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Journal articles on the topic 'Prisoners of war – Canada'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 14 February 2022

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1

Luciuk, Lubomyr Y. "Enemy Aliens, Prisoners of War: Internment in Canada during the Great War, and: A Bare and Impolitic Right: Internment and Ukrainian-Canadian Redress (review)." University of Toronto Quarterly 75, no. 1 (2006): 368–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/utq.2006.0140.

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2

Green, Leslie C. "Le rôle du Canada dans le développement du droit en matière de conflit armé." Études internationales 11, no. 3 (April 12, 2005): 489–508. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/701076ar.

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This paper is concerned with examining the role Canada has played in the development of the law of armed conflict. It makes the point that, while it is generally assumed that the Canadian courts followed the practice of those in the United Kingdom, this is too simple an approach. From the early years of the nineteenth century, the Vice-Admiralty Court in Halifax was making a contribution to the law of prize and maritime war law that might be compared with that of Lord Stowell in England. Moreover, even then, it was applying principles that have only recently been generally accepted — that armed conflict is as much a question of fact as of law, and that naval officers, at least, must be taken to know the law. It is hardly believable that as long ago as 1814, Dr. Croke was upholding the immunity from capture of "the arts and sciences... as the property of mankind at large, and as belonging to the common interests of the whole species. " In addition to these early decisions in maritime war law, the Canadian courts have stood almost alone in the English-speaking world in explaining the criminal liability of escaping prisoners of war, in terms which to some extent formed the basis of what appeared in the Geneva Convention of 1949. At the same time, a Canadian war crimes tribunal made an important contribution to the exposition of the nature of a commander's liability for the offences of his subordinates, while others added to the jurisprudence concerned with the nature of the defence of superior orders. In so far as an actual innovative contribution is concerned, it must not be forgotten that the enunciation by Daniel Webster in 1842 of the concept of self-defence as understood in international law resulted from the actions of loyalists during the 1837 Rebellion. More recently, Canada played a concrete role in the drafting of the 1977 Protocols additional to the 1949 Geneva Conventions for the development of humanitarian law in armed conflict. In fact, Protocol II relating to non-international conflict is almost entirely based on a Canadian draft expressing Canada*s concern to see principles of humanitarian law observed as widely as possible, regardless of the nature of the conflict. As a result of tracing Canada 's role one is led to the conclusion that itconstitutes a record of achievement that merits wider appreciation.

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3

Turcotte, Jean-Michel. "“To Have a Friendly Co-Operation between Canadians and Americans": The Canada–United States Relationship Regarding German Prisoners of War, 1940–1945." Diplomacy & Statecraft 28, no. 3 (July 3, 2017): 383–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592296.2017.1347433.

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4

Sassòli, Marco, and Marie-Louise Tougas. "International Law Issues Raised by the Transfer of Detainees by Canadian Forces in Afghanistan." McGill Law Journal 56, no. 4 (September 13, 2011): 959–1010. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1005850ar.

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The transfer of Afghan detainees to Afghan authorities by Canadian forces raised concerns in public opinion, in Parliament, and was the object of court proceedings and other enquiries in Canada. This article aims to explore the rules of international law applicable to such transfers. The most relevant rule of international humanitarian law (IHL) applies to prisoners of war in international armed conflicts. However, the conflict in Afghanistan, it is argued, is not of an international character. The relevant provision could nevertheless apply based upon agreements between Canada and Afghanistan and upon unilateral declarations by Canada. In addition, international human rights law (IHRL) and the very extensive jurisprudence of its mechanisms of implementation on the obligations of a state transferring a person to the custody of another state where that person is likely to be tortured or treated inhumanely will be discussed, including the standard of care to be applied when there is an alleged risk of torture. While IHL contains the rules specifically designed for armed conflicts, IHRL may in this respect also clarify as lex specialis the interpretation of concepts of IHL. Finally, the conduct of Canadian leaders and members of the Canadian forces is governed by international criminal law (ICL). This article thus demonstrates how IHL, IHRL, and ICL are intimately interrelated in contemporary armed conflicts and how the jurisprudence of human rights bodies and of international criminal tribunals informs the understanding of IHL rules.

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5

Miller, Carman. "MORTON, Desmond, Une histoire militaire du Canada, 1608-1991. Québec, Le Septentrion, 1992. 414 p. MORTON, Desmond, Silent Battle. Canadian Prisoners of War in Germany, 1914-1919. Toronto, Lister Publishing Limited, 1992. 218 p." Revue d'histoire de l'Amérique française 47, no. 4 (1994): 571. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/305289ar.

