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Journal articles on the topic 'Priscillianism'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 27 January 2023

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1

Dam, Raymond Van. "‘Sheep in Wolves' Clothing’: the Letters of Consentius to Augustine." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 37, no. 4 (October 1986): 515–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900022016.

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The correspondence of Augustine that Johannes Divjak recently discovered and then edited in CSEL lxxxviii has provided new grist for the scholarly mills of commentary and exegesis. One of these letters (Ep. 11*), sent to Augustine from Consentius, a learned Christian living on one of the Balearic Islands, has been hailed as an important source about ‘the Priscillianist cause’ and ‘secret Priscillianists’ in northern Spain during the early fifth century. In fact, the information in this letter is more teasingly inexplicit. Consentius had composed some anti-Priscillianist writings, but only on the basis of second- and third-hand sources. Fronto, a monk in northern Spain, then apparently used these writings in order to pose as a heretic and discover other heretics who included, he claimed, some local clerics; but once accused of heresy, his opponents insisted upon, and finally ‘proved’, their orthodox Catholicism. And although in his deposition about his heresy-hunt Fronto never once mentioned Priscillianism, Consentius nevertheless glossed the whole affair as one involving Priscillianism when he included a copy of Fronto's deposition in his letter to Augustine.

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2

Burrus, Virginia. "Priscillianism and Women." Gerión. Revista de Historia Antigua 39, no. 2 (September 28, 2021): 541–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.5209/geri.78117.

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Several names of women who were supporters of Priscillian are known, such as Euchrotia, Procula, Urbica, Hedibia, and Agape, but they are to us no more than shadowy figures. To proceed further than what prosopography has to offer, we must depend on ambiguous evidence: the accusation of magical practices and sexual promiscuity in the Council of Saragossa, the debated female authorship of two anonymous letters preserved in a single, possibly Gallic manuscript, and lastly the Life of Saint Helia, where the issue of virginity is prominent but whose links with Priscillianism are at best tenuous.

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3

Sordyl, Krzysztof. "Dzieje schizmy pryscyliańskiej (370-385). Dramatyczna likwidacja pryscylianizmu." Vox Patrum 59 (January 25, 2013): 317–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.4033.

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Priscillianism was a serious problem for the church in Spain from the second half of IV century till the end of VI century. In this article there has been discussed the beginning and the development of Priscillian schism and its dramatic consequences for Priscillian himself, his followers and the ancient church. Heterodox trend in Priscillian doctrine, immorality of this community’s life, as well as the errors of the church people and the imperial authority in solving Priscillian controversy have been shown. The first two stages of Priscillian schism have been analysed: the first one starting from Priscillian’s speech in the synod in Saragossa (380), and the second one from the above mentioned synod till Priscillian’s trial and execution (385). The reasons for Priscilllian’s execution and the reaction to his death, both in Christian and pagan world, have been presented.

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4

Sordyl, Krzysztof. "The influence of Gnosticism and Manichaeism on Priscillianist doctrine, basing on Priscillianist and anti-Priscillianist sources." Theological Research. The Journal of Systematic Theology 3, no. 1 (July 31, 2016): 75–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.15633/thr.1682.

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The aim of this article is to discuss how the Priscilliann’s thought corresponds to Gnostic-Manichaean doctrine. There is no doubt that Priscillian in his writings presents himself as an expert on various heterodox movements of his time. The true sources of Priscillianism need to be sought at the metaphysical level.

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5

Sordyl, Krzysztof. "Ojcowie Kościoła i manichejczycy wobec apokryfów na tle kryzysu pryscyliańskiego." Vox Patrum 60 (December 16, 2013): 275–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3992.

