Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Prisoner reformers'

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Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico
This study aims to deconstruct prison in historical and political terms. For that purpose, it avails itself of concepts that mark its thresholds, limits and tipping points. The dissertation s major underlying question is: How does an institution so criticized, reviled and slandered such as prison is able to endure for so long, thrive more and more, and show so much resilience? Prison s ability to pick itself up and continually expand even after being denounced and accused of major and minor failures is something that brings about a measure of reverence for the deed and a bit of uncertainty about the phenomenon. That is enough to provoke a lot of interest and a significant number of suspicions. The utmost care was taken to think outside the box herein. With regard to prison, that means challenging reform. Thus, this paper cannot have any commitment to the State s pressing needs. But -- how so? Well, from what has been scribbled on prisons so far, few are those records that can brag about not being reform manuals or a political institution s moralizing guide. Such writings even have a course of action very similar to the works that drive away readers because of the tedium they emanate: 1) they comply with a timeline; 2) they go back to ancient times when everything was, in the nitwits opinion, more barbaric, raw and stupid; and 3) they reach our days, a moment of relief for the evil which was left behind mixed with a disappointment for what could have been performed a lot better. So, they go on to analyze the minutia of every single failure in the several manifestations of the phenomenon in question; they begin the swarm of advices to governments and authorities, who someday may acquire enough judgment to direct individuals without excesses or wastes, in the full force of the law. Evolution, investigation, recommendation. Beginning, middle and ending of the works on prison reform. That is when this paper, spurred by the verification of these discourses common matrix, decides to frighten away its own yawning by jumping up and down, demarcating topics and subjects in the examination s progression-regression-perdition, while it averts the boring, flat time so that it is able to go ahead, come back and lose itself when necessary. Throughout its trajectory, it sought to dig an abyss between that science which provides a doctoral assistance to govern, control and master better and that knowledge which only announces its own design by sliding among doubts and queries under an avalanche of problems upon problems
Este estudo visa desconstruir a prisão em termos histórico-políticos. Para tal, lança mão de conceitos que marcam seus limiares, limites e pontos de inflexão. A grande pergunta nas entrelinhas da dissertação é: De que maneira uma instituição tão criticada, vilipendiada e difamada como a prisão consegue durar tanto, prosperar cada vez mais e demonstrar tamanha resiliência? Essa capacidade da prisão de se reerguer e expandir continuamente mesmo após ter sido denunciada e acusada de fracassos pequenos e grandes é algo que suscita certa medida de reverência pela proeza e um bocado de incerteza acerca do fenômeno. Só isso já é o bastante para despertar não pouco interesse e uma série expressiva de suspeitas. Nesta dissertação, tomou-se o maior cuidado para poder pensar fora da bitola. No tocante à prisão, isso quer dizer contestar a reforma. Destarte, este trabalho não pode possuir compromisso nenhum com as premências do Estado. Mas - como assim? Ora, do que se escrevinhou sobre as prisões até agora, são parcos os registros que podem se gabar de não serem manuais de reforma nem guias de moralização de uma instituição política. Tais escritos possuem até mesmo uma maneira de proceder muito parecida com a das obras que afastam o leitor pelo tédio que emanam: 1) obedecem a uma linha do tempo; 2) remontam aos idos da Antigüidade, em que tudo era, na opinião dos mais mentecaptos, mais bárbaro, cru e burro; e 3) chegam até os dias atuais, um momento de alívio pelo mal deixado para trás misturado com a decepção pelo que poderia ter sido muito mais bem executado. Então, passam a esmiuçar toda e qualquer falha nas diversas manifestações do fenômeno em questão; iniciam o enxame de conselhos a governos e autoridades, que talvez um dia adquiram o juízo necessário para dirigirem os indivíduos sem excessos nem desperdícios, tudo no rigor da lei. Evolução, apuração, recomendação. Princípio, meio e fim das obras sobre a reforma das prisões. Eis que este trabalho, aguilhoado pela constatação da matriz comum desses discursos, resolve espantar o próprio bocejar aos saltos, delimitando temas e tópicos na progressão-regressão-perdição do exame, ao passo que conjura o tempo chato e achatado para assim poder ir, voltar e se extraviar quando necessário. Ao longo de toda a sua trajetória, procurou cavar um abismo entre a ciência que fornece assessoria doutoral para governar, controlar e amestrar melhor e o conhecimento que somente anuncia o próprio desígnio deslizando entre dúvidas e interrogações, sob uma avalanche de problemas sobre problemas