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6

Richmond, Sean. "Transferring Responsibility?" Asia-Pacific Journal on Human Rights and the Law 17, no. 2 (December 21, 2016): 240–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718158-01702006.

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This article examines the influence and interpretation of international law in Australia’s policy and conduct regarding captured individuals during the recent Afghanistan Conflict. By critically analysing declassified government documents, Parliamentary statements, and original interview data with former Foreign Minister and Defence Minister Stephen Smith, I advance a two-pronged argument. First, contrary to what other sombre studies of the anti-torture norm might predict, Australia’s understanding of fundamental international legal rules pertaining to captured individuals in armed conflict – including the humane treatment principle and the prohibition on torture – helped regulate its policies and actions during the Afghan war. By regulate, the article posits that Australia’s policies and behaviour were governed or controlled in part by a felt sense of legal obligation among some key policy-makers. Second, like its allies Britain and Canada, Australia claimed it did not formally detain individuals during the initial years of the Afghanistan Conflict, even though it appears to have factually captured and transferred some people to United States (us) and Afghan authorities. As the war dragged on, and Australia’s troop contributions increased and local hostilities worsened, Australia – again like its allies – relied on detainee agreements and changed its conduct to try to protect captured individuals and transferees from abuse. Despite such agreements and changes, critics contend that transferred captives faced a significant risk of torture in Afghan jails, particularly those run by the country’s intelligence agency. This suggests that state and non-state views of what the prohibition on transferring to possible torture requires in practice are less settled than related shared understandings of other fundamental prisoner protections in international law and armed conflict.

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7

Conache, Ian D. "Prisoners of war." BMJ 332, no. 7537 (February 9, 2006): 350. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmj.332.7537.350.

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8

Rich, J. W. "Prisoners of War." Classical Review 55, no. 1 (March 2005): 242–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/clrevj/bni133.

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9

Abu-Jamal, Mumia. "Prisoners of War." Monthly Review 53, no. 3 (July 5, 2001): 56. http://dx.doi.org/10.14452/mr-053-03-2001-07_5.

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10

Franklin, Ann E. "Prisoners of War." Neurology Now 12, no. 3 (2016): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/01.nnn.0000484616.24670.57.

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11

Doyle, Robert C., Philip Towle, Margaret Kosuge, and Yoichi Kibata. "Japanese Prisoners of War." Journal of Military History 65, no. 4 (October 2001): 1147. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2677691.

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12

Piafsky, Michael. "Prisoners of War (review)." Missouri Review 27, no. 2 (2004): 201–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mis.2004.0060.

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13

Skelton, William Paul, and Nadine Khouzam Skelton. "Women as Prisoners of War." Military Medicine 160, no. 11 (November 1, 1995): 558–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/milmed/160.11.558.

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14

Krivonozhenko, Alexander. "Use of Prisoners of War Labor in Karelia During the First World War." Journal of Economic History and History of Economics 21, no. 4 (December 30, 2020): 604–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/2308-2488.2020.21(4).604-629.

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The article describes the study of using prisoners' labor in Karelia during the First World War. The scientific novelty of the study is that for the first time the angle of approach to this problem was beyond the traditional context of the issue, that usually covers the details of the Murmansk railway construction and prisoners labor service. The author analyzed the proposals which were put forward by the Zemstvos and by the governing bodies of the Olonets and Arkhangelsk provinces. They proposed to use the labor of prisoners in the implementation of several infrastructure projects, which were aimed at achieving major strategic defense objectives, as well as at solving local economic problems. The text has a special focus on the problem of using prisoners of war in the field work in Karelia. The study concluded that the labor of war prisoners was hardly used in Karelia. The only major construction project, which included prisoners labor, was the construction of the Murmansk railway. Several reasons for that were defined and presented in the article. Firstly, it was due to the reluctance of the Central authorities to spend money on major projects duplicating the railway to Murmansk, which was under construction. Secondly, it was caused by the position of the Olonets provincial administration, which resisted the additional inflow of prisoners of war to Karelia. Thirdly, it was dependent on the specificities of local peasant population and its regional economic structure.

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15

Twomey, Christina. "Prisoners of war of the Japanese: War and memory in Australia." Memory Studies 6, no. 3 (June 28, 2013): 321–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750698013482649.