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In the Church of the first centuries some Fathers of the Church used the Apocrypha. But, the general tendency, which we can notice in the fourth century theology, is resignation from using them. It was connected, among other things, with creating the biblical canon. In Priscillian’s opinion, it is allowed to use the Apocrypha. The bishop of Avila propagating the right to use them contributed to spreading them, especially in Spain and Mediterranean Gaul. Priscillian was favourable to these texts, but careful, and so were some of the Fathers of the Church. In spite of it, it was reading the Apocrypha that contributed to accusing him of Manichaeism and Gnosticism. Mani and his followers also took advantage of the Apocrypha using novel extracts in which a fight for purity dominates and characters’ indomitability is shown. The anti-Priscillian literature unanimously condemned reading the Apocrypha by Priscillianists. The synod in Toledo does it as well as the first synod in Braga, the popes Innocent I and Leon the Great and the writers Augustinian, Orosius, Turibius. The Priscillianists refering to the Apocrypha created sabellian conception of the Holy Trinity. Various texts presumably edited by the Priscillianists (Monarchiani Prologues, The Revelation of St. Thomas, Pseudo-Titus Letter) contain references to the Apocrypha. It should be noticed that the Priscillianist exegetic principle was to explain canon books by means of other texts. Besides, D. de Bruyne presents the Apocrypha ascribed to the Priscillianists; this collection comprises the following texts: Collectio de diversis sententiis, Apocalypsis, Sermo S. Augustini Episcopi, Homilia de die iudicii, De parabolis Salomonis, Liber ,,canon in Ebreica” Hieronymi presbyteri. He also made an attempt to establish a probable list of the Apocrypha which the Priscillian community might have used.

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6

Gazzotti, Danilo Medeiros. "The processes of legitimation and recognition of priscillianism in the second half of fourth century." Mare Nostrum (São Paulo) 4, no. 4 (October 28, 2013): 67. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/issn.2177-4218.v4i4p67-80.

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No século IV se desenvolveu na região da Gallaecia uma nova interpretação do cristianismo que foi denominada de Priscilianismo, pois seu criador era Prisciliano de Ávila. Após ser denunciado pela facção ortodoxa nicena da ecclesia da Diocésis Hispaniarum, Prisciliano e seus seguidores começam a tentar obter uma legitimação e o reconhecimento da autoridade de sua vertente do cristianismo, tanto no âmbito da ecclesia, como no âmbito da administração imperial. Apesar de ter obtido sucesso em um primeiro momento, Prisciliano e seus seguidores veem esse reconhecimento ser colocado em xeque por causa do processo de legitimação imperial em torno do usurpador Magno Máximo. Temos a intenção de mostrar neste trabalho como se desenvolveu este processo de legitimação e reconhecimento da autoridade político-religiosa do priscilianismo e como o mesmo esbarrou em outro processo de legitimação de autoridade, agora na figura do usurpador Magno Máximo.

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7

Ferreiro, Alberto. "Priscillian and Nicolaitism." Vigiliae Christianae 52, no. 4 (1998): 382–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007298x00254.

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AbstractPriscillian was censured of both doctrinal heresy and sexual immorality by his accusers. On the question of his alleged sexual exploits, this issue merits a closer look than has been previously done by modern researchers. Some scholars believe the conciliar decrees of the Iberian Peninsula regarding relations between men and women are a response, directly and indirectly, to illicit relations in Priscillianist circles.1 It is further argued that these decrees reflect an episcopal attempt to bring women into greater submission to men within and outside of Priscillianist groups.2 There has been, moreover, some discord among some researchers as to whether Priscillian was ever accused of Nicolaitism.3 There are, however, other pressing questions that I will explore in this article that will shed light on these concerns in Priscillian scholarship. Specifically, my agenda is: (a) to identify precisely in the anti-Priscillian literature which writers were responsible for accusing Priscillian and his followers of sexual immorality; (b) In the same vein, to engage any evidence which identifies whether Nicolaitism was ever attributed to Priscillianists; and (c), Lastly, to distinguish between rumor based misinformation about sexual libertarianism as opposed to what was actually decreed officially in conciliar legislation.

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8

GAZZOTTI, DANILO MEDEIROS. "A difusão do Priscilianismo pela Gallaecia: o testemunho de Idácio de Chaves * The diffusion of Priscillianism for through Gallaecia: the testimony of Hydatius of Chaves." História e Cultura 1, no. 1 (May 7, 2012): 71. http://dx.doi.org/10.18223/hiscult.v1i1.465.

