Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Private police'

Diversified, essentially privatised, policing options are expanding daily in modern societies. They have become available to, and are being accessed by, individuals, community groups and governments on a regular basis. While this dissertation examines the phenomenon of private policing in Australia generally, its task, more specifically, is to document and review the laws that govern, shape and make accountable private policing operations and activities. Chapter 1 reviews the origins and manifestations of contemporary shifts to privatised models of policing. Chapter 2 examines models of relationships between public and private personnel, and the various methods of accountability that may serve to govern the activities of the latter. Chapters 3 to 8 explore and explain the applicable laws that inform, shape and govern private policing generally. What this examination reveals is that "private police" are empowered by a multitude of common law and legislative principles, along with a mosaic of diverse and semi-structured rules not necessarily designed for this specific purpose. One quickly finds that the laws that permit, facilitate, regulate and manage private manifestations of policing do not fall within easily discernible legal parameters. Finally, Chapter 9 provides a summary of the dissertation, together with some general thoughts concerning the effectiveness and appropriateness of the law as a vehicle for bringing about the desired goals, namely effective policing that provides appropriate outcomes for victims, suspects, private personnel, public police and the general public alike.

This thesis comprehensively examines the policing of economic crime by Australian private investigators. The findings identify that the services afford clients a level of discretion and autonomy not found within the justice system, which is now provided by investigators who are qualified and who utilise the skills of a corporate investigator, an accountant and a lawyer. The thesis considers the competing professions within economic crime and examines the regulatory issues and challenges these present. It makes an original and substantial contribution to the knowledge of private policing by identifying the changing environment in which private investigators operate in Australia.

It is the vision of the Hong Kong Police Force (HKPF) that the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) remains one of the safest and most stable societies in the world.1 The HKPF policing model which, inter alia, calls for a highly visible uniformed police presence - predominantly on foot - in places of public resort has proved to be effective in keeping crime and public disorder at low levels.2 An effective radio system facilitating communication between field officers, and between field officers and their command and control centres, is a prerequisite for effective modern policing. Whilst the intelligibility and reliability of outdoor police radio communications in the HKSAR is generally adequate, the same cannot be said of indoor coverage. Some 40 per cent of the HKSAR's population live above the 14th floor.3 In addition, the HKSAR boasts a large number of shopping malls, car parks and other indoor public facilities. Deficiencies in indoor communications currently present a major operational challenge. Technical solutions for indoor radio communications have been in place in various locations around for the world for some years and generally involve the emergency services deploying their own distributed antenna system (DAS)4 or repeaters5 inside buildings. Such solutions are generally expensive. The project report addresses the concept of an alternative finance model involving HKPF 'plugging into' commercial telecommunications infrastructure at suitable and agreed connection points and hence sharing the in-building cabling and RF (Radio Frequency) radiating elements. HKPF uses dedicated radio spectrum. The project report proposes a Finance-Own-Operate-Share (FOOS) public-private partnership (PPP) approach. The project to produce a reference model is fully described from the original concept, through to the selection of a partner, the design and implementation of a pilot scheme at a large HKSAR shopping mall, and user feedback. The project results have been validated by triangulation: firstly, by assessment of the technical results including user feedback; secondly, by a questionnaire survey of industry practitioners; and lastly, by testimonials from prominent figures in the telecommunications sphere. The project has resulted in tangible and intangible benefits both for HKPF and the mobile phone companies concerned by way of substantial savings, improved quality of service and public goodwill. The reference model has potential worldwide application.

L’objet de ce travail est de démontrer que le droit des données personnelles ne se réduit pas au droit à la protection des données personnelles. En effet, il existe une thèse dominante au terme de laquelle le droit des données personnelles a pour objet exclusif la protection de la personne fichée et constitue, en tant que tel, un élément de la protection de la vie privée.Or, une telle lecture procède d’une isolation clinique de certaines dispositions essentielles au sein des instruments relatifs aux données personnelles. Le droit positif invalide cette thèse et révèle que ces normes poursuivent deux enjeux distincts. Le premier tient effectivement à la protection de la personne fichée et a à ce titre été isolé au sein d’un droit à la protection des données personnelles en droit de l’Union européenne. Le second tient dans l’usage sans entraves de l’informatique et implique la liberté de traiter des données personnelles. Au sein des instruments juridiques relatifs aux données personnelles, ces deux intérêts ne constituent pas deux objectifs de rang et d’intérêt égal juxtaposés l’un à côté de l’autre. Ils sont articulés et hiérarchisés. Le but premier de ces instruments est de garantir la liberté de traitement des données personnelles en tant qu’elle conditionne la liberté de l’usage de procédés informatiques. La protection des droits et libertés fondamentales des personnes fichées n’en constitue que la limite, étroitement subordonnée et circonscrite à ce but principal.De ce constat, il est possible de déduire que les instruments juridiques relatifs aux données personnelles constituent une même police administrative spéciale. Cette police a pour but de consacrer et d’aménager une liberté publique à ce jour innommée : la liberté de traitement des données personnelles. Elle a pour effet et non pour objet de protéger la personne fichée, non pas seulement parce que cette dernière serait titulaire d’un droit fondamental mais aussi et surtout au titre de la protection d’un ordre public spécial<br>Data law cannot be reduced to data protection law. Data law instruments have two purposes. The main one is not data protection but the organization of the freedom of data treatment. Data protection is just the limit to this main purpose and cannot be thought in an independent manner

O mundo contemporâneo vem passando por importantes mudanças no conjunto de atividades que chamamos de policiamento. Dentre essas mudanças, o processo de expansão da segurança privada é um dos aspectos que mais chama a atenção, pela dimensão e pela influência que o setor exerce hoje na maior parte dos países em que se têm informações substantivas sobre o tema. Este trabalho tem como objetivo discutir o impacto que a expansão dos serviços de segurança privada tem causado nas atividades de policiamento - em especial em relação às inter-relações entre esses serviços e as polícias - em suas tarefas de prevenção do crime e da violência. O estudo específico acerca dessa inter-relação é realizado a partir da análise de três espaços específicos, localizados na cidade de São Paulo e adjacências, que possuem policiamento realizado por forças privadas.<br>The contemporary world is undergoing major changes in the set of activities that we call policing. Among these changes, the expansion of private security is one of the aspects that draws the most attention, because of the size and influence that this industry has today in most countries that have substantive information on the subject. This paper aims to discuss the impact that the expansion of private security services has caused on the activities of policing, especially in relation to the interrelationship with the police, in its crime and violence prevention tasks. The specific study concerning this interrelation is achieved by analyzing three specific spaces, located in São Paulo and surrounding areas, which are conducted by private forces of policing.

FundaÃÃo Cearense de Apoio ao Desenvolvimento Cientifico e TecnolÃgico<br>A presente pesquisa teve como objetivo analisar as configuraÃÃes do âbicoâ de policiais militares da cidade de Fortaleza na seguranÃa privada. Foi realizado um panorama dessa atividade que possibilitou enumerar trÃs caracterÃsticas recorrentes do bico em Fortaleza, tais como: as atividades de seguranÃa em estabelecimentos comerciais (casas de show, barracas de praia, restaurantes, salÃo de beleza, mercadinhos, dentre outros), seguranÃa particular (de empresÃrios ou comerciantes) e, por Ãltimo, o âbico veladoâ (fazer policiamento privado em horÃrio de serviÃo, concedendo, nesse sentido, maior atenÃÃo a determinados pontos comerciais). O trabalho revelou que essa prÃtica, em Fortaleza, Ã sustentada tanto por parte dos oficiais militares como pelos PraÃas, e mostrou que ambos formam redes de intermediÃrios ou atravessadores que vendem seguranÃa, principalmente, para empresÃrios e comerciantes. A pesquisa abordou tambÃm a estreita relaÃÃo entre a violÃncia e a expansÃo do bico na cidade, denunciando o reforÃo de uma cultura do medo pautada no sentimento de inseguranÃa. Por fim, o trabalho tratou das implicaÃÃes dessa atividade para os policiais militares em decorrÃncia do CÃdigo Disciplinar e de Ãtica da referida corporaÃÃo. A dissertaÃÃo trabalhou, ainda, com a relaÃÃo entre precariedade do trabalho policial e do trabalho na atividade de seguranÃa privada.<br>The present reseach has the aim of analyzing the configuration of odd jobs on private security of military policemen in the city of Fortaleza. With this in mind, a panorama of this activity was traced in order to enumerate the three recurrent characteristics of the odd jobs in Fortaleza, such as: security activities icommercial establishments (concert houses, beach huts, restaurants, beauty salons, markets, among others), private security (of businessmen or merchants) and, finally, the veiled odd job (to perform private patrolling while on duty, giving more attention to specific commercial points). The work revealed that this practice in Fortaleza is sustained both by the military officers and the privates and showed that both form networks of intermediaries or middlemen who sell security to businessmen or merchants. The research also dealt with the strict relationship between violence and the expansion of odd jobs through the city, denouncing the intensification of a culture of fear based on the feeling of insecurity. At last, the work dealt with the implications of this activity for military policemen due to their disciplinary and ethics code. The discussion ended also with the relationship between the precariousness of the police work and the work on private security.

Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Homeland Security and Defense))--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2004.<br>Thesis advisor(s): Maria Rasmussen. Includes bibliographical references (p. 57-59). Also available online.