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This article reflects on the place of prisoners of war of the Japanese in Australian memory of World War II. It examines the return to prominence of prisoners of war memory in the 1980s and places this phenomenon in the context of the memory boom and the attention accorded to difficult or traumatic memories. By exploring the relationship between Australian war memories and debates about Indigenous suffering, it suggests that cosmopolitan memory cultures form an important conceptual link between them. Recognising prisoners of war memory as an example of traumatic memory allows us to move beyond an analysis bounded by the nation state, and to argue that instead of seeing it as emerging in competition with other contemporary memories focused on the suffering of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples, it shares some elements in common with them.

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16

Carlson, Paul H., and Brad D. Lookingbill. "War Dance at Fort Marion: Plains Indian War Prisoners." Journal of Southern History 73, no. 3 (August 1, 2007): 722. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27649526.

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17

Nachtigal, Reinhard. "Prisoners of War in Russia during World War I." Quaestio Rossica, no. 1 (2014): 142–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/qr.2014.1.028.

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18

Ahern, W. H. "War Dance at Fort Marion: Plains Indian War Prisoners." Journal of American History 93, no. 4 (March 1, 2007): 1255. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25094673.

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19

Grady, Tim. "British prisoners of war in First World War Germany." First World War Studies 10, no. 2-3 (September 2, 2019): 273–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19475020.2020.1774123.

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20

Wylie, Neville. "Prisoners of War in the Era of Total War." War in History 13, no. 2 (April 2006): 217–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1191/0968344506wh337ra.

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21

Stockel, H. Henrietta. "War Dance at Fort Marion: Plains Indian War Prisoners." Western Historical Quarterly 38, no. 2 (May 2007): 230–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/whq/38.2.230.

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22

Natalia, Shabelnik. "Work of Foreign Powers of War During the Restoration of the Central Chernozemye Industry in the Years the Great Patriotic War." TECHNOLOGOS, no. 2 (2021): 91–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.15593/perm.kipf/2021.2.08.

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The study of aspect prisoners of war in the restoration of the USSR industry during the Great Patriotic War arouses scientific interest of native historiography. Contradictory opinions and assessment of foreign prisoners of war contribution to the restoration of the USSR industrial facilities accentuate the relevance of the topic. The study of this issue at the regional level arouses great interest. The practical significance of the topic lies in the fact that, firstly, it is the material for further study of the problem of foreign prisoners of war on the territory of the Central Chernozemye Region, and secondly, it can be used as the material for the examination of a number of topics on the history of prisoners of war during the Great Patriotic War at government level. During the Great Patriotic War the front line passed through the territory of the Central Chernozemye Region (summer 1942 – winter 1943). Kursk and a part of Voronezh region were occupied by Nazi troops. In the second half of 1942 the first production camps for foreign prisoners of war were established in the Central Chernozemye Region. The increase in the number of camps, the number of prisoners of war and their involvement in production began in 1943. The main reason for the use of prisoners of war labor was, first of all, associated with a sharp increase in the number of prisoners of war after the Battle of Stalingrad; and secondly, with a shortage of manpower. In the first months of the camps operation the involvement of prisoners of war in the work remained low. But in the second half of 1944 it began the massive use of prisoners of war labor. Their labor included restoration work in all industries of the Central Chernozemye Region. By the end of the war prisoners of war had been recruited to work according to their civil specialties. Despite the active use of prisoners of war labor as a part of the complex of restoration measures in the Central Chernozemye Region their contribution was insignificant in comparison with the material damage caused. The article, based on the analysis of archival materials and historical literature, as well as on the historical-comparative, systemic, statistical and other methods of scientific research, shows the contribution of foreign prisoners of war to the restoration of industrial facilities in the Central Chernozyom region during the Great Patriotic War.

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23

Chapaeva, Anna M. "The Content and Treatment of Prisoners of war During the First World War (on the example of the Kostroma and Yaroslavl provinces)." Vestnik Yaroslavskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta im. P. G. Demidova. Seriya gumanitarnye nauki 15, no. 2 (June 11, 2021): 184. http://dx.doi.org/10.18255/1996-5648-2021-2-184-193.