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<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: ">O presente artigo tem o intuito de realizar uma análise da crônica do bispo Idácio de Chaves. Esse episcopal era um fiel seguidor do Concílio de Niceia e, por isso, era totalmente contra as interpretações cristãs que diferiam da oficial, o cristianismo ortodoxo. Na região de seu episcopado, Idácio teve que lidar com uma interpretação cristã chamada de priscilianismo, a qual teve muita aceitação pela população. Apesar de não ser adotada em larga escala por um povo bárbaro, como o arianismo, a mesma acabou se difundido de tal modo na região da <em>Gallaecia</em> que viria a ser um dos motivos por qual Idácio de Chaves acreditava que a unificação religiosa do Império Romano na região estava ameaçada. Temos a intenção de discorrer nesse artigo sobre a difusão do priscilianismo nessa região durante finais do século IV d.C. até meados do século V d.C. e de interpretar o que foi essa <em>heresia </em>para Idácio de Chaves.</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;"><span><strong><span style="font-family: ">Palavras-chave:</span></strong></span><span><span style="font-family: "> </span></span><span style="font-family: ">Priscilianismo <span><span style="background: #FBFBF3;">–</span></span> <em>Gallaecia</em> <span><span style="background: #FBFBF3;">–</span></span> Idácio de Chaves.<span></span></span></p> <p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;"> </p><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;"><span><strong><span style="font-family: ">Abstract:</span></strong></span><span><span style="font-family: "> </span></span><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman', serif;" lang="EN-US">This paper aims to carry out an analysis about the chronicle of the Bishop Hydatius. This espiscopate was a loyal believer of the Council of Nicaea and, for that reason, he was thoroughly against Christian interpretations which were different from the official one, the orthodox Christianity. In his episcopal region, Hydatius had to deal with a Christian interpretation called Priscillianism, which had a lot of acceptance by the population. Although it was not largely adopted by a barbarian population like arianism, it became much widespread in the region of <em>Gallaecia </em>which would be one of the reasons in which Hydatius believed that the religious unification of Roman Empire in the region was endangered. In this article, we aim to talk about the diffusion of Priscillianism in this region during the end of IV Century a.C. until in the middle V Century a.D. and to interpret what this heresy was to Hydatius of Chaves.</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 0.0001pt;"><span><strong><span style="font-family: " lang="EN-US">Keywords:</span></strong></span><span><span style="font-family: " lang="EN-US"> </span></span><span style="font-family: " lang="EN-US">Priscillianism <span><span style="background: #FBFBF3;">– </span></span><em>Gallaecia</em> <span><span style="background: #FBFBF3;">– </span></span>Hydatius of Chaves.</span></p>

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9

Henning Drecoll, Volker. "Impulse aus der Augustinforschung." Evangelische Theologie 79, no. 5 (September 1, 2019): 385–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.14315/evth-2019-790510.

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AbstractResearch in Augustine is manifold. Recent scholarship in Germany focused upon Augustine‘s heresiology (esp. against Manichaeism, but also Pelagianism, Donatism, Priscillianism), the controversy with Neoplatonism, his exegesis (esp. in sermons and in de Genesi ad litteram), emotions (esp. for the description of sin and grace), and his widespread correspondence. As important impulses for modern theology, his concept of God may be of special interest. God establishes his will in time and history and cannot be urged against his will. This is the presupposition not only for Augustine’s christology and pneumatology, but also for his understanding of history and his doctrine of grace. The latter takes into consideration the social context of human beings, the emotional character of voluntary decisions and the ongoing development of individual identity. Furthermore, good and evil are not equal options, but the good is only possible if God enables the individual to act according to his insights and exerts a direct influence upon one's will. Insights or knowledge are not salvific by themselves, but belong to one’s development that leads to a better understanding of creation and revelation exactly when it is orientated towards God’s salvific operations.

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10

Piay Augusto, Diego. "… At tum Instantius, Salvianus et Priscillianus Romam profecti: the Priscillianists’ itineraries to the Eternal City." Antiquité Tardive 22 (January 2014): 157–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.at.5.103185.