La sécurité privée a connu un développement économique relativement important dans les années 70. Cette montée en puissance incontrôlée a généré des faits graves impliquant des agents de sécurité privée. C'est à la suite de ces évènements que le législateur a été contraint de réguler une première fois cette activité par la loi du 12 juillet 1983. Cette loi reste 30 ans plus tard, la réglementation de référence pour le secteur. Aujourd’hui, les menaces pesant sur la société ont évolué pour devenir plus violentes. Par ailleurs, la puissance publique opère, faute de moyens financiers, un recentrage vers des missions dites plus prioritaires. Cela se traduit par le transfert de nouvelles responsabilités au secteur privé de la sécurité. Dès lors, la question de la préservation des libertés apparaît comme un sujet essentiel. En effet, certains agents disposent de pouvoirs potentiellement liberticides (des palpations de sécurité ou l’inspection et la fouille de bagages) à l’image des agents de sûreté aéroportuaire. Pour encadrer le développement de ce secteur, le législateur a créé une instance chargée du contrôler ces activités. Toutefois, l’encadrement de cette profession demeure insuffisant au regard des nouveaux transferts envisagés par la puissance publique. La professionnalisation par la formation des acteurs constitue, par conséquent, une garantie importante des libertés. C’est d’ailleurs pour cette raison que le législateur a décidé récemment d’inclure cette activité dans le livre VI du code de la sécurité intérieure. La sécurité privée participe, aujourd’hui, à des missions de sécurité intérieure aux côtés des forces de sécurité publique et ce dans le respect des libertés<br>The economic growth of the private security sector has been relatively important during the 70s. This rapid but uncontrolled development has however generated important problems implicating private security personnel. In order to respond to these problems, the legislator was forced to regulate the sector through the law of July 12th 1983. Thirty years later, the 1983 law remains the sector’s rules of reference. Today, threats on modern societies have evolved and become more violent. Furthermore, due to a lack of economic resources, public authorities have reduced the range of security mission they’ll undertake to focus solely on high priority issues. As a consequence, new responsibilities have been transferred to private security actors. In this context, the safeguard of individual liberties appears has an important topic. For example, private security agents operating at airports have been granted rights (body check and luggage searches) that interfere with people’s freedom. To regulate the sector’s development, the legislator has created a structure to control these activities. Despite this effort, regulations remains insufficient especially has more missions are transferred by the State to private security actors. As a result, reinforcing training programs for these private actors constitute an important step towards maintaining people’s rights. It is the reason behind the Legislator decision to include training programs in book VI of domestic security laws. Today, private security actors participate actively in domestic security missions alongside public security forces while respecting individual liberties

A grande expansão dos serviços particulares de segurança, verificada em diversos países a partir de meados do século XX, traz à tona importantes questões relativas à responsabilidade do Estado sobre a segurança e sobre a necessidade de aprimoramento dos mecanismos de regulação e controle pelos órgãos responsáveis, sobretudo devido à diversificação das demandas por esse tipo de serviço, como as grandes empresas e os espaços privados abertos ao público, que representam hoje os principais consumidores dos serviços de segurança. A partir de parâmetros observados na literatura internacional, em documentos oficiais e nos dados relativos ao setor, este trabalho faz uma análise do marco regulatório existente no Brasil localizando as implicações relativas a algumas características mais problemáticas, como o treinamento e qualificação dos profissionais, a disseminação das empresas clandestinas, o segundo emprego dos policiais como guardas privados, o uso de armas de fogo e a questão das sanções e da regulação de acesso empregadas na segurança privada.<br>The growth of private security verified in many countries in the middle of twentieth century displays important questions about state responsibility in relation to the security and the need to improve the mechanisms of control and regulation, especially due the new and diversified demands for this kind of service, like the big enterprises and the private spaces open for the public which represent today the main costumers of security services. Taking into consideration approaches observed in the international literature, official documents and the data relative to this sector, this work analyze the Brazilian regulatory framework, showing the implications about some more problematic features, like the training and qualification of the professionals, the dissemination of illegal enterprises, the second job of the public police in the private security, the use of firearm and the question about the sanctions and regulation of access used in private security.

L’émergence depuis quelques années de nouvelles lois de police pour protéger certaines parties faibles au sein des contrats internationaux a été identifiée sous l’appellation de lois de police protectrices. En tant que renouvellement du mécanisme traditionnel des lois de police, cette émergence interroge, notamment quant à son bien-fondé. Cela suppose d’envisager les lois de police protectrices à la fois en tant que nouveau concept, et en tant qu’objet s’intégrant dans un environnement plus général. Ces nouvelles lois de police se sont imposées pour répondre à un besoin de protection sur la scène internationale. Cependant, la philosophie des lois de police apparaît difficilement conciliable avec l’objectif de protection d’une partie faible. Dès lors, il conviendrait de modifier certaines caractéristiques du mécanisme afin qu’il soit en mesure d’atteindre cet objectif de protection. Mais alors, se crée une déformation du concept initial de l’outil des lois de police. En outre, envisagées au sein de leur environnement, à savoir le droit européen des contrats, les lois de police protectrices sont susceptibles d’être limitées par des concepts propres au droit de l’Union. Elles peuvent aussi être dépassées par des outils d’inspiration européenne qui mettent en œuvre un autre lien entre l’impérativité d’une norme et l’exigence de protection de la partie faible<br>These past few years, the advent of new mandatory provisions to protect certain weaker parties within the realm of international contracts have been identified as protective mandatory provisions. As a renewal of the traditional mandatory provisions mechanism, it raises several questions with regards to its merits. This requires to consider protective mandatory provisions as a concept in itself, as well as an object integrated in a more global legal environment. These new mandatory provisions have appeared as an answer to a need for protection on the international level. However, the philosophy of mandatory provisions can be considered to be incompatible with the objective of the protecting the weaker party. Therefore, it is necessary to change certain characteristics of the mechanism in order for it to effectively attain its protection objective. It would then, however, amount to a deformation of the initial concept of mandatory provisions. Finally, considered within their environment, i.e. European contract law, protective mandatory provisions can be limited by EU-specific law concepts. They can also be surpassed by other tools, of European inspiration, putting into effect another link between the imperative character of the norm and the protection requirement of the weaker party

Les lois de police sont traditionnellement définies comme des lois dont l’observation est jugée nécessaire pour la sauvegarde de l’organisation politique, sociale et économique du pays. Le juge procède dès lors à leur application immédiate sans même recourir à la règle de conflit de lois. Une telle définition ne permet cependant pas d’identifier avec certitude ce type de normes. Cette recherche entend ainsi proposer un définition du concept des lois de police délimité au regard de l’intérêt public, élément qui a été intégré l’article 9, paragraphe 1 du règlement « Rome I » sur la loi applicable aux obligations contractuelles. Les réflexions menées conduisent ensuite à s’interroger sur les conditions qui permettent de conférer aux lois de police une impérativité dans l’ordre international. Il s’agit alors de rechercher quelle est l’incidence de la considération d’intérêt public dans le traitement de conflits de lois mais aussi des conflits de juridictions<br>Overriding mandatory provisions is traditionally defined as a provisions the respect for which is regarded as necessary by a country for safeguarding its political, social or economic organisation. Hence, the Courts apply the law of the forum automatically and do not apply their own conflit of rules. Definition is not precise enough to be used accurately. Therefore we propose to define concept of Overriding mandatory provisions focuses on the « Public Interest », which is derived from article 9, paragraph 1 of the regulation on the law applicable to the contractual obligations. In the following lines, we wonder about the mandatory implantation of these rules at the intrenational level. Our aim is to measure the impact of Public Interest in the conflict of laws and in the conflict of jurisdictions

L’interaction du droit de l’Union européenne avec le droit international privé se manifeste avec une acuité particulière en matière de lois de police, continuant et renouvelant les discussions suscitées par celles-ci. La promotion des intérêts de l’Union européenne par ce mécanisme de DIP peut être facilement observée. Il reste que des questions peuvent surgir quant à l’aménagement, dans les systèmes juridiques nationaux, de l’articulation des lois de police de source nationale et européenne. Le transfert de certaines compétences des Etats membres vers l’Union, le rapprochement des législations des Etats membres ou le poids plus important accordé aux raisonnements et aux intérêts européens au moment de la qualification mettent en lumière une catégorie « lois de police » avec des contours nouveaux. La mise en oeuvre des lois de police porte, elle aussi, l’empreinte de l’influence du droit de l’Union européenne. L’intégration des données liées à la réalisation du marché intérieur entraîne une perturbation significative du mécanisme traditionnel des lois de police, accompagnée d’une diminution de l’efficacité de ces normes dans les relations entre les Etats membres. L’objectif de création, au sein de l’Union, d’un espace de liberté, de sécurité et de justice s’est matérialisé par la mise en place de corps de règles européennes de DIP dans diverses matières. La méthode des lois de police en ressort transformée, suite tant à la prise de position directe du législateur européen sur les conditions de son intervention, qu’en raison des évolutions enregistrées par d’autres méthodes concurrentes de droit international privé<br>The interaction between the European Union law and the private international law is particularly acute in the field of internationally mandatory rules, maintaining and renewing the debate which always accompanied this kind of norms. If the internationally mandatory rules occupy a special place in the European legislation, being an extremely effective tool of European policy, some difficulties arise as to the articulation, in the Member States’ legal systems, of the both national and European different sources of lois de police. The transfer of powers from Member States to the European Union, the harmonization of national legislations and the greater weight given to European reasoning and interests at the time of qualification highlight a new dimension of the internationally mandatory rules concept. Also the implementation of internationally mandatory rules is highly influenced by the European Union Law. The Member States’ obligations concerning the completing of the internal market and the removal of restrictions to changes involve a significant disturbance to this traditional PIL mechanism; a decrease in the effectiveness of internationally mandatory rules in relations between Member States may be observed. The purpose of establishing an area of freedom, security and justice within the European Union was materialized in the establishment of European private international law rules in various fields; the internationally mandatory rules method is transformed as a result of the European legislator direct intervention on his definition and regime, but also as a result of the evolution that affects other concurring private international law methods