The main aim of establishing the prison institution in all parts of the world including Nigeria is to provide a rehabilitation and correctional facility for those who have violated the rules and regulations of their society. However, the extent to which this maxim is true in practice has been a subject of controversy. A casual observation of the population that goes in and out of the prisons in Nigeria presupposes that there are some problems in the system, hence the prisons system has not been able to live up to its expected role in Nigeria. Against this background, this paper makes an argument on why reform is necessary in the Nigerian prisons. Some of these reasons include reforming the prisoners to be better than what they were before they were imprisoned, rehabilitate the prisoners in order to equip them with new skills or improve on their old ones, and seclude criminals from the rest of the society, pending when they have atoned for their “sins”. The structural-functionalist approach of the system theory for the study of human society and culture as proposed by Radcliff-Brown of the British School of social anthropology and later developed by Meyer Fortes and Max Gluckman is utilized in explaining prison environment. Main sources of information for this study are secondary materials which include, journals and official bulletin of the government. Among other issues, this discourse articulates various reforms that have already taken place and are still on-going in the Nigerian prison system. These include efforts in the decongestion process, provision of necessary infrastructure facilities and other logistics including transportation services and general skills acquisition programmes. This article also makes a critical impact appraisal of the reform processes in the system. From the appraisal, the author believes that there are more gains than pains in the system since the gradual reform processes therein. In order to deal finally with prison congestion, this paper suggests that the decongestion committee needs to be strengthened in its work by changing their periodic visit to the prisons to be more regular and frequent, more prison yards need to be built, more non-governmental organizations should be encouraged and allowed to visit the prisons to monitor the activities there, from which they can make an input in form of suggestions to the various reform committees on what to do.

A la fin du XIXème siècle, sauf à l’intérieur de quelques garnisons et forts de traite européens de la côte, les prisons étaient méconnues en Afrique. Aujourd’hui, 50 ans après les indépendances, les Etats africains utilisent encore massivement le système pénitentiaire légué par les colonisateurs. Comme le rappellent toujours les prisons surpeuplées, le système carcéral s’étend désormais sur l’ensemble des sociétés au sud du Sahara. Aujourd’hui encore ce réseau architectural colonial n’a point été détruit ni remplacé. Il fournit d’ailleurs la majeure partie des bâtiments utilisés par le régime pénal des Etats contemporains. D’autre part, les arsenaux juridiques utilisés s’inspirent de ceux du système colonial et la prison fait partie d’un ensemble plus vaste d’institutions héritées de la colonisation qui sont toujours fonctionnelles dans ce contexte où la tradition est toujours présente. C’est au regard du surpeuplement des prisons au Mali, des conditions inhumaines d’incarcération et de détention et des textes dépassés et inadaptés qui les régissent que nous avons voulu réfléchir à une possible réforme dont les autorités ont toujours parlé, mais qui n’est jamais faite. Il s’agit, dans les présentes recherches, d’examiner l’histoire sociale, culturelle et politique des arsenaux répressifs apparus au Mali depuis l’esclavage au XIXème siècle jusqu’aux prisons actuelles. Il s’agit d’une tentative de compréhension des aspects intellectuels et philosophiques de la prison et l’enfermement dans la tradition des ethnies et des terroirs du Mali, ce qui nous permettra de réfléchir sur la pratique des institutions coloniales de répression dans la vie quotidienne des populations et d’analyser l’actualité des prisons au quotidien pour voir s’il est possible d’avoir des prisons humanisées reposant sur des concepts de justice traditionnelle d’une part, et d’autre part, sur des normes internationalement reconnues en la matière. Cette recherche vise surtout à comprendre les supports sociologiques d’une réforme des prisons au Mali et à répondre à des questions de légitimité qui cherchent à savoir sur quoi doit reposer la réforme : sur la tradition ou sur la modernité ou sur les deux ? En outre, elle sert à se faire une idée sur la faisabilité d’une réforme et à édifier sur l’utilité sociale de la prison dans une société qui ne l’a pas toujours connu et dont la pauvreté incite à imaginer des solutions novatrices et simples qui visent à donner un mieux vivre aux populations, à toutes les populations aussi bien à l’extérieur qu’à l’intérieur des centres de détention. L’objectif visé est de contribuer à un projet global de bonne gestion de la société malienne, car les programmes de développement initiés dans nos pays africains, mettent en marge le développement de la vie en prison. Pourtant, en prison, vivent aussi des hommes qui doivent être pris en compte par les Etats dans les programmes, les projets de réforme. C’est là, notre ambition de contribuer aux initiatives pouvant aider à développer le pays, à donner aux populations partout où elles se trouvent, le sens de la vie, la considération, enfin à permettre de cerner la place de la prison dans le vaste chantier de la réforme de l’État. Il s’agit donc de réfléchir au lien entre réforme de l’Etat et réforme de la prison, d’autant plus que la réforme pénitentiaire est transversale et ne peut atteindre la légitimité souhaitée sans toucher à beaucoup d’autres secteurs de la société comme la sécurité, la santé, la pauvreté, l’emploi etc