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11

Toom, Tarmo. "Was Priscillian a Modalist Monarchian?" Harvard Theological Review 107, no. 4 (October 2014): 470–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816014000376.

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As the first Christian bishop executed by his Christian episcopal opponents through a secular court, Priscillian of Avila has stirred the interest and imagination of many scholars. A well-known problem with reconstructing both Priscillian's life and theology is that, apart from some authentic treatises, most of the information about him comes from the polemical statements of his sworn enemies, such as Ithacius of Ossonuba. Sulpicius Severus contended that Ithacius was a “worthless . . . bold, loquacious, impudent, and extravagant man,” and yet he “poured forth entreaties full of ill-will and accusations against Priscillian.” Although Ithacius's book is lost, writers such as Filaster, Sulpicius Severus, Orosius, Jerome, Consentius, Augustine, Leo the Great, Vincent of Lérins, Prosper of Aquitaine, Hydatius, and Isidore of Seville received their information about Priscillian mostly from Ithacius's book or from the readers of his book. Later perceptions of Priscillian (and Priscillianists) have, no doubt, been influenced by what these prominent figures reiterated following Ithacius.

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12

Sanchez, Sylvain Jean Gabriel. "L'historiographie du priscillianisme (xixe-xxie siècles)." Recherches Augustiniennes et Patristiques 34 (January 2005): 195–238. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.ra.5.102311.

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13

Selvaggi, Rocco. "Le due ambasciate di Censorio in Galizia (432-438): evidenza di una collaborazione tra priscillianisti e Suebi?" Gerión. Revista de Historia Antigua 39, no. 2 (September 28, 2021): 651–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.5209/geri.78122.

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Il presente articolo analizza il ruolo svolto dai vescovi galiziani nell’ambito delle trattative diplomatiche tra Suebi e Romani durante gli anni Trenta del V secolo. In questa disamina, particolare attenzione viene riservata da un lato all’ipotetica collaborazione tra priscillianisti e Suebi, dall’altro alla contrapposizione tra priscillianisti e cattolici nel contesto del conflitto tra il nascente regno suebo e l’agonizzante Impero Romano d’Occidente.

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14

Lang, T. J., and Matthew R. Crawford. "The Origins of Pauline Theology: Paratexts and Priscillian of Avila'sCanons on the Letters of the Apostle Paul." New Testament Studies 63, no. 1 (December 14, 2016): 125–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002868851600031x.

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Pauline theology is a well-established undertaking in modern New Testament studies, and yet it is almost entirely without precedent prior to the nineteenth century. This article explores the enterprise of Pauline theology by considering an important and overlooked exception to its otherwise exclusively modern provenance: Priscillian of Avila's fourth-centuryCanons on the Letters of the Apostle Paul. The key to Priscillian's dogmatic synthesis of Paul's thought was his innovative ‘versification’ of Paul's letters, which facilitated efficient citation and cross-referencing of epistolary data. This article uses Priscillian's literary creation to examine the intriguing correlation of technologies for ordering textual knowledge with the systematic abstraction of Pauline theology.

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15

Veronese, Maria. "Considerazioni sulla paternità della raccolta priscillianista di Würzburg." Gerión. Revista de Historia Antigua 39, no. 2 (September 28, 2021): 485–501. http://dx.doi.org/10.5209/geri.78114.

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Il saggio analizza le citazioni bibliche e le formule di introduzione delle citazioni negli scritti della raccolta priscillianista di Würzburg per evidenziare analogie e differenze che possano fornire qualche indizio utile alla definizione della paternità della raccolta. Contro le conclusioni dell’editore Georg Schepss, questa analisi dimostra che i Tract. V e VII si differenziano dai rimanenti Tract. IV, VI, IX e X, mentre il Tract. VIII fa causa a sé; più complicati risultano invece i rapporti tra i Tractatus e le tre apologie iniziali.

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16

Ferreiro, Alberto. "De prohibitione carnis. Meat Abstention and the Priscillianists." Zeitschrift für Antikes Christentum 11, no. 3 (January 2008): 464–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zac.2007.024.

