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Journal articles on the topic 'Privacy policy negotiation'
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1
Such, Jose M., and Michael Rovatsos. "Privacy Policy Negotiation in Social Media." ACM Transactions on Autonomous and Adaptive Systems 11, no. 1 (April 20, 2016): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/2821512.
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Lupi, Lucia. "City Data Plan: The Conceptualisation of a Policy Instrument for Data Governance in Smart Cities." Urban Science 3, no. 3 (August 13, 2019): 91. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/urbansci3030091.
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This paper presents the conceptualisation of the City Data Plan, a data governance policy instrument intended to connect the production and use of urban data in a comprehensive and evolutive long-term strategy aligned with city development goals. The concept of the City Data Plan had been elaborated by taking into account current issues related to privacy and manipulation of data in smart city. The methodological approach adopted to define the nature of a City Data Plan is grounded on the conceptual and empirical parallelism with corporate data governance plans and general urban plans, respectively aimed to regulate decision-making powers and actions on data in enterprise contexts, and the interests of local stakeholders in the access and use of urban resources. The result of this analytic process is the formulation of the outline of a City Data Plan as a data governance policy instrument to support the iterative negotiation between the instances of data producers and data users for instantiating shared smart city visions. The conceptualisation of the City Data Plan includes a description of the multi-stakeholder organisational structures for the city data governance, cooperation protocols and decision areas, responsibilities assignments, components of the plan and its implementation mechanisms.
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BULL, BENEDICTE. "Policy Networks and Business Participation in Free Trade Negotiations in Chile." Journal of Latin American Studies 40, no. 2 (April 29, 2008): 195–224. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x08003969.
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AbstractWithin Latin America, Chile is distinguished by its stable trade policies and rapid negotiation of trade agreements with countries and regions all over the world. Explanations for these phenomena often point to the stable pro-free trade coalition established in the aftermath of the shock-therapy pursued in the 1970s, and Chile's professional government bureaucracy. Although both of these elements are important, this article shows how the rapid integration of Chile into the world economy has also depended on the existence of business associations with expertise on trade issues. Through the process of integration, a close policy network has evolved between key public officials and business representatives. This is premised on the mutual recognition of expertise in the public and private sectors, and is held together by close personal networks of loyalty and trust across the public-private divide. However, while the development of such a policy network has been highly favourable to the process of negotiating trade agreements, it has also contributed to the de-facto exclusion of societal actors that have less to contribute to trade negotiations than business sectors.
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Kucik, Jeffrey, and Krzysztof J. Pelc. "Measuring the Cost of Privacy: A Look at the Distributional Effects of Private Bargaining." British Journal of Political Science 46, no. 4 (January 28, 2015): 861–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123414000520.
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Transparency is one of the most contested aspects of international organizations. While observers frequently call for greater oversight of policy making, evidence suggests that settlement between states is more likely when negotiations are conducted behind closed doors. The World Trade Organization’s (WTO) legal body provides a useful illustration of these competing perspectives. As in many courts, WTO dispute settlement is designed explicitly to facilitate settlement throughprivateconsultations. However, this study argues that the privacy of negotiations creates opportunities for states to strike deals that disadvantage others. Looking at product-level trade flows from all disputes between 1995 and 2011, it finds that private (early) settlements lead to discriminatory trade outcomes – complainant countries gain disproportionately more than the rest of the membership. When the facts of a case are made known through a ruling, these disproportional gains disappear entirely. The article also finds that third-party participation – commonly criticized for making settlement less likely – significantly reduces disparities in post-dispute trade. It then draws parallels to domestic law and concludes with a set of policy prescriptions.
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Steeves, Valerie, and Priscilla Regan. "Young people online and the social value of privacy." Journal of Information, Communication and Ethics in Society 12, no. 4 (November 4, 2014): 298–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jices-01-2014-0004.
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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to develop a conceptual framework to contextualize young people’s lived experiences of privacy and invasion online. Social negotiations in the construction of privacy boundaries are theorized to be dependent on individual preferences, abilities and context-dependent social meanings. Design/methodology/approach – Empirical findings of three related Ottawa-based studies dealing with young people’s online privacy are used to examine the benefits of online publicity, what online privacy means to young people and the social importance of privacy. Earlier philosophical discussions of privacy and identity, as well as current scholarship, are drawn on to suggest that privacy is an inherently social practice that enables social actors to navigate the boundary between self/other and between being closed/open to social interaction. Findings – Four understandings of privacy’s value are developed in concordance with recent privacy literature and our own empirical data: privacy as contextual, relational, performative and dialectical. Social implications – A more holistic approach is necessary to understand young people’s privacy negotiations. Adopting such an approach can help re-establish an ability to address the ways in which privacy boundaries are negotiated and to challenge surveillance schemes and their social consequences. Originality/value – Findings imply that privacy policy should focus on creating conditions that support negotiations that are transparent and equitable. Additionally, policy-makers must begin to critically evaluate the ways in which surveillance interferes with the developmental need of young people to build relationships of trust with each other and also with adults.
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Yakovleva, Svetlana, and Kristina Irion. "Toward Compatibility of the EU Trade Policy with the General Data Protection Regulation." AJIL Unbound 114 (2020): 10–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/aju.2019.81.
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The European Union's (EU) negotiating position on cross-border data flows, which the EU has recently included in its proposal for the World Trade Organization (WTO) talks on e-commerce, not only enshrines the protection of privacy and personal data as fundamental rights, but also creates a broad exception for a Member's restrictions on cross-border transfers of personal data. This essay argues that maintaining such a strong position in trade negotiations is essential for the EU to preserve the internal compatibility of its legal system when it comes to the right to protection of personal data under the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights (EU Charter) and the recently adopted General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR).
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Radchenko, Sergey, and Lisbeth Tarlow. "Gorbachev, Ozawa, and the Failed Back-Channel Negotiations of 1989–1990." Journal of Cold War Studies 15, no. 2 (April 2013): 104–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00339.