At the end of the twentieth century, prisons were unknown in Africa except in a few garrison towns and European forts involved in slave trade. Today, fifty years after they achieve their independence, African countries are massively applying the prison system left by the former colonizers. Overpopulated prisons are good indicators that the penitentiary system extends to the whole of the societies in the Southern part of Sahara. Today still, this colonial architectural network has not been demolished or replaced as shown by the majority of the buildings still in place in contemporary States. Legal arsenals have also been inspired by those of the colonial system; the prison is part of a larger grid of institutions inherited from the colonization, which are still functional in an environment where tradition remains vibrant.In view of the overcrowded prisons, inhuman conditions of detention and incarceration, and inadequate and outdated legal texts, we aim at reflecting on a possible reform, which authorities have always desired to institute but never did. We seek to examine the political, cultural and social history of the repressive arsenals that have been in use in Mali since the period of slavery in the 20th century to the present prisons. Our objective is to understand the intellectual and philosophical aspects of the prison -and imprisonment- in the ethnic and regional tradition of Mali; such research will allow us to consider the influence of the colonial repressive institutions in the everyday life of the population, and to analyze the daily agenda of the prisons so as to evaluate the possibility of making prisons more human on the basis of traditional justice concepts and internationally recognized norms. Such research aims at understanding the sociological basis for a prison reform in Mali and answer those who question the legitimacy of such a reform: shall it be based on tradition or modernity or both? Moreover, this research will help to determine whether such reform would be feasible, and to enlighten on the social utility of prisons in a society that has not always known them and whose poverty incites to envision new and simple solutions, which aim at giving a better life to the population, both inside and outside detention centers. Our ultimate objective is to contribute to a global project for a good management of Malian society while we observe that the development programs that have been initiated in African countries put improvement of life in prison at the margin. Yet, human beings also live in prison and therefore, States must take them into account in their programs and reform projects. This is precisely our motivation, which is to contribute to initiatives that may impact on the development of this country, and give to the population the sense of life and consideration as well as an understanding of the place of the prisons in the vast area of State reforms. This means that we need to reflect on the link between State reform and prison reform, even more as the prison reform is a transversal issue, which cannot be legitimate if it does not consider many other sectors in society including security, health, poverty, employment, etc

The present work explores the Italian penal system from a historical perspective. It focuses in particular on the period at the turn of the twentieth century. It is an attempt to understand punishment in penal institutions for adult male offenders following the reforms of 1889-1891. This is analysed within the broader social and political context of Umbertinian Italy and the beginnings of the Giolittian era. Unlike the legal-centred approach of most work done so far, the present study devotes special attention to the human element. Thus it makes extensive use of archival sources and brings to light fresh evidence of the experiences of thousands of people from both sides of the bars. Seeking a bottom-up view of the penal regime it explores the living conditions and health of inmates, and their reactions to discipline. Similarly, it carefully examines the lives and professional careers of the warders, who responded in their own ways to the reforms, and can provide an original interpretation of the liberal penal project. By integrating the well-established scholarship of Italian legal history with the vicissitudes of those who went through the penal regime, the present work casts new light on the history of punishment. In particular, it argues that despite the modernity of the new legislation, government and prison reformers could not relinquish their social and political prejudices. Their anxieties about the masses, together with the shortcomings of the state apparatus, led to the reshaping of a highly punitive system with no purpose or meaning outside the retribution-and-deterrence rationale. In order to understand such a system and the claim of its power to promote ‘moral reform’, the evidence of inmates and prison guards have proven to be illuminating and of fundamental importance. Ultimately, the analysis clarifies an important aspect of the process of modernisation of Liberal Italy.