L’interaction du droit de l’Union européenne avec le droit international privé se manifeste avec une acuité particulière en matière de lois de police, continuant et renouvelant les discussions suscitées par celles-ci. La promotion des intérêts de l’Union européenne par ce mécanisme de DIP peut être facilement observée. Il reste que des questions peuvent surgir quant à l’aménagement, dans les systèmes juridiques nationaux, de l’articulation des lois de police de source nationale et européenne. Le transfert de certaines compétences des Etats membres vers l’Union, le rapprochement des législations des Etats membres ou le poids plus important accordé aux raisonnements et aux intérêts européens au moment de la qualification mettent en lumière une catégorie « lois de police » avec des contours nouveaux. La mise en oeuvre des lois de police porte, elle aussi, l’empreinte de l’influence du droit de l’Union européenne. L’intégration des données liées à la réalisation du marché intérieur entraîne une perturbation significative du mécanisme traditionnel des lois de police, accompagnée d’une diminution de l’efficacité de ces normes dans les relations entre les Etats membres. L’objectif de création, au sein de l’Union, d’un espace de liberté, de sécurité et de justice s’est matérialisé par la mise en place de corps de règles européennes de DIP dans diverses matières. La méthode des lois de police en ressort transformée, suite tant à la prise de position directe du législateur européen sur les conditions de son intervention, qu’en raison des évolutions enregistrées par d’autres méthodes concurrentes de droit international privé<br>The interaction between the European Union law and the private international law is particularly acute in the field of internationally mandatory rules, maintaining and renewing the debate which always accompanied this kind of norms. If the internationally mandatory rules occupy a special place in the European legislation, being an extremely effective tool of European policy, some difficulties arise as to the articulation, in the Member States’ legal systems, of the both national and European different sources of lois de police. The transfer of powers from Member States to the European Union, the harmonization of national legislations and the greater weight given to European reasoning and interests at the time of qualification highlight a new dimension of the internationally mandatory rules concept. Also the implementation of internationally mandatory rules is highly influenced by the European Union Law. The Member States’ obligations concerning the completing of the internal market and the removal of restrictions to changes involve a significant disturbance to this traditional PIL mechanism; a decrease in the effectiveness of internationally mandatory rules in relations between Member States may be observed. The purpose of establishing an area of freedom, security and justice within the European Union was materialized in the establishment of European private international law rules in various fields; the internationally mandatory rules method is transformed as a result of the European legislator direct intervention on his definition and regime, but also as a result of the evolution that affects other concurring private international law methods

The security of its citizens is often regarded as the democratic state's primary raison d'etre. However, with increasing crime and perceptions of insecurity among citizens, along with actual and perceived state policing inadequacies, citizens around the world have sought to make alternative arrangements for their security. The explosion of private alternatives to state policing has resulted in the need for the replacement of former static definitions of policing by more fluid understandings of what policing entails. Policing is no longer an activity undertaken exclusively by the 'state police.' Policing needs to be understood within a framework which recognises the existence of a variety of state, commercial, community groups and individuals which exist within loose and sometimes informal, sometimes formal, networks to provide for the security of citizens. Preceding the country's transition to democracy in 1994 'state' policing in South Africa was aimed at monitoring and suppressing the black population and as a result it conducted itself in a largely militaristic way. When the government of national unity assumed power in 1994 it was indisputable that the South African Police had to undergo major reform if it was to play an effective, co-operative and accountable role in a democratic South Africa. While state policing has unquestionably undergone enormous changes since the advent of democracy in 1994, so too has non-state policing. It is widely accepted that the dividing line between state and non-state policing in South Africa is increasingly blurred. Policing, by its very nature, holds the potential to threaten democracy. Consequently it is important that policing is democratically controlled. According to the Law Commission of Canada four values and principles - justice, equality, accountability, and efficiency - should support policing in a democracy. This thesis is a case study of policing in Grahamstown, a small city in South Africa's Eastern Cape province. It will be shown that the policing problem that currently plagues Grahamstown, and by extension South Africa, is not simply the result of a shortage of providers but rather a problem of co-coordinating and monitoring security governance to ensure that the city does not further develop into a society where the wealthy have greater access to security than the poor.

The role of the police is a fundamental one in any society and in South Africa this role is beset with a unique set of challenges which are organisational, institutional, operational, individual and political in nature. It is these I address by means of examining the South African Police Service from the perspective of the praxis, process, means and methods of a working private investigator in contemporary South Africa. My method in this undertaking is a journalistic one in which I use the narrative techniques of dialogue, description, pacing and reflection to bring to life the stories and characters of police officers; ex-police officers; private investigators; victims of crime and perpetrators of crime in order to bring to light some of the more pressing issues with regard to crime and its prevention in contemporary South African society. This lends drama and suspense to a non-fiction narrative and also involves the reader in such a way that they respond to and engage with the subject matter on a personal level, thereby evoking their own thoughts and feelings on the spectre of crime in South Africa and what the SAPS variously is, isn’t or could be doing about it.