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This article analyzes the evolution, content, and fate of the back-channel negotiations between senior Soviet and Japanese officials in 1989–1990, a time of radical changes in most aspects of Soviet foreign policy. Sources that have recently become available—especially the private papers of Aleksandr Yakovlev and Anatolii Chernyaev and several recently published collections of documents—not only confirm what has long been suspected about this critical channel of negotiation but shed valuable light on motives and complications in Moscow that precipitated the channel's ultimate failure. Because Japanese documents on the matter have not yet been declassified, the article cannot offer a full account of these talks, but the Soviet documents are sufficient to indicate why a bilateral rapprochement has been so elusive.
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Bazzoli, Gloria J., Larry M. Manheim, and Teresa M. Waters. "U.S. Hospital Industry Restructuring and the Hospital Safety Net." INQUIRY: The Journal of Health Care Organization, Provision, and Financing 40, no. 1 (February 2003): 6–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.5034/inquiryjrnl_40.1.6.
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The U.S. hospital industry was reshaped during the 1990s, with many hospitals becoming members of health systems and networks. Our research examines whether safety net hospitals (SNHs) were generally included or excluded from these arrangements, and the factors associated with their involvement. Our analysis draws on the earlier work of Alexander and Morrisey (1988), and not only studies factors affecting SNH participation in multihospital arrangements but also updates their earlier study. We constructed measures for hospital market conditions, management, and mission, and examined network and system affiliation patterns between 1994 and 1998. Our findings suggest that larger and more technically advanced hospitals joined systems in the 1990s, which contrasts with 1980s findings that smaller, financially weak institutions joined systems. Further, SNH participation in networks and systems was more common when hospitals faced less market pressure and where only a limited number of unaffiliated hospitals remained. If networks and systems are key parties in negotiating with private payers, SNHs may be going it alone in these negotiations in highly competitive markets.
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DuBord, Elise. "Language policy and the drawing of social boundaries." Ideologías lingüísticas y el español en contexto histórico 7, no. 1 (March 30, 2010): 25–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/sic.7.1.02dub.
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Educational institutions developed in Tucson, Arizona in the last quarter of the nineteenth century, during a critical time in cultural and political shifts of power between Anglo and Mexican elites in Southwestern United States. My qualitative analysis reconstructs language policies in the incipient educational system in Territorial Tucson. This article examines official and unofficial language policies in both public and private schools in Tucson that reflected this accommodation of power and the negotiation of a new racial hierarchy in the context of westward expansion. I argue that the private schools Mexican elites founded in this period maintained bilingual instruction and promoted biliteracy as a means of racially and linguistically distancing themselves from Anglos, Indians and Mexicans from lower socioeconomic classes in public schools.
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Barnett, Ronald, and Gareth Parry. "Policy analysis research in higher education: negotiating dilemmas." Magis. Revista Internacional de Investigación en Educación 7, no. 14 (December 30, 2014): 69. http://dx.doi.org/10.11144/javeriana.m7-14.parh.
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Increasingly, qualitative research is funded by agencies – whether government or national agencies or in the private sector – that have a direct interest in the research that they are funding. Especially in qualitative research in such situations, methodological issues arise but so too do dilemmas, both in the actual conduct of the study and in the writing and the positioning of ensuing texts (for example, in relation to value neutrality and value commitment, in doing justice to the multiple and conflicting interests of various constituencies and in steering among competing ideologies). Here, in this paper, such dilemmas are brought out in an account of a study conducted in the UK in the 1990s, to review and to evaluate the UK’s then quality assurance system.
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Mahoney, Eileen. "Trade and international telecommunications policy." Gazette (Leiden, Netherlands) 50, no. 2-3 (October 1992): 193–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001654929205000206.
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Development of trade rules for international telecommunications within the ongoing General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) negotiations and the recently- concluded North American Free Trade Agreement represent a significant shift in policymaking. Historically, telecommunication has been the responsibility of national governmental authorities, whether through public sector service provision or regulation. However, the increasing incorporation of communication and information resources into the transnational corporate economy in the past two decades has prompted efforts to shift control to the private sector. This study analyses the impact of a trade framework for telecommunications services on international and national policy-making.
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Gesme, Dean H., and Marian Wiseman. "How to Negotiate With Health Care Plans." Journal of Oncology Practice 6, no. 4 (July 2010): 220–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1200/jop.777011.
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Rothenberger, D., U. Frei, and F. Brugger. "Policy principles and implementation guidelines for private sector participation in the water sector — a step towards better results." Water Science and Technology 51, no. 8 (April 1, 2005): 61–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.2166/wst.2005.0226.
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To achieve the Millennium Development Goals, all partners (public, private, NGOs) must be engaged for improving and expanding the water supply and sanitation services. Yet, high transaction costs, unclear role allocation and lack of trust and commitment put Private Sector Participation (PSP) at risk. The initiative “Policy Principles and Implementation Guidelines for Private Sector Participation in Sustainable Water Supply and Sanitation” contributes to equitable, effective, ecological and efficient PSP projects. Based on a multi stakeholder process, the Policy Principles are offering an open and transparent framework for the negotiation of valid, widely accepted and action-oriented solutions, while the Implementation Guidelines focus on success factors for building partnerships on the operational level.
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Gawell, Malin. "Social entrepreneurship and the negotiation of emerging social enterprise markets." International Journal of Public Sector Management 27, no. 3 (April 8, 2014): 251–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijpsm-11-2012-0143.
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Purpose – Sweden, and many other countries, has, during the twentieth century, developed a rather large public sector providing social welfare services to citizens. Only to a small extent were private for- or nonprofit organizations providing these services. During the last decade we have seen a shift towards more services being provided by private for- and nonprofit actors. This shift means that roles are reconsidered, renegotiated and reconstructed. In this debate social entrepreneurship, social enterprises and innovation are emphasized. The aim of this paper is to problematize and analyze how social entrepreneurship and social enterprises relate to public sector management and governance. Design/methodology/approach – In the paper theories on (social) entrepreneurship and innovation is combined with theories focusing on welfare structures. Empirically, the analysis is based on the current policy development in Sweden and five social entrepreneurship initiatives. Findings – The analysis discloses the relationship between the public sector and social entrepreneurship as negotiation of emerging social enterprise markets in which aspects as the creation of value, dependencies and innovation are emphasized. Even if the study has a geographical focus both theoretical contributions and implications for policy and practice can be of use also in other contexts. Originality/value – Through combining social entrepreneurship with welfare services and public management this empirically based study contributes both to problematize and align the emerging field of social innovation.