Despite the many barriers ex-prisoners face when attempting to 'go straight' many successfully lead law abiding lives. Yet how this is achieved in light of the widespread stigma attached to this cohort has received little empirical attention. Specifically, an area that neglects consideration is the reformed ex-prisoner's experience of self-change and in particular, how they negotiate their stigmatised ex-offender status. To address these issues, this thesis utilises a hermeneutic phenomenological analytic framework. Three empirical investigations were conducted utilising a small sample of reformed exprisoners. In studies I & 2, a sample of ten male reformed ex-prisoners (five in each study) took part in semi-structured interviews. Data were subjected to an Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis (IP A). In study 3, data was collected by means of a dialogical interview consisting of two male reformed ex-prisoners. Here IPA was used in an innovative way as a means of analysing the data. The initial study illustrated that the ex-offender status (ex-offender self) appears to be a binary phenomenon, which has a contradictory influence on the ex-prisoner's sense of self. The second study develops these findings by illuminating the complex tensions underlying this contradiction. The third study utilises a conceptual lens to refine and distil the previous findings, by identifying the experiential structures underlying the contradictory nature of the ex-offender self. Three key patterns were identified which are equally responsible for generating the conflict, namely morality, masculinity and stigma. A synthesis of all three studies, discussing the most salient patterns with reference to relevant theoretical and empirical literature is provided. This thesis concludes by making suggestions for future research and discusses the implications of this empirical work for policy and practice

L’article 2 de la loi n°94-43 du 18 janvier 1994, transférant l’organisation des soins en milieu carcéral du ministère de la Justice au service public hospitalier, a souvent été présenté comme une réforme de santé publique s’imposant au vu de l’état des prisons françaises. L’épidémie de sida et le volontarisme des ministres de la Santé suffiraient à rendre compte de ce qui a été qualifié de « révolution sanitaire ». Pourtant au-delà de ces facteurs conjoncturels, les conditions de possibilité de cette réforme s’inscrivent plus largement au croisement d’une double dynamique, professionnelle et carcérale, que cette recherche propose de retracer. En effet, la loi du 18 janvier 1994 est également la réforme d’une profession et d’un secteur d’action publique tous deux fortement contestés. La réforme de l’organisation des soins en prison marque l’échec d’une stratégie de spécialisation médicale, entendue comme la tentative opérée par certains praticiens d’occuper une position spécifique au sein du secteur médical.Initiée au début des années soixante par le premier Médecin-inspecteur des prisons, Georges Fully, l’affirmation d’une « médecine pénitentiaire » spécifique avait alors pour but de conférer aux praticiens une plus grande légitimité, et ainsi autonomie, à l’égard de leur employeur, l’Administration pénitentiaire. La spécialisation était ainsi conçue comme une ressource supplémentaire afin de mettre fin au tiraillement auquel étaient confrontés les praticiens travaillant en détention entre leur statut de vacataire du ministère de la Justice et celui de médecin-traitant des détenus. Toutefois, après la violente contestation des prisons survenue durant les années soixante-dix, l’affirmation d’une médecine pénitentiaire devient pour le nouveau Médecin-inspecteur, Solange Troisier, le moyen de légitimer un secteur d’action publique discrédité : l’organisation des soins en milieu carcéral. La consécration d’une médecine spécifique aux détenus est également pour elle le moyen de faire prévaloir les exigences du Code de procédure pénale sur celles issus du Code de déontologie. La spécialisation de la médecine pénitentiaire devient ainsi un moyen de s’autonomiser non pas du ministère de la Justice mais du secteur médical. La réforme de 1994 marque l’échec de cette tentative de spécialisation médicale. Elle résulte de la rencontre entre un « segment » de praticiens défendant l’idée d’une médecine non-spécifique avec quelques magistrats-militants, issus du Syndicat de la magistrature, en poste à l’Administration pénitentiaire favorables à un « décloisonnement » de l’institution carcérale. La loi du 18 janvier 1994 marque l’aboutissement de cette stratégie et l’échec de la tentative de spécialisation. A la « médecine pénitentiaire », désormais rattachée à un passé stigmatisant révolu, succéderait une « médecine exercée en milieu carcéral ».L’enjeu de cette thèse est par conséquent de retracer la sociogenèse d’une réforme à partir des dynamiques qui traversent un groupe professionnel, d’une part, et des transformations qui affectent un secteur d’action publique, d’autre part. On montrera également que la spécialisation de la médecine ne peut être comprise que si elle est articulée à d’autres logiques et qu’elle ne peut ainsi être réduite à sa seule dimension médicale