Држава данас није више једини пружалац услуга безбедности, те због тога све већу улогу и значај добија приватни сектор безбедности. До ове појаве су, пре свега, довели преоптерећеност националних буџета, као и одређене тешкоће са којима су се суочавали органи унутрашње безбедности, који су били неспремни да адекватно одговоре на неке нове и савремене безбедносне проблеме. То је, између осталог, довело и до тзв. појаве ,,приватизације&ldquo; послова безбедности, којима су се полако сужавали послови полиције, а паралелно са тим ширили послови али и одговорност приватног обезбеђења.Дугу традицију модела односа у виду сарадње и партнерства између полиције и приватног обезбеђења налазимо пре свега у Сједињеним Америчким Државама, Канади и Великој Британији, али исто тако и у поједним земљама Европске уније. Потреба за успостављањем ближих веза и подизања сарадње на још виши ниво посебно је интензивирана након катастрофалних последица терористичког напада 11. септембра 2001. године у Сједињеним Америчким Државама. Тероризам, али и остали савремени безбедносни проблеми с краја 20. и почетка 21. века дале су додатни импулс даљем приближавању полиције и агенција за приватно обезбеђење.Односи између полиције и приватног обезбеђења су нужно условљени њиховим статусом, улогом и функцијом. Заштита личне и имовинске безбедности грађана представља основ за заједничко деловање, а јавно-приватно партнерство парадигму којом би се капацитети оба сектора искористили на најбољи могући начин. Предуслов за заједничко деловање ће свакако бити правна регулатива и опште усвојени стандарди који ће уважити интересе оба сектора. Наведено ће представљати гарант квалитета услуга које пружају лиценциране агенције за приватно обезбеђење. Различите историјске, друштвене, политичке, економске, безбедносне и правне околности у одређеним државама условиле су различите моделе сарадње и партнерства полиције и приватног обезбеђења.Оно што је заједничко свим државам јесте да се под јавно-приватним партнерством подразумева постојање кооперативног споразума између јавних (локалних, регионалних или државних) и приватних актера који се удружују (размена људских и материјалних ресурса) како би остварили заједничке интересе и циљеве, при чему постоји договорен степен равноправности актера и јасна расподела надлежности и одговорности. Схваћен на овај начин, модел партнерства представља и продубљенији вид сарадње између полиције и приватног обезбеђења који покушава да ,,помири&ldquo; стално присутне и спорадичне антагонистичке ставове који међу њима постоје.Што се тиче стања односа полиције и приватног обезбеђења у Републици Србији, можемо рећи да упркос реформским променама у систему националне безбедности извршеним након 2000. године, још увек не можемо говорити о постојању партнерских односа. Томе у прилог говоре и даље присутни проблеми који отежавају остваривање јавно-приватног партнерства. Да би се партнерство остварило, приватно обезбеђење ће нужно морати да се интегрише у систем националне безбедности. То нажалост још увек није учињено. Само правно уређена, планска, организована и перманентна сарадња ова два сектора биће у функцији остваривања оптималног стања безбедности у друштву и држави.Релативно скоро позитивноправно регулисање приватног обезбеђења требало је, између осталог, да омогући институционализацију и формализацију сарадње са полицијом. Постојећа ,,сарадња&ldquo; је и даље на изразито ниском нивоу и заступљена је највише у областима обезбеђивања јавних скупова и спортских приредби. Доношењем Закона о приватном обезбеђењу 2013. године, Закона о полицији 2016. године као и других системских закона који уређују области деловања полиције и приватно обезбеђења, нису створене претпоставке које би омогућиле даље приближавање два сектора, њихову сарадњу и на крају партнерство.Рад је структурисан у шест целина. У оквиру прве три целине осврнули смо се на општетеоријска питања везанa за безбедност, националну безбедност, систем националне безбедности, јавну и приватну безбедност. У четвртом делу смо анализирила искуства појединих развијених земља у погледу модела партнерства, са циљем идентификовања позитивних и негативних аспеката тог односа. У петом делу смо се осврнули на историјски развој приватне безбедности у нашој земљи и њену повезаност са полицијом до данас. Такође, анализирали смо и постојећи позитивно правни оквир организације и деловања полиције и приватног обезбеђења као и јавно-приватно партнерства. Након тога смо, уважавајући искуства развијених земаља, идентификовали области сарадње у којим је могуће остварити партнерске односе полиције и приватног обезбеђења у Републици Србији. Такође, извршили смо класификацију облика сарадње, као и идентификовање проблема који отежавају сарадњу и партнерство.Шести и последњи део рада је посвећен спроведеном емпиријском истраживању које је за циљ имало утврђивање актуелног стања у области приватног обезбеђења, у смислу ставова о њиховом односу са полицијом, односно утврђивање области сарадње и партнерства полиције и приватног обезбеђења, као и проблема који отежавају ту сарадњу. У циљу утврђивања личних ставова и мишљења службеника обезбеђења и одређених припадника полиције, примењене су две технике у оквиру метода испитивања &ndash; анкета и интервју. На крају, у закључку смо се посебно осврнули на кључне резулатате спроведеног истраживања.<br>Država danas nije više jedini pružalac usluga bezbednosti, te zbog toga sve veću ulogu i značaj dobija privatni sektor bezbednosti. Do ove pojave su, pre svega, doveli preopterećenost nacionalnih budžeta, kao i određene teškoće sa kojima su se suočavali organi unutrašnje bezbednosti, koji su bili nespremni da adekvatno odgovore na neke nove i savremene bezbednosne probleme. To je, između ostalog, dovelo i do tzv. pojave ,,privatizacije&ldquo; poslova bezbednosti, kojima su se polako sužavali poslovi policije, a paralelno sa tim širili poslovi ali i odgovornost privatnog obezbeđenja.Dugu tradiciju modela odnosa u vidu saradnje i partnerstva između policije i privatnog obezbeđenja nalazimo pre svega u Sjedinjenim Američkim Državama, Kanadi i Velikoj Britaniji, ali isto tako i u pojednim zemljama Evropske unije. Potreba za uspostavljanjem bližih veza i podizanja saradnje na još viši nivo posebno je intenzivirana nakon katastrofalnih posledica terorističkog napada 11. septembra 2001. godine u Sjedinjenim Američkim Državama. Terorizam, ali i ostali savremeni bezbednosni problemi s kraja 20. i početka 21. veka dale su dodatni impuls daljem približavanju policije i agencija za privatno obezbeđenje.Odnosi između policije i privatnog obezbeđenja su nužno uslovljeni njihovim statusom, ulogom i funkcijom. Zaštita lične i imovinske bezbednosti građana predstavlja osnov za zajedničko delovanje, a javno-privatno partnerstvo paradigmu kojom bi se kapaciteti oba sektora iskoristili na najbolji mogući način. Preduslov za zajedničko delovanje će svakako biti pravna regulativa i opšte usvojeni standardi koji će uvažiti interese oba sektora. Navedeno će predstavljati garant kvaliteta usluga koje pružaju licencirane agencije za privatno obezbeđenje. Različite istorijske, društvene, političke, ekonomske, bezbednosne i pravne okolnosti u određenim državama uslovile su različite modele saradnje i partnerstva policije i privatnog obezbeđenja.Ono što je zajedničko svim državam jeste da se pod javno-privatnim partnerstvom podrazumeva postojanje kooperativnog sporazuma između javnih (lokalnih, regionalnih ili državnih) i privatnih aktera koji se udružuju (razmena ljudskih i materijalnih resursa) kako bi ostvarili zajedničke interese i ciljeve, pri čemu postoji dogovoren stepen ravnopravnosti aktera i jasna raspodela nadležnosti i odgovornosti. Shvaćen na ovaj način, model partnerstva predstavlja i produbljeniji vid saradnje između policije i privatnog obezbeđenja koji pokušava da ,,pomiri&ldquo; stalno prisutne i sporadične antagonističke stavove koji među njima postoje.Što se tiče stanja odnosa policije i privatnog obezbeđenja u Republici Srbiji, možemo reći da uprkos reformskim promenama u sistemu nacionalne bezbednosti izvršenim nakon 2000. godine, još uvek ne možemo govoriti o postojanju partnerskih odnosa. Tome u prilog govore i dalje prisutni problemi koji otežavaju ostvarivanje javno-privatnog partnerstva. Da bi se partnerstvo ostvarilo, privatno obezbeđenje će nužno morati da se integriše u sistem nacionalne bezbednosti. To nažalost još uvek nije učinjeno. Samo pravno uređena, planska, organizovana i permanentna saradnja ova dva sektora biće u funkciji ostvarivanja optimalnog stanja bezbednosti u društvu i državi.Relativno skoro pozitivnopravno regulisanje privatnog obezbeđenja trebalo je, između ostalog, da omogući institucionalizaciju i formalizaciju saradnje sa policijom. Postojeća ,,saradnja&ldquo; je i dalje na izrazito niskom nivou i zastupljena je najviše u oblastima obezbeđivanja javnih skupova i sportskih priredbi. Donošenjem Zakona o privatnom obezbeđenju 2013. godine, Zakona o policiji 2016. godine kao i drugih sistemskih zakona koji uređuju oblasti delovanja policije i privatno obezbeđenja, nisu stvorene pretpostavke koje bi omogućile dalje približavanje dva sektora, njihovu saradnju i na kraju partnerstvo.Rad je strukturisan u šest celina. U okviru prve tri celine osvrnuli smo se na opšteteorijska pitanja vezana za bezbednost, nacionalnu bezbednost, sistem nacionalne bezbednosti, javnu i privatnu bezbednost. U četvrtom delu smo analizirila iskustva pojedinih razvijenih zemlja u pogledu modela partnerstva, sa ciljem identifikovanja pozitivnih i negativnih aspekata tog odnosa. U petom delu smo se osvrnuli na istorijski razvoj privatne bezbednosti u našoj zemlji i njenu povezanost sa policijom do danas. Takođe, analizirali smo i postojeći pozitivno pravni okvir organizacije i delovanja policije i privatnog obezbeđenja kao i javno-privatno partnerstva. Nakon toga smo, uvažavajući iskustva razvijenih zemalja, identifikovali oblasti saradnje u kojim je moguće ostvariti partnerske odnose policije i privatnog obezbeđenja u Republici Srbiji. Takođe, izvršili smo klasifikaciju oblika saradnje, kao i identifikovanje problema koji otežavaju saradnju i partnerstvo.Šesti i poslednji deo rada je posvećen sprovedenom empirijskom istraživanju koje je za cilj imalo utvrđivanje aktuelnog stanja u oblasti privatnog obezbeđenja, u smislu stavova o njihovom odnosu sa policijom, odnosno utvrđivanje oblasti saradnje i partnerstva policije i privatnog obezbeđenja, kao i problema koji otežavaju tu saradnju. U cilju utvrđivanja ličnih stavova i mišljenja službenika obezbeđenja i određenih pripadnika policije, primenjene su dve tehnike u okviru metoda ispitivanja &ndash; anketa i intervju. Na kraju, u zaključku smo se posebno osvrnuli na ključne rezulatate sprovedenog istraživanja.<br>The state is no longer the only provider of security services, and because of this, the private security sector is gaining an increasing role and importance. This phenomenon, above all, is led by the overload of national budgets, as well as certain difficulties faced by internal security authorities, who were unwilling to adequately respond to some new and contemporary security issues. This, among other things, has led to the so-called occurrence of &quot;privatization&quot; of security operations, which were slowly narrowing down the work of the police, and in parallel, expanded the tasks as well as the responsibilities of the private security sector.A long tradition of modeling relationships in the form of cooperation and partnership between the police and private security sector is found primarily in the United States, Canada and the United Kingdom, but also in some European Union countries. The need for establishing closer ties and raising the cooperation to an even higher level was particularly intensified following the catastrophic consequences of the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks in the United States. Terrorism, as well as other contemporary security problems at the end of the 20th and the beginning of the 21st century, gave further impetus to further relationships between the police and private security agencies.Relations between police and the private security sector are necessarily conditioned by their status, role and function. The protection of personal and property safety of citizens is the basis for joint action, and public-private partnership is a paradigm that would use the capacities of both sectors in the best possible way. The precondition for joint action will certainly be legal regulations and generally adopted standards that will respect the interests of both sectors. The above will be a guarantee of the quality of services provided by licensed private security agencies. The different historical, social, political, economic, security and legal circumstances in certain countries have led to different models of cooperation and partnership between the police and private security sector.What is common to all countries is that, under a public-private partnership, it implies the existence of a cooperative agreement between public (local, regional or state) and private actors joining (exchange of human and material resources) in order to achieve common interests and goals, where there is an agreed level of equality of actors and a clear distribution of competencies and responsibilities. Taken in this way, the model of partnership is a more comprehensive form of cooperation between the police and private security, which seeks to &quot;calm&quot; the constantly present and sporadic antagonistic attitudes that exist among them.Regarding the state of relations between the police and private security in the Republic of Serbia, we can say that despite the reform changes in the national security system after 2000, we cannot yet talk about the existence of partnership relations. The problems that make public-private partnerships difficult are still present. In order to achieve partnership, private security will necessarily have to be integrated into the national security system. Unfortunately, this has not yet been done. Only legally regulated, planned, organized and permanent cooperation between these two sectors will be in the function of achieving an optimal state of security in society and the state.Relatively near-positive regulation of private security should, among other things, enable the institutionalization and formalization of the cooperation with the police. Existing &quot;cooperation&quot; is still at a very low level and is most represented in the areas of securing public events and sports events. With the adoption of the Law on Private Security in 2013, the Law on Police in 2016, as well as other systemic laws regulating the fields of police and private security, no preconditions were established that would allow for further approximation of the two sectors, their cooperation and ultimately partnership.The work is structured into six partitions. Within the first three, we looked at general-level issues related to security, national security, the national security system, public and private security. In the fourth part, we analyzed the experiences of some developed countries regarding the partnership model, with the aim of identifying the positive and negative aspects of this relationship. In the fifth part, we looked at the historical development of private security in our country and its connection with the police to this day. We also analyzed the existing positive legal framework for organization and operation of the police and the private security sector as well as public-private partnerships. After that, taking into account the experiences of the developed countries, we identified the areas of cooperation in which it is possible to achieve partnership relations between the police and the private security sector in the Republic of Serbia. We also performed a classification of forms of cooperation, as well as identification of problems that make cooperation and partnership difficult.The sixth and final part of the paper is dedicated to the conducted empirical research aimed at determining the current situation in the field of private security, in terms of attitudes about their relationship with the police, that is, determining the field of cooperation and partnership