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This article is devoted to the content of prisoners of war in the Kostroma and Yaroslavl provinces during the First World War. The international and Russian legal framework for the detention of prisoners of war is indicated, which prescribes the conditions for providing medical care, the use of labor and the treatment of officers and lower ranks. Examples of the content of prisoners of war and the attitude of the local population to military prisoners are given. The approximate expenses for the maintenance of prisoners of war in the specified provinces are shown. The generaliter information concerning equipment with medical and disinfection equipment is given. The analysis of archival documents and publications concerning the maintenance of prisoners of war is carried out.

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24

Stanbury, W. T., and John D. Todd. "Landlords as Economic Prisoners of War." Canadian Public Policy / Analyse de Politiques 16, no. 4 (December 1990): 399. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3550855.

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25

Brass, Lawrence M., and William F. Page. "Stroke in former prisoners of war." Journal of Stroke and Cerebrovascular Diseases 6, no. 2 (November 1996): 72–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s1052-3057(96)80006-1.

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26

Hingorani, R. C. "Who are the Prisoners of War?" Australian Year Book of International Law Online 9, no. 1 (1985): 276–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/26660229-009-01-900000019.

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27

Solomon, Zahava, Sharon Avidor, and Hila Givon Mantin. "Guilt Among Ex-Prisoners of War." Journal of Aggression, Maltreatment & Trauma 24, no. 7 (August 9, 2015): 721–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10926771.2015.1079284.

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28

Hyden, John. "Soviet attitudes to prisoners of war." RUSI Journal 130, no. 3 (September 1985): 22–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071848508522681.

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29

Powell, Allan Kent, and Arnold Krammer. "Nazi Prisoners of War in America." Journal of Military History 62, no. 2 (April 1998): 443. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/120770.

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30

Phillips, Celeste R., and Joan E. Haase. "Like Prisoners in a War Camp." Cancer Nursing 43, no. 1 (2020): 69–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/ncc.0000000000000653.

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31

Ulster Volunteer Force Prisoners. "Ulster Volunteer Force Prisoners of War." Journal of Prisoners on Prisons 7, no. 2 (December 1, 1997): 7–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.18192/jpp.v7i2.5753.

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32

Ippolitov, Sergey. "The Russian Prisoners of War in World War I as a Humanitarian Issue." Izvestia of Smolensk State University, no. 2(50) (July 2, 2020): 174–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.35785/2072-9464-2020-50-2-174-188.

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The tragedy occurred to the prisoners of war in World War I had the scale of a humanitarian disaster. Millions of people belonged to different nationalities lived under the hardest physical and psychological living conditions. The study devoted to this page of world history methodologically comprises an intersection of disciplines: it is necessary to study and comprehend mental, legal, economic, cultural aspects of the humanitarian crisis which had significant effect on the course of political processes in Europe. The article studies activities of government and public organizations involved in humanitarian assistance to the Russian prisoners of war who were in the European camps. In this case a special role was played by a spiritual and cultural support of the compatriots in captivity. Acute «cultural hunger» in the prisoners of war camps was intended to be filled by the Russian book, which became a significant factor that impeded the prisoners’ marginalization and denationalization. The growth of nationalism in a public discourse of different countries around the world which were involved in isolation and marginalization of ethnic minorities and diasporas, their loss of national and cultural identity, customs and language make the study of the historical analogies connected with the fate of prisoners of war in World War I appropriate and of current interest. The history of preservation by the Russian people in captivity and exile their own cultural identity allows the author to predict the course of these processes at the present stage, as well as to develop state policy of support provided to compatriots abroad.

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33

Adamson, Christopher, and Michael Jackson. "Prisoners of Isolation: Solitary Confinement in Canada." Canadian Journal of Sociology / Cahiers canadiens de sociologie 10, no. 3 (1985): 313. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3339977.

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Johnson, Byron, and Michael Jackson. "Prisoners of Isolation: Solitary Confinement in Canada." Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology (1973-) 76, no. 1 (1985): 262. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1143365.

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35

Lobko, N. V. "Rights and obligations of prisoners of war in the World War I and their observance in Lebedyn District of Kharkiv Province." Legal horizons, no. 21 (2020): 7–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/legalhorizons.2020.i21.p7.