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17

Jacobs, Andrew S. "The Disorder of Books: Priscillian's Canonical Defense of Apocrypha." Harvard Theological Review 93, no. 2 (April 2000): 135–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816000016746.

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Historians of ancient Christianity derive a certain satisfaction from the fact that Athanasius of Alexandria, the fervent architect of Nicene Christianity, should also be the first known ecclesiastical authority to “list precisely the twenty-seven books that eventually formed the generally accepted canon of the New Testament.” This intersection of canon and creed abets the notion that Christianity matured and solidified in the latter half of the fourth century; henceforth heresy and extracanonical reading would together constitute evidence of theological backsliding, or, worse, deliberate and malicious distortion of an agreed-upon truth. If Eusebius at the beginning of the fourth century is frustratingly vague on what is and is not “canonical,” his reticence from within a period of dogmatic flux is understandable. In contrast, Athanasius toward the century's end is reassuringly firm, scripturally and doctrinally. From Easter of 367 onward, according to such a narrative, heresy and apocrypha would become coterminous, and a messy chapter of Christian history could be closed.

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18

Kelly, C. "The Making of a Heretic: Gender, Authority, and the Priscillianist Controversy. V Burrus." Classical Review 48, no. 1 (January 1, 1998): 95–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/48.1.95.

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19

Ferreiro, Alberto. "Book review: The Making of a Heretic. Gender, Authority, and the Priscillianist Controversy." Journal of Early Christian Studies 5, no. 3 (1997): 458–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/earl.1997.0060.

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20

Steinhauser, Kenneth B. "The Making of a Heretic: Gender, Authority, and the Priscillianist Controversy by Virginia Burrus." Catholic Historical Review 83, no. 4 (1997): 752–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cat.1997.0235.

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21

Edwards, Mark. "Pseudo-Priscillian and the Gospel of Truth." Vigiliae Christianae 70, no. 4 (September 30, 2016): 355–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700720-12341271.

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A treatise On the Trinity, once ascribed to Priscillian of Avila, but now more commonly held to be the work of a disciple, quotes the aphorism “the name of the Father is the Son” as an apostolic saying. In fact it appears to be a quotation of the Gospel of Truth, affinities to which are also visible in the teaching of this treatise on the procession of the Word from the Father, the role of the Holy Spirit in this procession, the universal bondage of the human race in oblivion, the revelation of the Father’s face to the elect, and the common brotherhood of the elect with Christ. After noting a further affinity between the Gospel of Truth and another Priscillianist writing, the article concludes with some reflections on the use of apocryphal literature in the fourth century by authors whose theology was in most respects orthodox.

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22

Ferreiro, Alberto. "Priscillien. Un chrétien non conformiste. Doctrine et pratique du priscillianisme du IVe au VIe siècle (review)." Journal of Early Christian Studies 19, no. 1 (2011): 147–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/earl.2011.0010.

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23

Girardet, Klaus Martin. "Das Schicksal Priszillians und seiner Anhänger 380 in Saragossa, 384 in Bordeaux und 385 in Trier." Annuarium Historiae Conciliorum 49, no. 1 (April 28, 2020): 30–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/25890433-04901003.

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Abstract Priscillian and some of his followers were victims of synodal and state process procedures in which bishops acted as prosecutors and supporters of the death penalty imposed at Trier. The accusation was that the Priscillians were heretics (Manichaeans) and practiced maleficium, i.e. sorcery, both prohibited by law. The source situation to this already in late antiquity often as scandalous condemned case – among others by the bishops of Tours, Milan and Rome –, is very insufficient for important details. In particular, there are very few texts which can be satisfactorily evaluated for the question of conciliar majorities and minorities and possibly controversial debates. Nevertheless, with the help of the writings of Priscillian and Sulpicius Severus, it is possible at least to reconstruct with some degree of reliability the interaction between ecclesiastical and state jurisdiction, as it was largely regulated by canons and imperial laws.

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24

Lang, T. J. "Arts of Memory, Ancient Manuscript Technologies, and the Aims of Theology." Religions 13, no. 5 (May 8, 2022): 426. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel13050426.