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G. Schwab, Gregory. "SEC changes course: some companies must now admit wrongdoing." Journal of Investment Compliance 15, no. 1 (February 27, 2014): 33–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/joic-01-2014-0005.
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Purpose – To educate the audience about a significant change in SEC enforcement policy Design/methodology/approach – Research was performed of SEC officials' recent public statements about the change in enforcement policy. Findings – The SEC has increased enforcement activity in recent years, and the commission will begin insisting on admissions of wrongdoing in future settlement negotiations. Practical implications – Private litigants will seize on any admissions exacted by the SEC from corporate defendants. This could result in huge damage awards in private civil litigation. Originality/value – Explanation of the SEC's recent change in enforcement policy, specifically, how the SEC will demand certain corporate defendants admit to wrongdoing as part of any settlement with the commission.
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Crosby, Sondra S., and George J. Annas. "Cop to Cop: Negotiating Privacy and Security in the Examining Room." Journal of Law, Medicine & Ethics 48, no. 1 (2020): 169–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1073110520917006.
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Abdelrehim, Neveen, Josephine Maltby, and Steven Toms. "Corporate Social Responsibility and Corporate Control: The Anglo-Iranian Oil Company, 1933–1951." Enterprise & Society 12, no. 4 (December 2011): 824–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1467222700010697.
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A new conceptualization of corporate social responsibility (CSR) is presented as a means of asserting and maintaining corporate control in the face of political, economic, and social challenges. The Anglo-Iranian Oil Company (AIOC) applied different strategies to maintain control of its Iranian assets in the face nationalist demands—political and covert mechanisms, market based, resource access controls, and CSR programs. This paper investigates the third, and least explored, strand of their strategy. It identifies managerial strategies for CSR engagement with respect to three corresponding interest groups: politicians and diplomats, shareholders, and local employees, drawing on a variety of previously unused archival sources. From prior studies it is unclear whether the AIOC's CSR programs, for example, in employment and housing, were motivated by social improvement, its business agenda, or responses to legislative pressures from the Iranian government. A detailed examination of CSR policy and private correspondence between AIOC's senior executives about their negotiations with the Iranian government shows that they engaged in and reported voluntary CSR activities to strengthen their reputation and negotiating position but refused to compromise on aspects of CSR that threatened the existing managerial hierarchy of control. This interpretation is supported by a content analysis of the company's annual reports in the years before and after nationalization, revealing a choice of topics and language intended to support its self-presentation as a socially concerned employer. The results of this study have wider implications for understanding CSR reporting as a corporate strategy to enhance negotiating and bargaining positions.
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Selin, Henrik. "Global Environmental Law and Treaty-Making on Hazardous Substances: The Minamata Convention and Mercury Abatement." Global Environmental Politics 14, no. 1 (February 2014): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/glep_a_00208.
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In global environmental cooperation, legally binding agreements remain a customary way for states to set common goals and standards. This article analyzes the Minamata Convention on Mercury by addressing three questions: First, how did linkages to earlier agreements shape the negotiations? Second, what were the main legal and political issues during the negotiations? Third, what are the major issues moving forward with treaty implementation and mercury abatement? The analysis shows that the decision to start treaty negotiations was influenced by related policy developments on hazardous chemicals as well as differences in national interests. Five sets of issues dominated the negotiations: 1) supply and trade, 2) products and processes, 3) emissions and releases, 4) artisanal and small-scale gold mining, and 5) resources and compliance. The article concludes that future mercury abatement hinges on the parties' ability to move beyond the initial mandates, as the convention may affect decisions by a wide range of public, private, and civil society actors.
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Valkenburg, Govert, and Irma van der Ploeg. "Materialities between security and privacy: A constructivist account of airport security scanners." Security Dialogue 46, no. 4 (July 20, 2015): 326–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967010615577855.
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What concepts such as ‘security’ and ‘privacy’ mean in practice is not merely a matter of policy choices or value concepts, but is inherently tied up with the socio-material and technological arrangement of the practices in which they come to matter. In this article, one trajectory in the implementation of a security regime into the sociotechnical arrangement of airport security checking is reconstructed. During this trajectory, gradual modifications or ‘translations’ are performed on what are initially defined as the privacy and security problems. The notion of translation is used to capture the modifications that concepts undergo between different stages of the process: the initial security problem shifts, transforms and comes to be aligned with several other interests and values. We articulate how such translations take place in the material realm, where seemingly technical and natural-scientific givens take part in the negotiations. On the one hand, these negotiations may produce technologies that perform social inequalities. On the other hand, it is in this material realm that translations of problem definitions appear as simply technical issues, exempted from democratic governance. The forms of privacy and security that emerge in the end are thus specific versions with specific social effects, which do not follow in an obvious way from the generic, initial concepts. By focusing on problem definitions and their translations at various stages of the development, we explain how it is possible for potentially stigmatizing and privacy-encroaching effects to occur, even though the security technologies were introduced exactly to preclude those effects.
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Petit, Michel. "Agro-Food Trade and Policy issues in the Mediterranean region." QA Rivista dell'Associazione Rossi-Doria, no. 3 (August 2009): 23–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/qu2009-003002.
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- The limited economic stakes involved in the current agricultural trade discussions and negotiations in the Mediterranean region hardly justify the political sensitivities they generate. As a result, agricultural trade conflicts lead to misconceptions, frustrations and taboos, which stand in the way of fuller agricultural collaboration between North and South in the region. This hampers common efforts in such domains as rural development, agricultural research and higher education as well as the efforts of the private sector, which could address important issues and yield high pay offs.EconLit Classification: F590, Q170Keywords: International Relations, Agriculture in International TradeParole chiave: Relazioni internazionali, Commercio internazionale agricolo
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Tamayo, Arturo Borja. "The New Federalism in Mexico and Foreign Economic Policy: An Alternative Two-Level Game Analysis of the Metalclad Case." Latin American Politics and Society 43, no. 4 (2001): 67–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2001.tb00188.x.