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History of World War I that due to its global consequences started a new stage of development of European civilization still draws attention of many researchers. One of the most interesting topics for researchers is the topic of war imprisonment during the World War I. Stay of prisoners of war in the territory of Ukraine is a scantily studied issue. The objects of this study are prisoners of war who were in Lebedyn district of Kharkiv province during the World War I (1914–1918). The subject of the research is the legal status of prisoners of war, the protection of their rights and the observance of their duties. The author analyzed norms of international law and Russian legislation for regulation conditions of war imprisonment during the period of war. Using materials of Lebedyn District of Kharkiv Province, being deposited in the archives of Sumy Region, the author examines the legal status of prisoners of war, the protection of their rights and the observance of their duties. The position of prisoners of war during the World War I on Ukrainian lands as part of the Russian Empire was determined by the norms of international law and Russian legislation for regulation conditions of war imprisonment during the period of war. Using the archival sources kept in funds of the State Archives of Sumy Region, it was found that the rights of prisoners of war were generally ensured on the territory of the Lebedyn District of Kharkiv Province. However, there were not a few cases when Austrian and German prisoners suffered from hunger, domestic inconvenience and abuse by employers. There were also repeated violations of their duties by prisoners of war. The most common violations were refusal to work, leaving the workplace.

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36

Карабін, О. Ю. "Issue of taking prisoners, placement and registration of German and Austro- Hungarian prisoners of war in Ukrainian territories during the First World War." Grani 22, no. 9-10 (December 13, 2019): 15–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/171987.

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In this article, the author studied the issue of taking prisoners of war by the Russian army payingspecial attention to international agreements regulating this process signed by the Government of theRussian Empire and regulatory documents in the form of regulations and instructions, which did not alwayscomply with these international agreements. The author also emphasizes the fact that the process of takingGerman and Austrian-Hungarian prisoners of war by soldiers of the Russian Empire did not always complywith these instructions and provisions.For example, according to international agreements signed by thegovernment of the Russian Empire, a prisoner of war had to state only his name and rank. However,according to the regulatory documents regulating the prisoners of war interrogation issue, approved by thesame government, he had to answer a number of questions relating the information on his military unit,the state of the enemy army, and the information the enemy was aware of on the Russian army. In addition,the author gives an example of certain military units, which did not even try to comply with regulatorydocuments, treated the prisoners of war very cruelly, and sometimes even executed them.The author considers the issue of placement of prisoners of war in the territory of the Russian Empire,which highlights the plans of the Government of the Russian Empire regarding this issue, and gives a numberof objective reasons preventing the implementation of these plans. Taking into account the regulatorydocuments and recollections of eyewitnesses, he analyzes the procedure for the transfer of prisoners of warfrom the moment of their capture to the places of their detention.On the ground of the provisions on prisonersof war, he characterizes the standards of their living arrangements and describes the way these were put intolife, focusing his attention on their stay in Ukrainian territories. The author comes to the conclusion thatprisoners’ of war living arrangements did not always meet the established norms. They were very differentdepending on where the prisoners of war were.Their living conditions in the military units differed fromthe living conditions in the prisoners’ camps or the places of their labor exploitation.Also, sometimestheir living arrangements varied depending on which nationality a prisoner of war was. Therefore, livingarrangements were better for the Slavic prisoners of war than for the Germans or the Hungarians. A part ofthe prisoners of war was transferred to the private parties for assistance in housekeeping. There were evencases when such prisoners of war, getting to the widows’ households, started living together as spouses.The author examines the structure of the institutions and organizations of the Russian Empire, whichwere supposed to keep records of prisoners of war, and gives reasons why these records were not aseffective as it was expected and dozens of thousands of prisoners of war were lost in the expanses of theRussian Empire.

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Fortun, Aleksei A. "Saratov Zemstvo and Prisoners of War During World War I." Izvestiya of Saratov University. New Series. Series: History. International Relations 19, no. 3 (2019): 375–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1819-4907-2019-19-3-375-381.

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38

McCrae, Meighen. "Violence against prisoners of war in the First World War." First World War Studies 3, no. 2 (October 2012): 248–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19475020.2012.728751.

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Beaumont, Joan. "Review Article Prisoners of War in the Second World War." Journal of Contemporary History 42, no. 3 (July 2007): 535–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009407078746.

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40

MacKenzie, S. P. "The Treatment of Prisoners of War in World War II." Journal of Modern History 66, no. 3 (September 1994): 487–520. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/244883.

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41

Kalesnik, Frank. "War Dance at Fort Marion: Plains Indian War Prisoners (review)." Journal of Military History 71, no. 1 (2007): 234–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jmh.2007.0041.

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42

Sobirov, N., O. Akbarov, and V. Ibragimov. "Khujand and prisoners of war of the first world war." ACADEMICIA: An International Multidisciplinary Research Journal 10, no. 12 (2020): 966–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.5958/2249-7137.2020.01881.9.