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:22:45Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Acacio Augusto Sebastiao Junior.pdf: 964329 bytes, checksum: d134c7f8742aec81198171b81a60f260 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-05-07<br>Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico<br>The police as a repressive institution that guarantees domestic peace adjusted with the military-diplomatic device to ensure external security of states is part of security in the modern reason of state, combining discipline and biopolitics. However, the police has not been restricted to a mere repressive function. According to Michel Foucault, it emerges as a government practice that watches over health and morality of a population inside a given territory. Politics and police. Measures for restraint of liberty: variations of imprisonment against youths in the society of control , departs from Foucault s genealogical analysis to establish a political history of the practices of restraint of liberty of children and youths. It does so in view of the changes in the technologies of power that renew police and politics in the society of control. The present research is interested in the battle carried out in Brazil, initially against those classified as in want, following by minors in irregular conditions and, today, those selected by punitive control and social assistance as children and adolescents in situation of risk. The contact with the application and evaluation of a project executing socio-educational measures in liberty, Pró-Menino of the Telefonica Foundation, allowed for an analysis of fluxes of restraints of liberty against youth classified as adolescents who committed an infraction (ato infracional). The government over children and adolescents reshape itself in new controls that intend to annul or moderate the potency of liberty of children and youth in the ever-stretching prison-building, in open-air concentration camps. The public-private partnership for the management of socio-educational measures currently resumes the police practice beyond its repressive expression, which is now extended to companies and NGOs. It is a restraint measure that targets children and youth, which were seen before as danger in the streets and currently perform the role of police of themselves in governed streets. Children and adolescents are not the future; they are in the present with their potencies of liberty and revolt<br>A polícia como instituição repressiva que garante a paz civil ajustada com o dispositivo diplomático-militar para garantia da segurança externa dos Estados, compõe a segurança na moderna razão de Estado que combina disciplina e biopolítica. Contudo, a polícia não se restringia a uma mera função repressiva. Segundo Michel Foucault, ela emerge como prática de governo que zela pela saúde e moralidade da população de um determinado território. Política e polícia. Medidas de contenção de liberdade: modulações de encarceramento contra os jovens na sociedade de controle , parte de sugestões da análise genealógica foucaultiana, para traçar uma história-política das práticas destinadas à contenção de liberdade das crianças e dos jovens, atenta às metamorfoses das tecnologias de poder que atualizam polícia e política na sociedade de controle. Interessa-se pela batalha travada no Brasil republicano, inicialmente contra os classificados como carentes, em seguida como menores em situação irregular e, hoje, os selecionados pelos controles punitivos e de assistência social como crianças e adolescentes em situação de risco. O contato com a aplicação e a avaliação de um projeto de execução de medidas sócio-educativas em meio aberto, o Pró-menino da Fundação Telefônica, possibilitou a realização de análise de fluxos de contenção de liberdade contra jovens classificados como adolescentes autores de ato infracional. O governo sobre crianças e adolescentes, reforma-se em novos controles que pretendem anular ou moderar a potência de liberdade de crianças e jovens na elastificação da prisão-prédio, em campos de concentração a céu aberto. A gestão público-privada das medidas em meio aberto retoma, hoje, a prática policial entendida para além de sua atuação repressiva e, agora, expandida pela conexão com empresas e ONGs. Uma prática de contenção que atinge crianças e jovens, antes vistos como o perigo das ruas, e que hoje, atuam como policiais de si pelas ruas governadas. Crianças e jovens não são o futuro; estão no presente com suas potências de liberdade e revolta

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:57:36Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Acacio Augusto Sebastiao Junior.pdf: 964329 bytes, checksum: d134c7f8742aec81198171b81a60f260 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-05-07<br>Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico<br>The police as a repressive institution that guarantees domestic peace adjusted with the military-diplomatic device to ensure external security of states is part of security in the modern reason of state, combining discipline and biopolitics. However, the police has not been restricted to a mere repressive function. According to Michel Foucault, it emerges as a government practice that watches over health and morality of a population inside a given territory. Politics and police. Measures for restraint of liberty: variations of imprisonment against youths in the society of control , departs from Foucault s genealogical analysis to establish a political history of the practices of restraint of liberty of children and youths. It does so in view of the changes in the technologies of power that renew police and politics in the society of control. The present research is interested in the battle carried out in Brazil, initially against those classified as in want, following by minors in irregular conditions and, today, those selected by punitive control and social assistance as children and adolescents in situation of risk. The contact with the application and evaluation of a project executing socio-educational measures in liberty, Pró-Menino of the Telefonica Foundation, allowed for an analysis of fluxes of restraints of liberty against youth classified as adolescents who committed an infraction (ato infracional). The government over children and adolescents reshape itself in new controls that intend to annul or moderate the potency of liberty of children and youth in the ever-stretching prison-building, in open-air concentration camps. The public-private partnership for the management of socio-educational measures currently resumes the police practice beyond its repressive expression, which is now extended to companies and NGOs. It is a restraint measure that targets children and youth, which were seen before as danger in the streets and currently perform the role of police of themselves in governed streets. Children and adolescents are not the future; they are in the present with their potencies of liberty and revolt<br>A polícia como instituição repressiva que garante a paz civil ajustada com o dispositivo diplomático-militar para garantia da segurança externa dos Estados, compõe a segurança na moderna razão de Estado que combina disciplina e biopolítica. Contudo, a polícia não se restringia a uma mera função repressiva. Segundo Michel Foucault, ela emerge como prática de governo que zela pela saúde e moralidade da população de um determinado território. Política e polícia. Medidas de contenção de liberdade: modulações de encarceramento contra os jovens na sociedade de controle , parte de sugestões da análise genealógica foucaultiana, para traçar uma história-política das práticas destinadas à contenção de liberdade das crianças e dos jovens, atenta às metamorfoses das tecnologias de poder que atualizam polícia e política na sociedade de controle. Interessa-se pela batalha travada no Brasil republicano, inicialmente contra os classificados como carentes, em seguida como menores em situação irregular e, hoje, os selecionados pelos controles punitivos e de assistência social como crianças e adolescentes em situação de risco. O contato com a aplicação e a avaliação de um projeto de execução de medidas sócio-educativas em meio aberto, o Pró-menino da Fundação Telefônica, possibilitou a realização de análise de fluxos de contenção de liberdade contra jovens classificados como adolescentes autores de ato infracional. O governo sobre crianças e adolescentes, reforma-se em novos controles que pretendem anular ou moderar a potência de liberdade de crianças e jovens na elastificação da prisão-prédio, em campos de concentração a céu aberto. A gestão público-privada das medidas em meio aberto retoma, hoje, a prática policial entendida para além de sua atuação repressiva e, agora, expandida pela conexão com empresas e ONGs. Uma prática de contenção que atinge crianças e jovens, antes vistos como o perigo das ruas, e que hoje, atuam como policiais de si pelas ruas governadas. Crianças e jovens não são o futuro; estão no presente com suas potências de liberdade e revolta

The city as a focal point of both domestic and international security policy is characteristic of the 21st century security landscape in Europe. Amidst the 'War on Terror' and the pan-European battle against organised crime, the city is the location where global processes are actually taking place. Urban security is the local policy response both to such global threats as terrorism and local ones, such as violent crime. Public transport systems in particular came under threat after the terrorist attacks in the United States in 2001, Madrid in 2004, and London in 2005. This doctoral thesis studies security policy in three public transport systems – Berlin, Stockholm, and Warsaw – from a comparative perspective focusing on the conditions that made new and very specific understandings of security possible. The study argues that urban transport security has undergone radical changes during the last ten years. While transport authorities and the police used to conceive security as related solely to crime rates, today the focus of security practices consists of passengers' perceptions. The study shows how this shift is paralleled by a new discourse of 'security as emotion', and how it came into being. It concentrates specifically on the central role that surveillance and private policing assumes as the security policy shifts objectives to the inner life of the passengers. Today, complex governance networks of both public and private actors manage security in the three cities. The analysis shows how passengers are constructed in the urban security policy as children, consumers, and citizens. These different 'roles' constitute the passenger in the eye of urban security governance characterised by technocracy, 'friendly security', and individual responsibility. The introduction of new governance models for public administration, the legacy of European communist regimes, and rising fear of crime are central conditions for this new, sensitised urban transport security.

L’autonomie de la volonté est un principe relatif à la liberté des parties quant au choix de la loi applicable au contrat international. Cependant, ce principe est limité par les règles d’ordre public, et plus généralement les dispositions impératives, réduisant l’étendue de cette autonomie. Afin de perfectionner la mise en application de ces règles tout en garantissant une certaine prévisibilité, il s’avère important d’étudier en détail l’origine et la nature des règles d’ordre public. Une étude comparée avec le droit international privé égyptien s’avère nécessaire pour perfectionner les mécanismes actuels. Le débat conceptuel actuel met en évidence le rôle de la coopération internationale, outre les intérêts purement étatiques, ce qui suscitera un nouvel ordre public transnational, voire supranational<br>The freedom of choice is a principle referring to the freedom of the parties concerning the choice of the law ruling the international contract. However, this principle is limited by public policy, which reduce the extent of this freedom. In order to improve the application of these rules with a minimum of predictability, it is important to study in detail the origin and nature of the rules of public policy. A comparative study with Egyptian private international law is needed to take advantage from all current mechanisms. The current conceptual debate highlights the role of international cooperation, in addition to purely State interests, which will tend to create a new transnational, or even supranational, public policy

Le mécanisme des lois de police en droit international privé chinois est un produit importé et sa définition législative est influencée par la définition européenne. Bien que la définition française de loi de police et la définition chinoise ne soient pas textuellement identiques, il nous semble que la notion de loi de police ne change pas selon qu’il s’agit de droit français ou de droit chinois. Cependant, n’étant prévu par le droit positif chinois que depuis 2011, le mécanisme des lois de police est relativement jeune, non seulement au regard de ce mécanisme lui-même mais aussi au regard de ses relations avec d’autres mécanismes de droit international privé ayant des liens avec lui, comme l’exception d’ordre public international. Nous chercherons les expériences françaises en la matière et étudierons la notion française et chinoise de loi de police, d’autres mécanismes de droit international privé en lien avec le mécanisme des lois de police et les illustrations des lois de police dans la jurisprudence. Malgré les critiques, l’application immédiate et impérative est toujours le caractère le plus important des lois de police du for dans l’instance directe, mais ce n’est le cas ni pour l’instance indirecte ni pour les lois de police étrangères. Selon la jurisprudence française et chinoise, le non-respect par le juge étranger ou par un tribunal arbitral de la loi de police de l’État requis n’entraîne pas automatiquement le refus de reconnaissance ou d’exécution. Concernant les lois de police étrangères, le texte législatif chinois est muet, mais cela ne signifie pas que l’application ou la prise en considération de la loi de police étrangère est interdite en droit chinois<br>The overriding mandatory provisions in Chinese private international law is imported and its legislative definition is incorporated by the European one. Although the French definition of overriding mandatory provisions and the Chinese definition are not textually identical, it seems to us that the notion of overriding mandatory provisions does not change depending on whether it is French law or Chinese law. However, having been provided for by Chinese positive law only since 2011, the overriding mandatory provisions mechanism is relatively young, not only with regard to this mechanism itself but also to its relations with other mechanisms of private international law having links with it, such as the international public policy exception. We will seek French experiences in this area and study the French and Chinese notion of overriding mandatory provisions, other mechanisms of private international law in connection with them and their illustrations in case law. Despite the criticisms, the immediate and mandatory application is always the most important character of the overriding mandatory provisions of the forum in the direct instance, but this is not the case for foreign overriding mandatory provisions or for the indirect instance. According to French and Chinese case law, the non-respect by the foreign judge or by an arbitral tribunal of the overriding mandatory provisions of the requested state does not automatically result in the refusal of recognition or enforcement. Regarding the foreign overriding mandatory provisions, the Chinese legislative text is silent, but this does not mean that their application or take into consideration is prohibited in Chinese law