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AbstractThis article examines, through a two-level game model, the case of the first investment dispute under NAFTA between a private U.S. firm and the Mexican government. It argues that the clue to understanding why the Mexican president could not cooperate with the U.S. president lies in Mexico's domestic “ratification” process. The analysis yields two theoretical propositions. First, federalism represents an important variable in explaining foreign economic policy. Second, two-level game logic should not be applied only to formal international negotiation situations; instead, by specifying the dependent variable as cooperation or noncooperation, these models connecting domestic and international politics can be productively applied to study foreign economic policy.
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Sun, Yixian. "Transnational Public-Private Partnerships as Learning Facilitators: Global Governance of Mercury." Global Environmental Politics 17, no. 2 (May 2017): 21–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/glep_a_00399.
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Drawing from theories of regime interplay and social learning, this article investigates linkages between hybrid governance schemes and intergovernmental regimes. My analytic framework suggests that, by enhancing cooperation among stakeholders, transnational public-private partnerships will facilitate policy-makers’ learning, and accordingly advance the formation of intergovernmental regimes. Here I use qualitative methods to examine the influence of the UNEP Global Mercury Partnership on negotiations over different components of the Minamata Convention on Mercury. Technical and scientific information provided by this partnership helped relevant policy-makers understand the problems to be addressed and some appropriate solutions, thereby accelerating the consensus-making process and shaping the features of certain provisions. I also compare the influences of different partnership areas, revealing that inclusive stakeholder engagement and boundary coordination between different governance schemes are two important conditions for transnational partnerships to promote cooperation in intergovernmental fora.
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Wang, Kun. "Analysis of the Status and Potential of the Passenger Transport Market in China and Central Asia Inspiration for the Initiative «One Belt One Way»." Russian and Chinese Studies 4, no. 2 (June 30, 2020): 145–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/2587-7445.2020.4(2).145-156.
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Central Asia, being an important zone in the Silk Road Economic Belt of the China Road «One Belt-One Way», is an important economic channel for China, connecting European countries by land. Transport communication is the basis of the work of the initiative «One belt-one path», therefore it is important and priority. Although the development of land connections (railways, highways) between China and Central Asia has made significant progress, passenger services, especially air passenger services, are still underdeveloped. The paper explains the state of development and existing problems of the bilateral air passenger transport market between China and Central Asia through the data analysis and policy studies of the «Bilateral Air Agreement». Three policy recommendations are put forward within the framework of the «One Belt-One Way» initiative. First, China and five Central Asian countries should use the platform created by the initiative «One Belt-One Way» to actively negotiate new bilateral air agreement between governments in the field of law, airports of general aviation, capacity and airline access to further ease regulations. Considering concerns that five Central Asian countries may have regarding the protection of their national airlines, the negotiation of an aviation agreement between China and Central Asia may use a model of negotiations between US and Canada on bilateral aviation agreement. Second, given the capacity of airports and rapid economic development of China’s second and third level cities, Governments’ preferential airport policies in China’s second- and third-tier cities could be extended to attract Chinese and Central Asian airlines to operate direct flights between these cities and Central Asia. Third, to allow and encourage private and budget airlines to enter China-Central Asia airline market. These airlines can use their own price advantages to open up new markets that are not sufficiently attractive to traditional airlines.
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Adamson, Michael R. "The Failure of the Foreign Bondholders Protective Council Experiment, 1934–1940." Business History Review 76, no. 3 (2002): 479–514. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4127796.
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This article explores the contentious U.S. State Department–Foreign Bondholders Protective Council relationship in the context of interwar foreign economic policy and bureaucratic competition. U.S. officials created the council in 1933 to represent the interests of U.S. investors in the settlement of the numerous dollar bond issues that had gone into default. The article shows why the council failed to perform as U.S. officials expected and outlines the process by which they increasingly interposed themselves in debt negotiations. In doing so, it considers the limitations of using private organizations to accomplish the objectives of public policy.
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Killian, Pantri Muthriana Erza. "Indonesia’s Trade Diplomacy Through FTA: Analysis on Actors, Processes, and Goals of Diplomacy." Global: Jurnal Politik Internasional 22, no. 2 (January 1, 2021): 163. http://dx.doi.org/10.7454/global.v22i2.492.
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The purpose of this article is to examine the various FTAs that Indonesia has been involved in within the last 15 years by looking at the three core elements of trade diplomacy: actors, processes, and goals of FTAs. Based on these elements, this research finds that Indonesia’s FTA diplomacy tends to be dominated by foreign policy interests compared to economic ones, which can be observed through several elements. First, Indonesia’s FTA diplomacy is dominated by state actors and foreign policy players with little involvement from economic players and non-state actors. The numerous FTAs signed through ASEAN also reinforced this domination since ASEAN’s distribution of authority placed foreign policy players at a higher hierarchy than trade actors. Second, Indonesia’s FTA diplomacy tends to be inefficient and ineffective due to dualism in its diplomatic process, which involves collective negotiations through ASEAN and at the same time, individually through the national government. This resulted in a multiplicity of agreements, leading to the low number of FTA utilisation by private sectors. Third, Indonesia’s continued use of ASEAN as a medium for FTA negotiations leads to the strengthening of foreign policy goals relative to economic ones, due to ASEAN’s internal characteristics which focuses more on political-security relations, rather than economic ones. Based on these observations, Indonesia needs to reposition its FTA diplomacy to find a better balance between its foreign policy and trade goals.
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Harstad, Bård. "Harmonization and Side Payments in Political Cooperation." American Economic Review 97, no. 3 (May 1, 2007): 871–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/aer.97.3.871.
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For two districts or countries that try to internalize externalities, I analyze a bargaining game under private information. I derive conditions for when it is efficient with uniform policies across regions—with and without side payments—and when it is efficient to prohibit side payments in the negotiations. While policy differentiation and side payments allow the policy to better reflect local conditions, they create conflicts between the regions and, thus, delay. The results also describe when political centralization outperforms decentralized cooperation, and they provide a theoretical foundation for the controversial “uniformity assumption” traditionally used by the fiscal federalism literature. (JEL C78, D72, D82, H77)
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Falkner, Robert. "Private Environmental Governance and International Relations: Exploring the Links." Global Environmental Politics 3, no. 2 (May 1, 2003): 72–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/152638003322068227.