Article 2 of French law No 94-43 of January 18, 1994, which concerns the transfer of the organization of health care in prisons from the Ministry of Justice to the public hospital service, has often been presented as a necessary public health reform considering the state of French prisons. The AIDS epidemic and the voluntary work of the Ministry of Health and the Ministry of Justice have revealed the need for what has been called a “sanitary revolution”. However, the conditions required for this reform would seem to require a dual approach: both professional and institutional, which this study will underline. Indeed, The French law of January 18, 1994 is also the reform of a profession, and of a sector of action, that is strongly criticized publicly. The reform of organization of health care in prisons underlines the failure of a strategy for a medical specialty, and is viewed by a few observers as an attempt by some practitioners to establish a particular position within the medical sector.Launched in the early sixties by the very first Doctor-inspector for prisons, Georges Fully, the assertion of specific “ health care in prison” was designed to give more legitimacy to the practitioners and therefore to allow them a greater level of autonomy from their employer, the prison administration. The specialization was designed to be an additional resource to help to put an end to the tension that the practitioners working in prison had to face, between their contract status at the Ministry of Justice and their status as general practitioners working in prisons . However, after the violent protests in prisons during the seventies, the organisation of “ health care in prisons” became for the new Doctor-inspector, Solange Troisier, a means of legitimizing the work of a discredited public service. The consecration of a specific medical practice for prisoners was also for her a means of asserting the requirements of the Code of Criminal Procedure over those of the Code of Medical Ethics. Thus the specialization of health care in prison became a means of empowerment not for the Ministry of Justice but for the medical sector.The reform of 1994 marks the failure of this attempt of medical specialization. It results from interactions between a group of practitioners defending the idea of a non-specific medical care and several militant magistrates, coming from the trade union of magistrates, working in the prison administration who were in favour of a opening-out of the penitentiary institution. The French law of January 18, 1994, highlights the accomplishment of this type of strategy and the failure to create a specialized health care in prison, the latter being then attached to a stigmatized and outdated past.The issue of this thesis is consequently to explore the sociogenesis of a reform from the dynamics which guide a professional group, on the one hand, and the evolutions which affect a public sector of action, on the other hand. We will also show that the specialization of medicine can be understood only if it is apprehended differently and subsequently cannot be reduced only to its medical dimension

Studiens syfte var att undersöka fängelsereformsattityder i Sverige med syfte att utreda om dessa korrelerade med kön, politisk tillhörighet, ålder och urvalsgrupp. Detta utförs genom att replikera en tidigare amerikansk studie inom samma ämne. Resultaten från den svenska studien jämfördes även med den amerikanska. Urvalsgrupperna utgjordes av allmänheten(N=105), före-detta kriminella (N=48) och högskolestudenter vid Högskolan i Skövde (N=252). Respondenterna nåddes via en mailenkät.Resultaten visade att de svenska respondenterna hade mer positiva attityder gentemot fängelsereformer än deras amerikanska motparter.Före-detta kriminella var mer positivt inställda till fängelsereformer än studenter och allmänheten. Vad gäller politisk tillhörighet, hade vänsterblocket mer positiva attityder mot fängelsereformer än högerblocket. Ålder hade ett positivt samband med fängelsereformsattityder. Det framkom även att i Sverige har kvinnor till en högre grad än män, höll attityden att våldsbrottsförövare borde få en hårdare bestraffning än andra brottslingar. Det skulle kunna vara av intresse att en studie utförs med syfte att undersöka dessa attityder relaterat till kön, för att se ifall det rör sig om interkulturella skillnader.