SILVA, Antonio Marcos de Sousa. Agentes públicos na segurança privada: a configuração do bico na cidade de Fortaleza. (2010). 126f. Dissertação (Mestrado em Sociologia) – Universidade Federal do Ceará, Departamento de Ciências Sociais, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Sociologia, Fortaleza-CE, 2010.<br>Submitted by nazareno mesquita (nazagon36@yahoo.com.br) on 2011-11-17T14:42:08Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dis_2010_ AM DE.S.SILVA.pdf: 548876 bytes, checksum: 49cdfa3cb88854b0c3ec81b155ab75f9 (MD5)<br>Approved for entry into archive by Maria Josineide Góis(josineide@ufc.br) on 2011-11-23T16:35:19Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dis_2010_ AM DE.S.SILVA.pdf: 548876 bytes, checksum: 49cdfa3cb88854b0c3ec81b155ab75f9 (MD5)<br>Made available in DSpace on 2011-11-23T16:35:19Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dis_2010_ AM DE.S.SILVA.pdf: 548876 bytes, checksum: 49cdfa3cb88854b0c3ec81b155ab75f9 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010<br>The present reseach has the aim of analyzing the configuration of odd jobs on private security of military policemen in the city of Fortaleza. With this in mind, a panorama of this activity was traced in order to enumerate the three recurrent characteristics of the odd jobs in Fortaleza, such as: security activities icommercial establishments (concert houses, beach huts, restaurants, beauty salons, markets, among others), private security (of businessmen or merchants) and, finally, the veiled odd job (to perform private patrolling while on duty, giving more attention to specific commercial points). The work revealed that this practice in Fortaleza is sustained both by the military officers and the privates and showed that both form networks of intermediaries or middlemen who sell security to businessmen or merchants. The research also dealt with the strict relationship between violence and the expansion of odd jobs through the city, denouncing the intensification of a culture of fear based on the feeling of insecurity. At last, the work dealt with the implications of this activity for military policemen due to their disciplinary and ethics code. The discussion ended also with the relationship between the precariousness of the police work and the work on private security.<br>A presente pesquisa teve como objetivo analisar as configurações do “bico” de policiais militares da cidade de Fortaleza na segurança privada. Foi realizado um panorama dessa atividade que possibilitou enumerar três características recorrentes do bico em Fortaleza, tais como: as atividades de segurança em estabelecimentos comerciais (casas de show, barracas de praia, restaurantes, salão de beleza, mercadinhos, dentre outros), segurança particular (de empresários ou comerciantes) e, por último, o “bico velado” (fazer policiamento privado em horário de serviço, concedendo, nesse sentido, maior atenção a determinados pontos comerciais). O trabalho revelou que essa prática, em Fortaleza, é sustentada tanto por parte dos oficiais militares como pelos Praças, e mostrou que ambos formam redes de intermediários ou atravessadores que vendem segurança, principalmente, para empresários e comerciantes. A pesquisa abordou também a estreita relação entre a violência e a expansão do bico na cidade, denunciando o reforço de uma cultura do medo pautada no sentimento de insegurança. Por fim, o trabalho tratou das implicações dessa atividade para os policiais militares em decorrência do Código Disciplinar e de Ética da referida corporação. A dissertação trabalhou, ainda, com a relação entre precariedade do trabalho policial e do trabalho na atividade de segurança privada.

Les règles matérielles de droit international privé sont classiquement définies comme étant des règles qui apportent une réponse sur le fond à une question de droit international privé. Elles se distinguent ainsi de la traditionnelle règle de conflit de lois neutre, abstraite et bilatérale, qui se limite, dans sa forme initiale, à la désignation de l’ordre juridique dans lequel sera puisée la règle qui apportera une réponse sur le fond au litige. Cette définition montre aujourd’hui ses limites tant les méthodes du droit international privé ont évolué. Des rapprochements se sont opérés de sorte que les frontières qui délimitaient les différentes méthodes du droit international privé sont devenues plus floues, entrainant des incertitudes quant au régime juridique de ces règles. Nous avons tenté, à travers l’étude de la physionomie des règles matérielles de droit international privé, de proposer une définition qui prenne en compte leur spécificité mais également leur variété tout en les distinguant des méthodes voisines et, en particulier, des lois de police. Cette définition nous a conduit à un classement des règles matérielles en sous-catégories et nous amène à nous orienter vers la variabilité de leur régime juridique<br>The material rules of private international law are classically defined as rules that provide substantive answers to a question of private international law. They are distinguished from the traditional conflict of laws rule which is neutral, abstract, bilateral and limited, in its initial form, to the designation of the applicable legal order. This definition shows its limits as the methods of private international law have evolved. Boundaries between the different methods became more unclear, leading to uncertainty as to the legal regime of the material rules. We have tried, through the study of material rules of private international law, to propose a definition that takes into account their specificity but also their variety while distinguishing them from neighboring methods and, in particular, police laws. This definition has led us to a classification of material rules and to the conclusion that their legal regime should depend of the particular subcategory they belong to

The popularity of the Internet has been dramatically increased over recent years. The rapid growth of this technology and its international use has made it almost impossible to regulate the internet. As a result, the Internet has certainly provided freedoms to people and it has led to some abusing systems. Privacy is one of the major issues in the development of Electronic Commerce using the Internet. As an enormous amount of personal information is transmitted to several hosts connecting to the Internet, the information can be accessed by both authorised and unauthorised people. Although it is certain that there are several existing problems of using the Internet for business activities, many organisations have already started using it. It is believed that the Internet provides efficiency and effectiveness for various activities Although much research has been described the business use of the Internet in many countries, these studies have not specifically investigated Australian organisations. Therefore, this research investigates the current use of the Internet by Australian organisations and their associated privacy policies, as a means of seeking their privacy concerns. Using a benchmark provided by Australian privacy commissioners, it evaluates their privacy policies to see how well they are established to protect privacy of users. The study utilises the top 100 Australian large private sector organisations as the sample. The current practice of the sample organisations on the Internet was observed by exploring their Web sites. Privacy policies were also collected from their Web sites. Moreover, a letter requesting corporate privacy policy was sent to each organisation that collects personal information on the Internet. The result showed that the majority of Australian organisations were using the Internet today, but a surprisingly few organisations showed their privacy policy on the Internet. Also, this research showed that many organisations did not actually have a corporate privacy policy. Many organisations are using the Internet without apparent concern for customers' privacy. The organisations proactively involved in the Internet Commerce are more concerned about security side of the Internet. Hence, they appear to believe that the technology itself protects information sent on the Internet. It has become clear that technology by itself does not provide the security needed for users of the Internet as unethical act of authorised parties could harm privacy of individuals. There is an argument that the Internet needs to be regulated. However, the process of international regulation on the Internet has not been started. Thus, it is ideal that organisations proactively protect clients' personal information accessible by the use of the Internet technology. This study looks at the methods of obtaining privacy of individuals and suggests the ideal conduct of organisations.

Polisanställda, som arbetar med utsatta barn, är en grupp som dagligen utsätts för psykiskt påfrestande situationer som kan påverka deras hälsa. Denna studie syftar således till att undersöka hur barnutredare inom polisen uppfattar sitt välbefinnande. Det föreligger i dagsläget en kunskapslucka i Sverige inom detta studerade område, något som motiverar studiens genomförande. Den aktuella studien genomfördes med djupgående intervjuer där sju polisanställda, som utreder utsatta barn, deltog. En tematisk analys genomfördes på det insamlade materialet där kodord identifierades, som sedan bildade fyra övergripande teman; handledning och hjälp, privatliv, arbetsliv och samarbete. Resultatet visade att deltagarna i studien önskade bättre individuellt stöd. De upplevde även att deras arbete influerade deras privatliv genom olika aspekter, och att arbetsbelastningen medförde att de kände sig otillräckliga. Resultatet visade även att vissa delar i arbetsprocessen uppfattades som mer krävande på deras välbefinnande, men att deras samarbete med organisationen Barnahus underlättade arbetsbelastningen något. Denna studie kunde dra slutsatsen att den individuella handledningen var ett viktigt forum för deltagarna att kunna ventilera i, därför bör den återinföras så som den var förr.<br>Police employees, who work with abused children, are a group that regularly are exposed to mentally stressful situations that may affect their health. This paper aims to study how child investigators within the police perceive their well-being. Currently, there is a knowledge gap in Sweden within this studied area which motivates the present study. The current study was conducted with in-depth interviews in which seven child investigators participated. A thematic analysis was performed on the collected data and codewords were identified. Four overall themes were determined; guidance and help, private life, working life and cooperation. The results showed that the participants in the present study, wished they had better individual guidance. They also felt that their work influenced their private life, and that the workload meant that they felt inadequate at doing their jobs. The results also showed that certain parts of the work process were perceived as more demanding on their well-being, but that their cooperation with the organisation “Barnahus” eased the workload somewhat. This study could draw the conclusion that the individual guidance was an important platform for the participants to be able to ventilate, therefore it should be reinstated as it was before.