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This article discusses private environmental governance at the global level. It is widely acknowledged that corporations play an increasing role in global environmental politics, not only as lobbyists in international negotiations or agents of implementation, but also as actors creating private institutional arrangements that perform environmental governance functions. The rise of such private forms of global governance raises a number of questions for the study of global environmental politics: How does private governance interact with state-centric governance? In what ways are the roles/capacities of states and nonstate actors affected by private governance? Does the rise of private governance signify a shift in the ideological underpinnings of global environmental governance? This article explores these questions, seeking a better understanding of the significance of private environmental governance for International Relations.
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BROWN, RICHARD W., and ROBERT M. FEINBERG. "The measurement and effects of barriers to trade in basic telecommunication services: the role of negotiations." World Trade Review 3, no. 2 (July 2004): 225–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474745604001855.
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Using econometric methods, this analysis develops quantity impacts of impediments to trade in voice telephone services, focusing on the perspective of negotiated agreements. These impacts, estimated on the basis of market, demographic, and policy variables, establish a baseline from which the achievements of future trade rounds, including the Doha Round, could be compared. In a departure from previous literature in this area, this article draws on documents appended or pertaining to the General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS) to identify barriers to trade in voice telephone services, and to estimate quantity impacts on this basis. The article finds that market access and national treatment commitments scheduled by WTO members under the GATS, when complemented by commitments to pro-competitive regulatory disciplines, may be formulated into meaningful policy variables. These policy variables are found to be statistically significant in explaining market penetration in voice telephone services, as are variables for income and private sector ownership.
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Perrin, Benjamin. "Searching for Accountability: The Draft UN International Convention on the Regulation, Oversight, and Monitoring of Private Military and Security Companies." Canadian Yearbook of international Law/Annuaire canadien de droit international 47 (2010): 299–317. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0069005800009899.
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SummaryThe proliferation of private military and security companies has attracted significant public and scholarly attention during the last decade. This comment examines the United Nations Draft International Convention on the Regulation, Oversight and Monitoring of Private Military and Security Companies (Draft Convention). It discusses the significance of the Draft Convention and then describes the approach taken to the regulation of this controversial topic. Several problematic elements of the Draft Convention are identified including the definition of prohibited activities, State responsibility for the conduct of private military and security companies and the proposed International Criminal Court referral mechanism. Finally, specific policy recommendations are made for the government of Canada as a home state and contracting state of private military and security services, irrespective of the progress of negotiations on the Draft Convention.
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Buse, Christina, and Julia Twigg. "Women with dementia and their handbags: Negotiating identity, privacy and ‘home’ through material culture." Journal of Aging Studies 30 (August 2014): 14–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jaging.2014.03.002.
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Löfgren, Hans. "Economic Policy in Egypt: A Breakdown in Reform Resistance?" International Journal of Middle East Studies 25, no. 3 (August 1993): 407–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800058840.
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In the first half of the 1970s, Egypt turned away from the Soviet Union and initiated an economic open-door policy. Since then, the United States, the International Monetary Fund (IMF), and the World Bank have encouraged comprehensive reforms that would make Egypt an outward-looking market-oriented capitalist economy in which the private sector plays a dominant role. While the Egyptian economy had gone in that direction between 1974 and 1990, it had fallen far short of what they were looking for. In lengthy negotiations with the IMF, Egypt had, in spite of strong pressure, remained unwilling to implement many elements in this orthodox reform package. At the same time, most observers agreed that the government's own policies were not successful: living standards declined while the foreign debt grew rapidly, undermining the country's political independence. Analysts attributed this resistance to reform in the face of foreign pressure to a mix of domestic and foreign factors.
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Bernadas, Jan Michael Alexandre Cortez, and Cheryll Ruth Soriano. "Online privacy behavior among youth in the Global South." Journal of Information, Communication and Ethics in Society 17, no. 1 (March 11, 2019): 17–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jices-03-2018-0025.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is two-fold. First, it explores the extent to which diversity of connectivity or the connection through multiple internet access points may facilitate online privacy behavior. Second, it explains the diversity of connectivity-online privacy behavior link in terms of information literacy. Design/methodology/approach Situated in the context of urban poor youth in the Philippines (n = 300), this paper used a quantitative approach, specifically an interview-administered survey technique. Respondents were from three cities in Metro Manila. To test for indirect relationship, survey data were analyzed using bootstrapping technique via SPSS macro PROCESS (Hayes, 2013). Findings Urban poor youth with diversified connection to the internet engaged in online privacy behavior. The more the youth are connected to the internet through diverse modalities, the more this fosters cautious online privacy behavior. In addition, information literacy explained how diversity of connectivity facilitated online privacy behavior. It suggests that differences in online privacy behavior may result from the extent of basic know-how of navigating online information. In the context of the urban poor in the Global South, the youth are constantly negotiating ways to not only connect to the internet but also acquire digital skills necessary for protective online behaviors. Originality/value To date, this is one of the few papers to contribute to conversations about online privacy among youth in the Global South. It broadens the literature on social determinants of online privacy behavior that is crucial for designing policy interventions for those in the margins.
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Citroni, Giulio, Andrea Lippi, and Stefania Profeti. "Representation through corporatisation: municipal corporations in Italy as arenas for local democracy." European Political Science Review 7, no. 1 (March 26, 2014): 63–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773914000058.
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The literature on Public Utilities has increasingly shown that the adoption of corporate governance tools for the management of public services in local policy-making has given rise to a considerable reshaping of political strategies and practices. Corporatisation should be understood as not merely a policy instrument, but also as a new opportunity for local politicians to adjust their preferences, to deal with various interests, and to build unusual coalitions. Corporatisation may (and does) influence the concrete operation of local political systems. Today, the boards of municipal enterprises, as well as the public–private partnerships stemming from this emerging tendency towards corporatisation, can be conceived as both actors of local policy-making and arenas in which a number of functions traditionally associated with the mechanisms of electoral representation are performed: inter- and intra-party bargaining, recruitment of élites, and negotiation with local and ‘external’ stakeholders. The paper illustrates the impact of corporatisation on local representation mechanisms in Italy, considering its opaque side with specific reference to the problem of democratic accountability and control, and the creation of new local oligarchies. Empirical evidence is provided from research on municipal enterprises in six different Italian regions. Statistical data on companies (amount of social capital, fields of activity, private and public shareholders, etc.), as well as qualitative data, are analysed in order to show how corporatisation has provided local actors with unusual (and often non-transparent) channels of political representation and public–private bargaining.