The purpose of this study was to investigate prison reform attitudes to see if they correlated with gender, political affiliation, age and sample group. The sample groups were the general population (N=105), ex-criminals (N=48) and students at the University of Skövde (N=252). The respondents were reached by an email survey. This was done by replicating a previously done American survey study. The results from the Swedish study were reviewed in comparison with the American study. The results showed that Swedish respondents held more positive prison reform attitudes than did their American counterparts. Ex-criminals were more positive towards prison reforms than students and the general population. Regarding political affiliation, the Swedish left-wing had more positive attitudes towards prison reforms than did the right-wing. The study also found a positive correlation between age and prison reform attitudes. It was found that Swedish women had more punitive attitudes towards violent criminals than other criminals, than did the men. It would be interesting to research these attitudes and how they relate to gender, to see whether they are a product of intercultural differences.

A tese discute a transformação dos discursos político-criminais sobre a pena de prisão no Brasil, no período que compreende os debates para a elaboração da Parte Geral do Código Penal e da Lei de Execução Penal, que reformaram o sistema penal em 1984, e os dispositivos penais e processuais penais discutidos na Assembleia Nacional Constituinte e contemplados na Constituição de 1988. Utilizando conceitos da literatura político-criminal anglo-saxã, as teorias tradicionais da pena e analisando os debates legislativos dos principais marcos legais do período escolhido, pretendeu-se verificar se o processo de superencarceramento brasileiro está inserido no contexto ocidental de valorização da prisão no final do século XX, ou se as peculiaridades do caso nacional indicam tratar-se de um fenômeno com causas endógenas. O trabalho parte da hipótese de que a virada punitiva brasileira está ligada ao processo de redemocratização, que atribuiu ao sistema de justiça criminal o papel de instrumento de resolução de problemas sociais complexos. Em um curto período, partiu-se de uma concepção de pena criminal como ultima ratio, instrumento de um sistema mais amplo de ressocialização e inclusão social, para um direito penal essencialmente punitivo. Nesse processo, a pena criminal foi revalorizada tanto por setores conservadores que se aproveitaram da utilidade eleitoral da política criminal para construir a narrativa da pena como instrumento de exclusão dos indesejáveis, em detrimento dos direitos humanos dos condenados quanto por setores progressistas que viram no potencial simbólico da prisão uma forma de assegurar pautas e de buscar direitos sociais. Assim, de maneira paradoxal, a pena de prisão assumiu o papel de síntese das demandas contraditórias que se apresentaram durante as disputas políticas nos anos 1980. Ao final, conclui-se que a prática contemporânea do sistema penal brasileiro está ligada à função atribuída à pena de prisão a partir da abertura política. O recurso a penas cada vez mais altas, o perene apelo a restrições processuais penais e a indiferença quanto à situação dos cárceres (agora concebidos como meros instrumentos de exclusão) refletem a lógica de colonização do sistema de justiça pelo aparato de segurança pública, característica constitutiva do antimodernismo penal no país.
The thesis presents a discussion about the transformation of criminal policy discourses on imprisonment in Brazil, from the 1984 criminal justice reform laws to the debates on the constitutional framework of the criminal justice system during the National Constituent Assembly, in 1988. Using concepts developed in the Anglo-Saxon criminology and the traditional justifications for criminal sanctions, the work analyses the legislative debates in order to verify if Brazilian overincarceration is part of the punitive turn wave which took place in the Western world in the late 20th century, or if its peculiarities should rather be explained by endogenous causes. It goes to illustrate how, in few years, Brazilian punitive turn departed from a welfare penal agenda to one essentially based on punitive sanctions. The hypothesis investigated along the work is that this phenomenon has direct links to the democratization process which attributed to the criminal justice system the role of solving complex social problems. Both conservatives, who discovered the electoral potential of penal populism, and new social movements, who relied on the symbolic nature of criminal law to support and organize civil rights demands, reinvigorated imprisonment. Paradoxically, prison became a synthesis of contradictory political forces and demands raised at the decline of military regime. The work concludes that contemporary practices of Brazilian criminal justice system are determined by the role assigned to imprisonment since democratization. Ever-higher prison sentences, limits on procedural rights for the accused and indifference towards inhumane prisons (now merely defined as a neutralization tool) reflects colonization of the criminal justice system by crime control apparatus, which is a constitutive feature of penal late modernism in Brazil.