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This article explores how ancient rhetorical theories about the improvement of human memory were applied to manuscripts in the form of paratextual ordering systems. It then considers the intellectual implications of these technological changes in the management of textual knowledge. A sequentially ordered system for dividing textual information into “chapters” or “verses” proved powerful for both mnemonic arts and textual arts. The article next explores a specific example of paratextual technologies in Priscillian of Avila’s fourth-century CE Canones Epistularum Pauli Apostoli, which is one of the most sophisticated cross-referencing systems ever produced prior to printed texts. The article concludes by reflecting on the implications of textual divisions and citation schemes for the work of theology. The test case for this is Priscillian’s “versification” of the Pauline corpus for purposes of textual abstraction (the extraction and reorganization of numerically divided textual parts) in service of theological abstraction (the attempt to create systematic wholes out of the newly reorganized parts).

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25

Christol, Michel. "Les procurateurs équestres de la province d’Asie sous Caracalla : autour de la carrière de L(ucius) Lucilius Pansa Priscillianus." L'antiquité classique 77, no. 1 (2008): 189–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/antiq.2008.3719.

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26

Crespo Losada, Manuel José. "Estote tales…: presencia del Thasci Caecilii Cypriani de habitu virginum en el comentario de Prisciliano al Salmo primero (Priscilliani tractatus primi salmi)." Salmanticensis 59, no. 2 (January 1, 2012): 215–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.36576/summa.30478.

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27

Valantasis, Richard. "The Making of a Heretic: Gender, Authority, and the Priscillianist Controversy. By Virginia Burrus. The Transformation of the Classical Heritage 24. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995. xii + 252 pp. n.p." Church History 67, no. 3 (September 1998): 565–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3170953.

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28

Kelly, Christopher. "Spanish Inquisitions - V. Burrus: The Making of a Heretic: Gender, Authority, and the Priscillianist Controversy. (The Transformation of the Classical Heritage, 24.) Pp. xi + 252. Berkeley, Los Angeles, and London: University of California Press, 1995. Cased, $45/£35. ISBN: 0-520-08997-9." Classical Review 48, no. 1 (April 1998): 95–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x00330578.

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29

YILMAZ, Nuh. "Filioque Meselesi ve Arka Planı." Kocatepe İslami İlimler Dergisi, December 3, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.52637/kiid.1182249.