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Notaker, Hallvard. "Staging Discord: Nordic Corporatism in the European Conservation Year 1970." Contemporary European History 29, no. 3 (May 4, 2020): 309–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777320000181.
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AbstractThis article shows how corporatism in the Nordic countries helped shape the ‘ecological turn’ as governments and conservationist associations co-organised the Council of Europe's ‘European Conservation Year 1970’. The national programmes came to present highly diverging levels of discord, as this nascent policy field channeled challenges to the premise of economic growth. Cross-national comparisons highlight the importance of variations in the institutional maturity of environmental administrations as well as in the power afforded to industrial representatives. Danish, Swedish and Norwegian archival sources illuminate negotiations between governments and private associations, contributing to an in-depth analysis of a rarely researched transnational event.
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Wang, Luqi. "Barriers to Implementing Pro-Cycling Policies: A Case Study of Hamburg." Sustainability 10, no. 11 (November 14, 2018): 4196. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su10114196.
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Cycling is gaining increasing attention as a convenient, environmentally friendly, and fitness-improving mode of transport. While many policy interventions have been made to promote cycling, not enough research has focused on the barriers to implementing pro-cycling policies. For effective policy implementation, identifying major barriers and removing them is critical. This study took an in-depth look at Hamburg which started a major cycling promotion in 2008. According to expert interviews and literature surveys, the author found that the major barriers are physical, political and institutional, and social and cultural. Specifically, the city lacks enough physical space, political support, and the evaluation of travel behavior and demand. Also, some private stakeholders are reluctant to give up on-street car parking space for cycling lanes, and the negotiation process is difficult and time-consuming. To overcome these barriers, Hamburg requires cycling-oriented urban design, a strategic and integrated cycling action plan, strong political support, and target group-oriented communication.
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Kamalipour, Hesam, and Nastaran Peimani. "Negotiating Space and Visibility: Forms of Informality in Public Space." Sustainability 11, no. 17 (September 3, 2019): 4807. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su11174807.
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Street trading has become integral to how public space works in cities of the global South. It cannot be considered as marginal since it gears to the urban economy and works as a key mode of income generation for the urban poor to sustain livelihoods. A poor understanding of how forms of street trading work in public space can lead to poor design and policy interventions. While many practices of formalization aim at the elimination of informality, the challenge is to explore the complex informal/formal relations and the dynamics of street trading to understand how forms of informality negotiate space and visibility in the public realm. In this paper, we propose a typology of street trading, based on the criteria of mobility within public space and proximity to public/private urban interfaces. While exploring the degrees of mobility in informal street trading can be crucial to the modes of governance and adaptability involved, of critical importance is to investigate how street trading takes place in relation to the built form—particularly the edges of public space where public/private interfaces enable or constrain exchange and appropriation. The developed typology provides a better understanding of the dynamics of street trading and contributes to the ways in which the built environment professions can most effectively engage with interventions in public space without eradicating the scope for informal adaptations.
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Sashi, Sivramkrishna, and Sharma Bhavish. "Macroeconomic Implications of US Sanctions on Iran: A Sectoral Financial Balances Analysis." Studies in Business and Economics 14, no. 3 (December 1, 2019): 182–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/sbe-2019-0053.
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AbstractIran is facing a severe macroeconomics crisis after the US (re)imposed sanctions on its oil and gas exports in May 2018, followed by additional sanctions on metal exports in 2019. Its exports have collapsed triggering a contraction of the economy along with accelerating inflation and depreciating currency. Using the sectoral financial balances (SFB) model, we study the interrelationship between several macroeconomic parameters maintaining stock-flow consistency across time and sectors of the economy. Fiscal and monetary policy cannot reverse the consequences of the sanctions although fiscal deficits as a percentage of GDP will see a rise to accommodate the domestic private sector’s desire to accumulate financial asset accumulation. The lack of a strong monetary policy mechanism in Iran may, however, be unable to quell the impact of expansionary fiscal policy on inflation and depreciating rial. Given the limited macroeconomic policy options open to Iran in dealing with the crisis Iran, the only option may be political – a return to the negotiating table with the US.
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Hejazi, Afifa. "Relationship of Regime theory between science and politics." International Journal of Social Science Research and Review 1, no. 1 (December 1, 2018): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.47814/ijssrr.v1i1.4.
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In today’s society, experts play an increasingly important role. We listen to experts who give advice, for example, on what we should or should not eat, how to exercise, how to invest our money and so on. It has been argued that ‘experts play an ever more influential role in defining and controlling fundamental social problems’. In both the public and the private sector, experts give advice on policy issues. Increasingly, scientific knowledge and scientific experts have become a vital component of the political policy process. This is particularly apparent when highly complex environmental problems are dealt with. Scientists who possess scientific knowledge are important not only in identifying policies of risk management but also in the process of identifying risks. As this research deals partly with the role of experts (scientific) in the water negotiations it is imperative to discuss how science and politics are related.
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Nideggen, John. "Relationship of Regime theory between science and politics." International Journal of Social Science Research and Review 1, no. 1 (December 1, 2018): 16–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.47814/ijssrr.v1i1.6.
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In today’s society, experts play an increasingly important role. We listen to experts who give advice, for example, on what we should or should not eat, how to exercise, how to invest our money and so on. It has been argued that ‘experts play an ever more influential role in defining and controlling fundamental social problems’. In both the public and the private sector, experts give advice on policy issues. Increasingly, scientific knowledge and scientific experts have become a vital component of the political policy process.This is particularly apparent when highly complex environmental problems are dealt with. Scientists who possess scientific knowledge are important not only in identifying policies of risk management but also in the process of identifying risks. As this research deals partly with the role of experts (scientific) in the water negotiations it is imperative to discuss how science and politics are related.
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Pow, CP. "Constructing authority: Embodied expertise, homegrown neoliberalism, and the globalization of Singapore’s private planning." Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 50, no. 6 (May 24, 2018): 1209–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0308518x18778036.