This study aims to understand how police officers in Sweden are affected by their line of work in their personal life. The study is based on qualitative research where the empirical material has been gathered from interviews with Swedish police officers. A total of eight police officers have contributed to this study. The main theoretical concept used in this study is Göran Ahrnes notion of the “organizational centaur”. Alongside this concept, the essay also covers police culture and organizational concept. The results of this study reveal that several police officers find it hard to combine their line of work with their personal life. Not only does the occupation affect the police officers themselves, it also affects their family and acquaintances. Moreover, the results demonstrate how police officers relate to their profession in their spare time. Finally, the results of this study express how changes within the police organization has affected the work situation for many police officers in Sweden.

Private labels - products controlled by retailers instead of suppliers - are an increasingly important market segment for firms worldwide. They, and the closely related concept of buyer power, have become a topic of major interest and concern for competition authorities around the world. Firstly we explain the growth of private labels as retailers taking over the role of quality certification from suppliers. Consumers, wary about product quality, seek reassurance in a brand they can trust, and this role of certifying quality is moving downstream from manufacturers to distributors. We explain this by modelling the negotiations that takes place within the production chain, and demonstrate that by establishing a private label a retailer improves his sourcing options and hence his bargaining position, and increases his profits. Next we examine how the presence of private labels in a market affects non-price competition between firms, in particular incentives to invest, an area which the literature has neglected in favour of a simple focus on prices. We demonstrate that, while under certain conditions the conventional wisdom the private labels can reduce suppliers' investment incentives can be correct, the outcome is more complex than traditionally thought. Private labels can also potentially spur suppliers to increase investment, which ultimately benefits consumers. Thirdly we examine the implications of private labels for an argument of great significance in competition policy: the countervailing buyer power merger defence. We discuss several major cases where this idea - that buyer power downstream can prevent wholesale prices rising following an upstream merger - has been crucial in determining the outcome. We present a formal model of this argument - to our knowledge the first and demonstrate some limitations to the validity of this defence, but also highlight circumstances where it may be unexpectedly applicable.

A presente dissertação tem como objeto de estudo o programa de parceria público-privada para a construção de moradia popular no centro da cidade de São Paulo. Promovido pelo Governo do Estado de São Paulo, o projeto foi escolhido como estudo de caso para discutir a utilização do instrumento jurídico-contratual de parceria público-privada, regido pela lei federal nº 11.079 de 2004 na construção de moradia popular no Estado de São Paulo. De modo específico, pretendeu-se entender como foram feitos os estudos pelas instituições privadas no processo da Manifestação de Interesse Privado (MIP) que resultaram no edital de licitação lançado de 2012. A coleta de informação foi feita a partir de entrevista com os principais atores envolvidos no projeto, desde funcionários do Governo do Estado, consultores privados e funcionários de empresas do setor de construção civil. Como suporte às entrevistas, utilizou-se documentos disponibilizados pela Secretaria de Habitação. Previsto na legislação brasileira desde 1995, o instrumento que permite que instituições privadas ofereçam projetos de parceria entre o setor público e o privado passa a ser mais amplamente utilizado a partir de 2004, com a aprovação da lei federal das PPPs. Partindo de uma análise da própria estrutura administrativa do Governo do Estado de São Paulo, o presente estudo se propôs a entender como as parcerias público-privadas estão sendo utilizadas no setor de habitação social.<br>The aim of this dissertation is to study the Public-Private Partnership Program for the construction of popular housing in the city of São Paulo. Promoted by the São Paulo Government State, the project was chosen as a case study to discuss the use of the contractual instrument of public-private partnership, governed by federal law 11.079 of 2004 in the construction of popular housing in the State of São Paulo. Specifically, it intends to understand how the studies were done by the private institutions in the process of the Private Interest Manifestation (MIP) that resulted in the auction notice issued of 2012. The data collection was made from interviews with the stakeholders involved in the project, from State Government employees, private consultants and employees of construction companies. To support the interviews, documents made available by the Housing Secretariat of São Paulo State were analyzed. Under Brazilian law since 1995, the instrument that allows private institutions to offer public-private partnership to the government became more widely used in 2004, with the approval of the federal PPP law. Based on an analysis of the administrative structure of the São Paulo Government State, the present study aims to understand how public-private partnerships are used in the social housing sector.

Dans un contexte où le recours au mécanisme des lois de police apparaît de plus en plus fréquent et facilité sur le plan des conflits de lois, la perte d’impérativité que connaissent ces dispositions du fait des solutions libérales retenues sur le plan des conflits de juridictions, conduit à s’interroger sur la possibilité d’apporter des correctifs. En droit positif, l’admission généralisée des clauses de prorogation de for, étatique et arbitral, malgré l’applicabilité d’une loi de police, associée à un système de reconnaissance pratiquement automatique des jugements étrangers et des sentences arbitrales au stade du contentieux de l’exequatur, conduit à rendre ces dispositions globalement semi-nécessaires dans les rapports internationaux. Alors que la mise en œuvre des lois de police devant un for étatique étranger ou arbitral apparaît très incertaine et que la violation de ces dispositions ne fait pas obstacle à la reconnaissance d’un jugement ou d’une sentence qui les aurait négligées, les clauses de prorogation de for apparaissent comme des instruments à la disposition des parties pour se livrer au forum shopping et contourner les impérativités étatiques. Cette solution, paradoxale et peu satisfaisante, compte tenu de l’importance et de la nature des intérêts par principe mis en cause à travers ces dispositions, incite à envisager une solution permettant de restaurer l’impérativité des lois de police dans les conflits de juridictions. Dès lors que ce résultat apparaît comme la conséquence du maintien du principe traditionnel de l’indépendance des compétences législative et juridictionnelle malgré le lien existant entre forum et jus en matière de lois de police, ce constat conduit à s’interroger sur la possibilité de déroger exceptionnellement à ce principe pour consacrer un forum legis impératif et exclusif, fondé sur l’applicabilité d’une telle disposition. Cette solution, restaurant efficacement l’impérativité des lois de police dans leur for d’origine, devrait néanmoins être associée à la mise en place d’un mécanisme de coordination des systèmes permettant de prolonger son efficacité devant les fors étrangers. Il pourrait trouver ses fondements dans certains procédés préexistants, susceptibles d’être adaptés à la réalisation de l’objectif de protection des impérativités étatiques poursuivis. La mise en place de différents mécanismes, apparentés à celui du forum non conveniens, fondés sur un système de coopération interjuridictionnelle ou inspirés de la méthode de référence à l’ordre juridique compétent envisagée par P. Picone, pourrait permettre d’assurer, à l’étranger, le respect des lois de police du for dans des hypothèses différentes. De manière transversale, la restauration de l’impérativité des lois de police pourrait être assurée grâce à un recours à la notion d’ordre juridique prépondérant. Désignant un ordre juridique dont une loi de police mettant directement en cause un intérêt étatique réellement fondamental serait applicable au fond du litige, elle devrait pouvoir fonder la reconnaissance de la vocation plus forte de celui-ci à faire valoir ses vues pour la résolution d’un litige. Elle pourrait fonder à la fois la revendication de compétence juridictionnelle prioritaire de celui-ci pour trancher le différend et un effacement des fors étrangers pour faire prévaloir le point de vue qu’il retient. Une telle solution, étroitement délimitée et justifiée au regard de l’importance des intérêts mis en cause, assurerait une solution satisfaisante permettant à la fois d’articuler harmonieusement la poursuite de la politique libérale qui s’impose dans les conflits de juridictions avec le respect des lois de police et de réconcilier la protection des impérativités étatiques avec la coordination des systèmes<br>In times of mandatory provisions becoming more and more prevalent, based on conflict of law, the concept of mandatory enforcement appears to be somehow diluted regarding the liberal solutions found in conflicts of jurisdictions. In positive law, mandatory rules do not prevent the enforcement of a forum clause, no more than they are considered during the enforcement stage of decisions. While the application of these rules before foreign courts and arbitrators is very uncertain and does not raise obstacles to the recognition of foreign judgments or arbitral judgment which overlook them, choice of forum clauses has become an instrument of forum shopping in order to avoid mandatory regulations. This solution paradoxically induces a search for a solution to restore there international imperativity. This result has appeared as a consequence of the principle of separation of conflicts of law and conflicts of jurisdictions. That observation leads to ask questions about the possibility of an exemption to this general principle. Indeed, this encourages to consider the possibility to admit a correlation between forum and jus in order to establish imperative and exclusive competence, based on the applicability of such mandatory rules. This forum legis would require to maintain the litigation in its courts and could ensure their application in international relations. However, unilateralism that governs rules of judicial competence should involve the establishment of a mechanism of different legal systems coordination. Depending on the type of mandatory rules concerned, it could be based on an adapted form of forum non conveniens, on international judicial Co-operation processes, or be inspired by the method of reference to the competent legal order envisaged by P. Picone. The deployment of these solutions could be based on using preponderant state notion, that would be the one with the most widely public policy involved. It would lead to the recognition of the strong vocation of it to assert its views for the resolution of a dispute and would justify both the priority jurisdiction of its courts and circumspection of the other jurisdictional authorities to exercise their competence. Such a solution, tightly defined and justified in view of the importance of the interests involved, would provide a satisfactory solution to both harmoniously articulate the pursuit of liberal politics required in conflicts of jurisdictions with respect of public policy, and reconcile the protection of imperativities with the coordination of legal systems

