e as tensões religiosas do século IV. Lisboa: Universidade Lusíada, 2002.

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Prisciliano. Tratados. Lisboa: IN-CM, 2005.

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Dragó, Fernando Sánchez. Del priscilianismo al liberalismo: Doble salto sin red. Madrid: Prensa y Ediciones Iberoamericanas, 1987.

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Lesta, José. La tumba del último druida: Orígenes paganos del Camino de Santiago. Vigo: Ediciones Cydonia, 2010.

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Conde, Francisco Javier Fernández. Prisciliano y el priscilianismo: Historiografía y realidad. Somonte-Cenero, Gijon: Ediciones Trea, 2007.

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Prisciliano, priscilianismos y competencia religiosa en la antigüedad: Del ideal evangélico a la herejía galaica. Bilbao: Universidad del País Vasco, 2012.

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Sanchez, Sylvain Jean Gabriel. Priscillien, un chrétien non conformiste: Doctrine et pratique du Priscillianisme du IVe au VIe siècle. Paris: Beauchesne, 2009.

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Prisciliano na cultura galega: Un símbolo necesario. Vigo: Galaxia, 2010.

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Paño, María Victoria Escribano. Iglesia y Estado en el certamen priscilianista: Causa ecclesiae y iudicium publicum. Zaragoza: Departamento de Ciencias de la Antigüedad, Universidad de Zaragoza, 1988.

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Priscillien, un chrétien non conformiste: Doctrine et pratique du Priscillianisme du IVe au VIe siècle. Paris: Beauchesne, 2009.

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Book chapters on the topic "Priscillianism"

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"5. The Heresy of Priscillianism." In Leadership and Community in Late Antique Gaul, 88–114. University of California Press, 1985. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/9780520341968-007.

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"Pope Leo i the Great, Turibius of Astorga, and Priscillianism." In Epistolae Plenae, The Correspondence of the Bishops of Hispania with the Bishops of Rome, 73–116. BRILL, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004423770_006.

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"Heresy and Orthodoxy in Fourth-Century Hispania: Arianism and Priscillianism." In Hispania in Late Antiquity, 121–49. BRILL, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789047407522_010.

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"Priscillianus Abulensis." In The Visigoths in Gaul and Iberia (Update), 202–4. BRILL, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004341142_060.

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"Priscillianus Abilensis." In The Visigoths in Gaul and Iberia, 156–63. BRILL, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789047408185_023.

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"Pope Innocent i’s Role in the Continuing Priscillianist Crisis." In Epistolae Plenae, The Correspondence of the Bishops of Hispania with the Bishops of Rome, 57–72. BRILL, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004423770_005.

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"MAGIC, WOMEN, AND HERESY IN THE LATE EMPIRE: THE CASE OF THE PRISCILLIANISTS." In Ancient Magic and Ritual Power, 435–54. BRILL, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004283817_023.

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