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The rise of global urban consultancy and the role of private planners in facilitating “knowledge transfer” between cities have received much critical attention in the recent years. Notwithstanding the burgeoning literature critiquing such neoliberal “fast policy” transfer, little is understood in terms of the nuanced politics of expertise and the careering practices of urban consultants in negotiating the diverse international planning fields through their embodied knowledge. Using Singapore as a case study, this paper investigates how ‘homegrown neoliberal’ urban consultancy firms from the city-state operate overseas and interrogates the unwieldy geographies and histories behind the travel of the Singapore model. To the extent that Singapore has often been held up as an exemplary urban model, this paper is interested in how Singaporean planners negotiate foreign planning cultures and assert their authority as urban experts by positioning themselves in elite policy networks to strategically exploit their liminal status as public/private planners. In doing so, the paper not only sheds light on the politics of urban knowledge and expertise but also disrupts hegemonic understanding of neoliberalism by acknowledging the diverse histories and conjunctural contexts that underpin the globalization of private planning.
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Silingardi, Stefano. "THE PROTECTION OF PRIVATE INVESTORS’ RIGHTS IN RECENT INTERNATIONAL INVESTMENT AGREEMENTS." Italian Yearbook of International Law Online 25, no. 1 (October 18, 2016): 251–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116133-90000115a.
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A new set of international legal rules has been developed in the recent practice of investment law, intended to balance the promotion of foreign investments with the creation of safeguards for public policies. After a brief introduction, which addresses that trend in the light of the expansion of negotiations on mega-regional agreements as the “new” instrument of investment regulation, the second section of this article discusses the question of the convergence of the protection of private investors and the protection of States’ regulatory power in the experience of NAFTA countries and the most recent European investment policy, developed after the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty. The third section is devoted to an analysis of the substantive provisions of the recently concluded mega-regional agreements concerning three specific elements traditionally linked to investor protection (i.e. the free and equitable treatment standard, “umbrella” clauses, and indirect expropriation) in order to examine how they contribute to setting a new paradigm, or at least a move towards a new paradigm for the protection of investors’ rights. Subsequently, investors’ obligations – still a major topic under discussion in the practice of investment law – will be examined; and finally the new dispute settlement mechanism which has been proposed by the European Union will be assessed, discussing how it could fit with a reform of the procedural aspects of investor protection to guarantee the State’s policy space.
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Hentsch, Thierry. "La politique israélienne de Sadate ou l’énigme de la stratégie égyptienne." Études internationales 11, no. 4 (April 12, 2005): 647–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/701113ar.
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It is generally accepted that a power relation is at the base of every negotiation and that, to the extent possible, each State attempts to negotiate when that relation is the most weighted in its favour, especially if the subject matter of negotiation is perceived by it as being of vital importance. Over several years all of Israel's neighbours, Egypt among them, obstinately refused to negotiate (at least openly) with the Zionist State apparently counting on an improvement in the power relation in their favour. An improvement moreover that eventually seemed possible with the relative yet nonetheless important successes of the October 1973 war. The enigma that Sadat's policy constitutes from this vantage point resides precisely in the fact that that policy appears to upset the power relation that made the October War possible and that led to Israel's first setback. The economic difficulties and reorientation of the Egyptian regime (both towards the West and towards private enterprise) do not, by themselves, explain what is referred to as Egypt’s « defeatist » diplomacy. This diplomacy also reflects a strategic coherency that can only be understood within the historical perspective of the Arab-Israeli conflict and by undertaking a rigourous analysis of Zionism and its principal sources of political support. Sadat, by a paradoxical exploitation of a position of weakness, attempts to transform politically that relative weakness into a position of strength in order to wrest from Israel that which the Arabs have not succeeded in obtaining by armed force. He pursues the war, but by the other means. Nevertheless, the success of these means depends to a great extent on the attitudes of the other countries of the battlefield.
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Glumac, B., Q. Han, W. Schaefer, and Erwin van der Krabben. "Negotiation issues in forming public–private partnerships for brownfield redevelopment: Applying a game theoretical experiment." Land Use Policy 47 (September 2015): 66–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.landusepol.2015.03.018.
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Epstein, Stephen, and Sun Jung. "Korean Youth Netizenship and its Discontents." Media International Australia 141, no. 1 (November 2011): 78–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x1114100110.
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South Korea frequently is regarded as standing at the vanguard of the digital revolution, and its status as perhaps the world's most wired society makes it a fruitful case study for considering how digital culture may develop. South Korea's reputation rests in part on statistics that place it at the global forefront in terms of broadband penetration and internet speed – that is, its infrastructural ‘hardware’ – but it is equally in the cultural expression of Korea's engagement with digital media – its ‘software’ – that the nation evinces characteristics that call for attention. Compressed modernisation in South Korea has brought about contestation over acceptable behaviour, and several recent incidents highlight the thorny negotiation of cultural practice in the Web 2.0 era. This article focuses on two interrelated phenomena: first, the use of digital media to confront convention and foster activism; and second, an opposing desire to police violations of norms, often at the expense of invasion of privacy and human rights.
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Cormack, Mark. "The 2003-2008 Australian Health Care Agreements - an industry perspective." Australian Health Review 25, no. 6 (2002): 27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/ah020027a.
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This paper presents a public hospital and health care industry perspective on the development of the 2003 - 2008 Australian Health Care Agreements. The Australian Healthcare Association conducted a national industry consultation exercise from June to September 2002 in the lead up to the development of the next round of agreements. While acknowledging that the size of the funding commitment from the Commonwealth to the states will be the central focus of negotiations, health industry representatives identified issues of equal importance. The AHCAs' linkages with other health programs need to reflect that health care has moved beyond the confines of the hospitals. Adjustments and output targets need to provide incentives to improve and reform the industry. The success of private health insurance policy has not yet translated into benefits for the public hospital sector, and any funding contingencies between the two programs cannot be justified at this time. Special priority areas such as health workforce will need specific policy and program responses.
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Schömann, Isabelle, André Sobzack, Eckhard Voss, and Peter Wilke. "International framework agreements: new paths to workers' participation in multinationals' governance?" Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 14, no. 1 (January 1, 2008): 111–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/102425890801400110.