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43

Rubanova, Tat’yana D. "Libraries for Wounded Soldiers and Prisoners of War during the World War I." Bibliotekovedenie [Russian Journal of Library Science], no. 6 (December 8, 2015): 98–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.25281/0869-608x-2015-0-6-98-106.

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The article is devoted to the 100th anniversary of the First World War. It reveals the organization of library services for the wounded soldiers and prisoners of war during the World War I. There is considered participation of public institutions, social and charitable institutions, professional societies in the Book Supply libraries in hospitals and infirmaries, camps for prisoners of war. There are described forms of public participation in the collection of funds, purchasing, acquisition and delivery of books. There is presented the statistical data on the number of collected books and libraries.

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44

Morrison, J. S. "Dilution of Oarcrews with Prisoners of War." Classical Quarterly 38, no. 1 (January 1988): 251–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800031487.

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At 10.17.6–16 Polybius relates how Scipio seized the opportunity offered by his capture of New Carthage in 209 B.C. to increase his fleet of quinqueremes by half as much again. There is a briefer passage on the same subject in Livy 26.47.1–3.Polybius says that the total number of prisoners taken was nearly ten thousand, from whom Scipio separated two groups: first citizens, men and women with their young children, and secondly craftsmen. He freed the former, and made the latter, numbering about 2000, public slaves of Rome. In Livy's account women and children are not mentioned; the prisoners are said to be ten thousand free men. As in Polybius, the citizens are said to have been set at liberty and the two thousand craftsmen made public slaves. In Polybius Scipio is said to have selected from all those not in the first two groups ‘the strongest, the fittest looking and the youngest and mixed them up with his own crews. And making the whole body of oarsmen (ναται) half as many again as before he succeeded in manning the captured ships as well as his own στε τοὺς ἄνδρας κστῳ σκϕει βραχ τι λεπειν το διπλασους εἶναι τοὺς ὑπρχοντας τν προγενομνων, for the captured ships were eighteen in number and the original ships thirty-five’. The corresponding passage in Livy is as follows: ‘the remaining multitude [multitudinem, a word suggesting a larger number than the two former groups together] of young inhabitants and of strong slaves he handed over to the fleet to increase the number of oarsmen (remigum). And [an increase was needed because] he had added eight captured ships to the fleet’.

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Clarke, Alice R. "Thirty-Seven Months as Prisoners of War." AJN, American Journal of Nursing 113, no. 5 (May 2013): 69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/01.naj.0000430246.72755.b4.

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Badillo, Victor L. "American Jesuit Prisoners of War, 1942–1945." Philippine Studies: Historical and Ethnographic Viewpoints 62, no. 3-4 (2014): 567–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/phs.2014.0018.

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Ursano, Robert J., and David M. Benedek. "Prisoners of war: long-term health outcomes." Lancet 362 (December 2003): s22—s23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0140-6736(03)15062-3.

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Skolnick, Andrew. "Concerns Grow About Allied Prisoners of War." JAMA: The Journal of the American Medical Association 265, no. 6 (February 13, 1991): 701. http://dx.doi.org/10.1001/jama.1991.03460060027006.

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Doyle, Robert C. "Prisoners of War: A Reference Handbook (review)." Journal of Military History 72, no. 2 (2008): 541–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jmh.2008.0141.

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Tycko, Sonia. "The Legality of Prisoner of War Labour In England, 1648–1655*." Past & Present 246, no. 1 (January 3, 2020): 35–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pastj/gtz031.

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Abstract:

Abstract Prisoners of war formed a legally distinct category amongst the many thousands of people forcibly employed in England and the English American colonies in the mid-seventeenth century, but they have yet to be studied as such. Focusing on 1648 to 1655, this article explains how a succession of English governments sent their war captives into servitude with private masters despite the prohibition of hard labour for Christian prisoners in the customary laws of war. They instead operated under the logic of the English poor law, in which the indigent could meaningfully consent to serve a master even while under duress. The case of Scottish and Dutch prisoners of war in the Bedford Level fen drainage project shows how the Council of State and the drainage company board members conceptualized common prisoners as willing workmen. Prisoners, ambassadors, and a variety of English observers instead thought that war captives should not have to work for their subsistence or their captors' profit. Nevertheless, common prisoners continued to labour under the aegis of free contracts into the eighteenth century.

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