Les réformes pénales en matière d’alternatives à l’emprisonnement ont connu un essor fulgurant un peu partout dans le monde (à l’exception de certains pays comme le Mali, qui ne connaît qu’une seule peine alternative à l’emprisonnement stricto sensu « la peine de travail d’intérêt général »), en particulier en France et au Québec entre les années soixante-dix et deux mille. Ces réformes ont notamment mené à la création de diverses peines ou mesures qualifiées d’alternatives à l’emprisonnement ou d’alternatives à l’incarcération ou de peines de substitution à l’emprisonnement, etc. À titre d’exemple, en France et au Québec, nous pouvons mentionner la création de diverses peines de substitution à l’emprisonnement telles que les peines affectant le permis de conduire, le jour-amende, la confiscation, la peine de probation, etc. Cela dit, les différentes réformes pénales en matière d’alternatives à l’emprisonnement menées par les autorités des pays susmentionnés ont-elles permis de lutter contre la surpopulation carcérale et la récidive ? La recherche est scindée en deux parties : la première est consacrée à la relative efficacité des réformes pénales en matière d’alternatives à l’emprisonnement, due principalement à l’ambivalence des politiques pénales des autorités françaises, maliennes et québécoises, mais aussi à une surpopulation carcérale explosive et à l’augmentation du taux de récidive des condamnés à des alternatives à l’emprisonnement ; la seconde partie est axée sur l’exigence d’autonomisation des alternatives à l’emprisonnement pour lutter efficacement contre la récidive et la surpopulation carcérale
Criminal reforms in alternatives to imprisonment have boomed around the world (with the exception of some countries like Mali, which has only one alternative sentence to imprisonment in the strict sense of the term "The sentence of community service"), particularly in France and Quebec between the 1970s and 2000s. These reforms have led to the creation of various punishments or measures classified as alternatives to imprisonment or alternatives to incarceration, etc. For example, in France and Quebec, we can mention the creation of various alternatives to imprisonment such as the penalties affecting the driving license, the day-fine, the confiscation, the sentence of probation, etc. That said, have the various penal reforms in the field of alternatives to imprisonment carried out by the authorities of the above-mentioned countries helped to combat prison overcrowding and recidivism? The research is divided into two parts: the first is devoted to the relative effectiveness of penal reforms in terms of alternatives to imprisonment, mainly due to the ambivalence of the penal policies of the French, Malian and Quebec authorities, but also to a explosive prison overcrowding and the increase in the recidivism rate of those sentenced to alternatives to imprisonment; the second part focuses on the need to empower alternatives to imprisonment to effectively combat recidivism and prison overcrowding

The original purpose of this thesis is to explore the possibility of setting up a school in Aotearoa (New Zealand) that operates according to the principles and philosophies of Summerhill School in Suffolk, England. An examination of Summerhill School is therefore the purpose of this study, particularly because of its commitment to self-regulation and direct democracy for children. My argument within this study is that Summerhill presents precisely the type of model Māori as Tangata Whenua (Indigenous people of Aotearoa) need in our design of an alternative schooling programme, given that self-regulation and direct democracy are traits conducive to achieving Tino Rangitiratanga (Self-government, autonomy and control). In claiming this however, not only would Tangata Whenua benefit from this model of schooling; indeed it has the potential to serve the purpose of all people regardless of age race or gender. At present, no school in Aotearoa has replicated Summerhill's principles and philosophies in their entirety. Given the constraints of a Master's thesis, this piece of work is therefore only intended as a theoretical background study for a much larger kaupapa (purpose). It is my intention to produce a further and more comprehensive study in the future using Summerhill as a vehicle to initiate a model school in Aotearoa that is completely antithetical to the dominant neo-liberal philosophy of our age. To this end, my study intends to demonstrate how neo-liberal schooling is universally dictated by global money market trends, and how it is an ideology fueled by the indifferent acceptance of the general population. In other words, neo-liberal theory is a theory of capitalist colonisation. In order to address the long term vision, this project will be comprised of two major components. The first will be a study of the principal philosophies that govern Summerhill School. As I will argue, Summerhill creates an environment that is uniquely successful and fulfilling for the children who attend. At the same time, it will also be shown how it is a philosophy that is entirely contrary to a neo-liberal 3 mindset; an antidote, to a certain extent, to the ills of contemporary schooling. The second component will address the historical movement of schooling in Aotearoa since the Labour Party's landslide victory in 1984, and how the New Zealand Curriculum has been affected by these changes. I intend to trace the importation of neo-liberal methodologies into Aotearoa such as the 'Picot Taskforce,' 'Tomorrows Schools' and 'Bulk Funding,' to name but a few. The neo-liberal ideologies that have swept through this country in the last two decades have relentlessly metamorphosised departments into businesses and forced ministries into the marketplace, hence causing the 'ideological reduction of education' and confining it to the parameters of schooling. The purpose of this research project is to act as a catalyst for the ultimate materialization of an original vision; the implementation of a school like Summerhill in Aotearoa. A study of the neo-liberal ideologies that currently dominate this country is imperative in order to understand the current schooling situation in Aotearoa and create an informed comparison between the 'learning for freedom' style of Summerhill and the 'learning to earn' style of our status quo schools. It is my hope to strengthen the argument in favour of Summerhill philosophy by offering an understanding of the difference between the two completely opposing methods of learning.