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This article describes the results of a major study on the impact of codes of conduct and international framework agreements (IFAs) on social regulation at company level. The limits of labour legislation at the national, as well as the international, level provide a strong motivation for both multinationals and trade unions to negotiate and sign IFAs. IFAs offer a way to regulate the social consequences of globalisation and to secure adherence to labour and social standards. They thus form part of the growing political debate on the international working and production standards of private actors. Examination of the negotiation process, the motivations of the parties, and the content of the agreements and implementation measures provides valuable insights into the impact of IFAs on multinationals' behaviour in respect of social dialogue and core labour standards. Finally, the article highlights the influence of such agreements on public policy-making and the limits of private self-regulation at European and international level, addressing the growing and controversial debate on the need for supranational structures to regulate labour standards and industrial relations.
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Vink, M. J., D. Benson, D. Boezeman, H. Cook, A. Dewulf, and C. Termeer. "Do state traditions matter? Comparing deliberative governance initiatives for climate change adaptation in Dutch corporatism and British pluralism." Journal of Water and Climate Change 6, no. 1 (October 23, 2014): 71–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.2166/wcc.2014.119.
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In the emerging field of climate adaptation, deliberative governance initiatives are proposed to yield better adaptation strategies. However, introducing these network-centred deliberations between public and private players may contrast with institutionalized traditions of interest intermediation between state and society. This paper shows how these so-called state traditions affect the processes and outcomes of newly set up deliberative governance initiatives. Because of the similarities in geographical characteristics and the differences in state tradition we conducted a qualitative case study comparison of Dutch and British water management. Our comparison is two-fold. First, we compare deliberative governance initiatives in the different state traditions of the Netherlands and UK. Second, we compare the newly set up deliberative governance initiative to an existing policy regime mainstreaming climate adaptation in a similar state tradition, in our case the Netherlands. We find that: (1) deliberative governance initiatives in the corporatist state tradition of the Netherlands yields learning but shows apathy among politically elected decision-makers compared to deliberative governance initiatives in the pluralist state tradition of the UK where clearly defined rules and responsibilities yields negotiation and action; and (2) a typical corporatist policy regime mainstreaming climate adaption in a corporatist state tradition yields effective and legitimate policy formation but lacks learning.
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Farrell, Henry, and Abraham L. Newman. "Linkage Politics and Complex Governance in Transatlantic Surveillance." World Politics 70, no. 4 (August 31, 2018): 515–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887118000114.
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Globalization blurs the traditional distinction between high and low politics, creating connections between previously discrete issue areas. An important existing literature focuses on how states may intentionally tie policy areas together to enhance cooperation. Building on recent scholarship in historical institutionalism, the authors emphasize how the extent of political discretion enjoyed by heads of state to negotiate and implement international agreements varies across issue areas. When policy domains are linked, so too are different domestic political configurations, each with its own opportunity structures or points of leverage. Opening up the possibility for such variation, the article demonstrates how actors other than states, such as nonstate and substate actors, use the heterogeneity of opportunity structures to influence negotiations and their institutional consequences. The authors examine the theory's purchase on international cooperation over intelligence, privacy, and data exchange in the transatlantic space in the wake of the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, and the revelations made public by Edward Snowden in 2013. The findings speak to critical international relations debates, including the role of nonstate actors in diplomacy, the interaction between domestic and international politics, and the consequences of globalization and digital technologies for the relationship between international political economy and security.
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Duquette, Michel. "Politiques canadiennes de l’énergie et libre-échange – ou le sacrifice d’Iphigénie." Études internationales 19, no. 1 (April 12, 2005): 5–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/702290ar.
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This study looks into the federal government' s relinquishment of its 1980 energy policy known as the National Energy Programme. Such a sacrifice was made in the name of free trade between Canada and the U.S. Indeed, it is suggested that for the Conservatives, their deregulation of the energy industry for the sake of the economic integration of North America has served as the very proof of free trade. Hence also the end of the Foreign Investment Review Agency symbol of Canadian nationalism. For the free trade negotiations to be concluded, Ottawa needs to establish a common front with the provinces. This new context is in agreement with the "national reconciliation" policy extolled by the Tories soon after they came to power. In the name of a more decentralized Federation, they would surrender much in order to stimulate trade between the regions and the American market. This appears to them as the best way to boost the economy to a point which is already reached by our neighbours in the south. Thus the two projects, i.e. a complete redefinition of the energy policy and rapprochement with Washington, are being seen through simultaneously, in a spirit of compromise. In handing over to the provinces the administration of their off shore territories, and going as far even as to promote their traditional stance regarding the canadian energy policy, Alberta being a case in point, the government espouses a particular style of relationship with the industry. So as to bring Canada to par with current practices in the U.S., it brings forth its objective of "privatisation" which is in accordance with the neo-conservative credo: the subsidization of industry, deregulation, sharing out of the energy industry to the advantage of the private sector, the eventual privatization of Petro Canada. In this study, a first framework for analysis of those phenomena, with regard to the current negotiations between Canada and the US, is proposed.
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Bettany, Shona M., and Ben Kerrane. "The socio-materiality of parental style." European Journal of Marketing 50, no. 11 (November 14, 2016): 2041–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ejm-07-2015-0437.
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Purpose This study aims to offer understanding of the parent – child relationship by examining, through a socio-material lens, how one aspect of the new child surveillance technology market, child GPS trackers (CGT), are rejected or adopted by families, highlighting implications for child welfare, privacy and children’s rights policy. Design/methodology/approach The authors gathered netnographic data from a range of online sources (parenting forums, online product reviews, discussion boards) that captured parental views towards the use of CGT and stories of the technology in use and theorize the data through application of a novel combination of neutralisation and affordance theory. Findings The research reveals how critics of CGT highlight the negative affordances of such product use (highlighting the negative agency of the technology). Parental adopters of CGT, in turn, attempt to rationalize their use of the technology as a mediator in the parent – child relation through utilisation of a range of neutralisation mechanisms which re-afford positive product agency. Implications for child welfare and policy are discussed in the light of those findings. Originality/value The paper presents an empirical, qualitative understanding of parents negotiating the emergence of a controversial new child-related technology – CGT – and its impact upon debates in the field of parenting and childhood; develops the theory of parental style towards parental affordances, using a socio-material theoretical lens to augment existing sociological approaches; and contributes to the debates surrounding child welfare, ethics, privacy and human rights in the context of child surveillance GPS technologies.