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Latince bir terkip olan “filioque”; ve Oğul’dan anlamına gelmekte olup Kutsal Ruh’un Baba’nın yanı sıra Oğul’dan da geldiğini ifade etmektedir. Kutsal Ruh’un menşeine dair teolojik bir meseleyi oluşturan filioque, Hıristiyan aleminin Doğu-Batı/Katolik-Ortodoks şeklinde ikiye ayrılmasında başat rol oynamıştır. Hıristiyanlığın temel öğretilerinin şekillenmesinde genel ve yerel mahiyette düzenlenen konsillerde alınan kararlar belirleyici olmuştur. Birinci İznik ve Birinci İstanbul konsillerinde sırasıyla İsa’nın ve Kutsal Ruh’un tanrılığı karara bağlanmış; böylelikle Hıristiyan alemi teslis inancını tamamlamıştır. Efes, Kadıköy ve Üçüncü İstanbul konsillerinde de İznik-İstanbul İnanç Bildirgesi’nin değiştirilemeyeceği açıkça belirtilmiştir. Ancak Batı Kilisesi, İspanya’da gerçekleştirilen yerel nitelikteki III. Toledo Konsili’nde mezkûr bildirgeye filioque ekini ilave etmek suretiyle Kutsal Ruh’un Baba’nın yanı sıra Oğul’dan da geldiğini iddia etmiştir. Doğu Kilisesi yetkilileri bunu bir sapkınlık olarak nitelendirmişlerdir. Zira onlar Batı Kilisesi’nin kredoya filioque ekini ilave etmesini, Kutsal Ruh’a iki kaynak atfedilmesi, Tanrı’nın monarşisinin ortadan kaldırılması, Yeni Ahit’te geçen Kutsal Ruh ifadeleriyle tutarsızlık arz etmesi ve ekümenik konsillerde alınan kararların değiştirilmesi olarak yorumlamışlardır. Doğu ve Batı kiliselerinin filioque meselesiyle ilgili açıklamalarında hem Yeni Ahit’ten beslendikleri referanslar hem de takip ettikleri kilise babalarının açıklamaları etkili olmuştur. Nitekim Batı kilise babaları Yeni Ahit’in Kutsal Ruh’la ilgili referanslarını yorumlamak suretiyle ve teslis unsurları arasındaki özsel ilişkiyi vurgulamalarından dolayı Kutsal Ruh’un kaynağını hem Baba’dan hem de Oğul’dan aldığını iddia etmişler; Doğu kilise babaları ise birkaç istisna dışında (Kör Didymus, Kıbrıslı Epiphanius ve İskenderiyeli Cyril) Yeni Ahit’te Kutsal Ruh’un Baba’dan geldiğinin açık bir şekilde ifade edilmesini gerekçe göstererek onun sadece Baba’dan geldiğini savunmuşlardır. Bunun yanı sıra, Batı Kilisesi’nin kredoya filioque ekini ilave etmesinde Aryanist ve Priscillianist fikirlerin yönlendiriciliğini de görmezden gelmek doğru olmaz. Nitekim Batı Kilisesi, bir taraftan Aryanist fikirlere karşı Oğul’un Baba’dan aşağı olmadığını ileri sürmüş; diğer taraftan Priscillianistlere karşı da Kutsal Ruh’un Baba ve Oğul ile aynı öze sahip olduğuna vurgu yapmıştır. Bu bağlamda makale, konuya dair giriş ve tarihsel süreçten sonra, filioque meselesinin arka planını kutsal metinlerindeki referanslarına ve Latin-Yunan kilise babalarının açıklamalarına yer vererek Doğu-Batı Kilisesi perspektifinden incelemektedir. Makalede tarihi, mukayeseli ve deskriptif metottan yararlanılarak konu objektif bir şekilde ele alınmıştır. Filioque meselesinin arka planını ortaya koyması açısından önemi haiz olan bu çalışmada, Doğu ve Batı kiliselerinin teolojik bir konu olan filioque ile ilgili açıklamalarında nelerin belirleyici olduğuna dikkat çekilmeye çalışılmaktadır. Araştırma neticesinde filioque öğretisinin köken açısından Latin kilise babası Tertullian’a kadar götürülemeyeceği, Poitiersli Hilary ve Milanlı Ambrose tarafından net olarak ortaya konulmadığı, onu ilk kez açık bir şekilde Augustine’in kaydettiği görülmüştür. Filioque meselesinin arka planında görünürde Batı Kilisesi’nin Aryanist ve Priscillianist görüşü bastırmak amacıyla İznik-İstanbul amentüsüne filioque takısını eklediği zikredilse de bunda Augustine’nin teslisle ilgili açıklamalarının etkili olduğu saptanmıştır. Batı Kilisesi yetkilileri filioque öğretisinin Grekler tarafından reddini Doğu’nun sapkınlığı olarak görmüşler; Doğu Kilisesi temsilcileri ise söz konusu öğretinin Latinlerce kabulünü Batı’nın ortodoks görüşten ayrılığı şeklinde değerlendirmişlerdir. Grekler, Latinlerin filioque ekini yerel bir konsilde kredoya ilave etmesini de ekümenik konsilde alınan bir kararın ihlal edilmesi şeklinde yorumlamışlardır. Zira onlara göre bu durum, ekümenik konsillerde teslis unsurlarından Kutsal Ruh’un hazır bulunduğu ve onun denetiminde alınan bir kararın değiştirilmesinin söz konusu olamayacağı anlayışıyla uyuşmamaktadır. Dolayısıyla Batı Kilisesi bu tavrıyla sadece İznik-İstanbul konsili kararlarını değil, aynı zamanda bahsi geçen konsillerin kararlarının değiştirilemeyeceğini teyit eden Efes, Kadıköy ve Üçüncü İstanbul konsili kararlarına da aykırı davranmış ve Kutsal Ruh’un denetiminde alınan bir kararı hiçe saymıştır.

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