abstract: Research examining the long-term impacts of federal interventions under the Civil Rights of Institutionalized Persons Act on correctional institutions has been scant. The result has been a failure to understand the sustainability of reforms aimed at protecting the civil rights of confined persons. This dissertation examined the long-term reforms at the Arizona Department of Juvenile Corrections following a consent decree with the U.S. Department of Justice from 2004 to 2007. Interviews were conducted with current and former ADJC employees, juvenile justice advocates across Arizona, and county court representatives to determine how each of these groups perceived the status of the reforms at the ADJC. The findings of the current dissertation suggest that long-term reforms following consent decrees imposed on correctional institutions are possible. At the ADJC, the methods for securing the reform required that the agency reform its culture, implement a Quality Assurance process, revamp the Investigations and Inspections unit at the agency, and consider the perspectives of external agencies. One of the primary reasons why the department has been committed to making these reforms is because of the perceived loss of legitimacy and resources that would occur if they failed to reform. Such a failure for the agency could have potentially resulted in a closure of the agency. However, the increase in punitive and preventive policies used to enforce the reforms may have negative repercussions on the organizational culture in the long term. Policy implications for future CRIPA consent decrees are outlined, limitations are addressed, and suggestions for future research are made.
Dissertation/Thesis
Ph.D. Criminology and Criminal Justice 2013

There is widespread agreement among researchers, policy experts, and community advocates that the United States’ mass incarceration system is a policy failure. Despite bipartisan consensus and sporadic reform attempts, the policies and systems ravaging low-income families and communities of color remain largely intact. Formerly incarcerated people have been driving the social movement to dismantle mass incarceration since the movement’s inception, yet their advocacy efforts and creation of alternative programmatic and policy approaches have only recently been acknowledged and documented and have yet to be implemented widely. Through this study, I aimed to fill these gaps in knowledge about the advocacy work of women impacted by the justice system by documenting the ethos, practices, and strategies of Theater for Social Change (TSC), a performance arts-based advocacy group composed of formerly incarcerated women in service of justice system transformation. Using action research methodology, I employed dialogic and iterative processes, in partnership with TSC, to develop interview and focus group protocols and analyze data. I also undertook a thematic analysis of post-performance audience discussions, as well as the scenes and monologues created by the ensemble over the years. This research project found that the ensemble way of working—defined by Radosavljević (2013) as “collective, creative, and collaborative”—enabled TSC to develop and model the type of caring and self-organized community and capacity development, per Nixon et al. (2008), that they envision for currently and formerly incarcerated women and their families and communities to create conditions for a just and equitable society. The ensemble way of working nurtured a sisterhood and enabled the exploration of individual and shared experiences of the trauma of incarceration, as well as overcoming systemic inequalities through higher education and career success in a safe and supportive space. Performing scenes and monologues developed from personal stories allows TSC to control its advocacy messages, challenge stereotypes, and create new narratives about the worth of formerly incarcerated people. Theater and post-performance discussions also enable ensemble members to model and employ their multilevel expertise: personal experience navigating the justice system; professional expertise in reentry, mental health and human services; and advocacy leadership.