Orientador: Theresa Maria de Freitas Adrião<br>Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação<br>Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-22T22:01:06Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Souza_RosileneRodriguesdaSilva_M.pdf: 8269132 bytes, checksum: 26d965c642c1507347370d684a5856a1 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013<br>Resumo: O objetivo principal da pesquisa, desenvolvida no âmbito do Grupo de Estudos e Pesquisas em Política Educacional (GREPPE), consistiu em analisar o processo de implementação do projeto "Educação Repaginada" e suas contradições, buscando investigar em que medida o projeto se constitui numa alternativa à adoção de "sistemas privados de ensino", tendo em vista que pesquisas anteriores indicam o crescimento deste formato de privatização. O estudo compreende o período de 2004, ano que antecedeu o início do primeiro mandato do ex-prefeito José Geraldo Garcia, a 2012, quando se finalizou a elaboração do material didático "Aventura do Conhecimento". O estudo de caso intencionalmente selecionado foi desenvolvido a partir de uma abordagem qualitativa na qual se utilizou como recurso metodológico a pesquisa documental, que permitiu melhor compreensão sobre a educação municipal de Salto, e entrevistas semiestruturadas com sujeitos envolvidos no projeto, que possibilitou a descrição e a análise crítica do mesmo. A discussão teórica teve por objetivo analisar o regime de colaboração para a oferta do ensino fundamental, no contexto da Reforma do Aparelho do Estado, quadro em que se intensificou com o processo de descentralização dos serviços públicos, por meio de sua municipalização e pela ampliação das parcerias público-privadas. Mediante esta análise foi possível investigar em que proporção a experiência de Salto se assemelha e se diferencia das dos municípios que adotam "sistemas privados de ensino". Verificou-se que, apesar dos limites e das contradições, o projeto "Educação Repaginada" reflete a posição da gestão educacional de Salto em ser contrária às políticas de desqualificação da gestão pública, disseminadas em vários municípios paulistas, pós-municipalização do ensino fundamental.<br>Abstract: The main objective of the research, developed within the Group of Studies and Research in Educational Policy (GREPPE), consisted in analyzing the implementation process of the project "Educação Repaginada" and its contradictions, seeking to investigate to what extent the project is an alternative the adoption of "private systems of education", given that previous studies indicate the growth of this form of privatization. The study covers the period from 2004, the year preceding the beginning of the first term of former mayor José Geraldo Garcia, to 2012, when it completed the preparation of teaching material "Aventura do Conhecimento". The case study selected was developed from a qualitative approach, using as methodological resource the document research, which allowed a better understanding of the education of Salto, and semistructured interviews with people involved in the project, which enabled the description and critical analysis of it. The theoretical discussion aimed to analyze the system of collaboration for the provision of primary education in the context of the Reform of the State Apparatus, which intensified the process of descentralization of public services, through its municipalization and expansion of public-private partnerships. Through this analysis it was possible to investigate to what extent the experience of Salto resembles and differs from the municipalities that adopt "private education systems". It was found that, despite the limits and contradictions, the project "Educação Repaginada" reflects the position of educational management of Salto be contrary to the policies of disqualification of public management, disseminated in several counties, after the municipalization of primary education.<br>Mestrado<br>Politicas, Administração e Sistemas Educacionais<br>Mestra em Educação

Privacy policies are commonly used by service providers to notify users what information is collected, how it will be used and with whom it will be shared. These policies are however known to be notoriously long and hard to understand, and several studies have shown that very few users actually read them. Alternative solutions that accurately communicates the most important parts of the policy in a way that is more enjoyable to read, is therefore needed to aid the users in making informed decisions on whether or not to share information with a provider.By following a design science strategy we first explore current solutions, and based on an initial evaluation we find the Nutrition Label to be the current approach best suited to base further work on. Through an assess and refine cycle we first evaluate the Nutrition Label based on usability literature, and propose a set of design criteria which is used as a basis for developing an alternative solution, entitled the Privacy Table. By following an iterative design process, we evaluate the Privacy Table in terms of accuracy, time-to-response and likeability through a pre-test, a laboratory experiment with 15 participants, and finally through an Internet experiment with 24 participants, where each iteration results in a re-designed version of the Privacy Table. While we don&apos;t find clear evidence for any difference between the formats, we find indications for that they perform similarly in terms of accuracy and enjoyability. We discover several issues regarding the Nutrition Label where some are related to the terminology used, which could indicate that it would need modifications in order to be usable among non-native English speakers. We also suggest that future research on the Nutrition Label should focus on its usability rather than further expansion, and that it should be considered to base it on a more simplified underlying technology than the P3P language. Finally we find that a merged version of the Privacy Table and the Nutrition Label could be advantageous to use in relation with current and future privacy enhancing technologies, as a top layer to communicate the most important privacy practices.

Cette recherche propose un éclairage historique des avatars de deux mécanismes désormais intégrés au système français de droit international privé, celui des « lois de police » et celui de « l’ordre public international », qui ont pour trait commun de s’opposer au jeu normal de la règle de conflit et de s’appuyer, l’un et l’autre, sur l’art. 3, al. 1er du Code civil de 1804. Prévenant par préemption les atteintes à l’utilitas publica vel communis ou y réagissant par éviction de la loi normalement applicable, ces deux types de normes tissent une histoire commune depuis les antécédents que furent les statuts prohibitifs et les statuts territoriaux identifiés par la doctrine romano-canonique médiévale. Adaptés par les juristes de l’Ecole Hollandaise et de l’Ecole Française à l’hypothèse dominante à la fin de l’Ancien Régime des conflits de souverainetés, ceux-ci sont recueillis en 1804 par l’art. 3, al. 1er. Le travail conjoint de la doctrine et de la jurisprudence et une réaction à la notion hybride de « lois d’ordre public » qui émerge au long du siècle suivant permettent leur reformatage en les séparant l’un de l’autre dès le tournant des XIXe et XXe siècles. Le déclin du conflit des souverainetés qui porte à se désintéresser des lois de droit public, voire des lois pénales, et une représentation plus privatiste du conflit de lois qui ne peut cependant méconnaitre l’interventionnisme croissant de l’Etat, confirment la distinction de deux figures appelées à être théorisées sous les concepts de lois de police ou d’application immédiate (promouvant l’utilitas communis) et d’exception d’ordre public (défendant les valeurs fondamentales)<br>This research aims at shedding light on the historical background of the avatars of two mechanisms now integrated into the French system of private international law: lois de police (i.e. overriding mandatory rules) and (international) ordre public (i.e. public policy). Both share the common feature of opposing the normal interplay of choice-of-law rules and rely on Art. 3, para. 1 of the 1804 Civil Code. Preventing by pre-emption infringements of utilitas publica vel communis or reacting to them by eviction from the normally applicable law, these two types of norms have emerged from a common history beginning with the antecedents of prohibitive and territorial statutes identified by medieval romano-canonical commentators. Then members of the Dutch and French Schools adapted the two concepts to the prevailing hypothesis at the end of the Ancien Régime, that of conflicts of sovereignties. In 1804, lois de police and ordre public were collected in the French Civil Code. Thanks to the joint work of scholars and case law, on the one hand, and to a reaction to the hybrid notion of lois d’ordre public that emerged over the next century, on the other hand, the distinction between the two concepts was made possible at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries. As conflict of sovereignties declined, leading to a loss of interest in public law, or even in criminal law, and as a more private-law-driven representation arose, without ignoring, however, growing state interventionism, the distinction has been confirmed between the two concepts: lois de police or d’application immédiate, promoting the utilitas communis, and exception d’ordre public, defending fundamental values

In recent decades, public-private partnerships has converted in an alternative way of providing transport infrastructures that has been traditional delivered by public sector. Between 1990 and 2017, governments all over the world have awarded more than 1600 PPPs transport infrastructure. However, there are some aspects that affect public-private partnerships that has not been analyzed and which could facilitate the study of their economic impact. This Thesis analyses public-private partnerships in road infrastructures. The context for the analysis is Spain, both because of its pioneering nature in the extension of such public-private partnerships and because of the undisputed weight of the road infrastructure industry in the international context. The thesis is structured in five chapters. The first chapter is the introduction and examines the role of PPPs in road infrastructures and the road PPPs in Spain’s toll motorways. The second chapter is divided into two sections. The first part of the chapter analyze whether the allocation of risks that has been carried out in Spain and other countries complies with the predictions of contract theory. To this end, the framework of institutional and economic relations between the state and private concessionaires is reviewed in detail. The purpose of this case analysis is to identify the main limitations of these models and to delineate those aspects that have a significant influence on the incentives of the different parties, the efficiency of the contract, the financial evolution of the concession and its impact on public finances, taxpayers and users. Additionally, good regulatory practices are suggested in the concession business, which make it possible to take advantage of the benefits that private participation in road infrastructure projects can bring. The second part of the chapter examines whether the financial downturn experienced by most concessions awarded at the beginning of the new millennium can be attributed to Spain’s particular model of risk sharing and guarantees. This analysis intends to shed light on the debate on possible solutions to the crisis in the sector. Chapter third quantify and evaluate the social and distributive impact of one of the last political renegotiations, which took place in 1997 between the state and the concessionary in Spain. Specifically, the case of the renegotiation of the concession contracts for the AP-7 motorway in its sections between Tarragona-Valencia and Valencia-Alicante is illustrated. In order to carry out this study, the change in well- being resulting from the renegotiations has been calculated. This approximation allows us to compare the real status quo situation with renegotiation, with the alternative that would have been not to renegotiate and delimit the monetary impact of such renegotiations for each of the agents involved and for the added social well- being. The fourth chapter analyses whether the type of management on high-capacity roads has any impact on road safety. We use the Spanish case as an analysis model. Spain’s mixed composition of high-capacity roads is an excellent opportunity to empirically test whether private road management through PPP contracts offers better quality than traditional provision. To this end, we apply different econometric techniques based on tallying data on a data panel for the period 2008-2012. Lastly, chapter five extracts the most important conclusions from the previous chapters and provide some public policy recommendations based on them.

Öffentlich-private Partnerschaften oder Public Private Partnerships (PPP) werden seit Mitte der Neunziger Jahre des letzten Jahrhunderts in allen westeuropäischen Ländern umgesetzt. Dieses Modell der alternativen Leistungserbringung wurde mit erstaunlicher Geschwindigkeit, sektorenübergreifend und flächendeckend implementiert. Verschiedene Autoren haben den Ansatz der Netzwerk-Gesellschaft mit der Entstehung des Phänomens PPP in Verbindung gebracht. An diesem Punkt setzt diese Arbeit an: Es wird untersucht, ob Policy-Netzwerke in der Europäischen Union existierten, die die Entwicklung der staatlichen Leistungserbringung zu Public Private Partnerships forciert haben, bzw. das Thema PPP auf die Agenda setzten und weitergehend wer die relevanten Akteure sind, in welcher Konstellation diese stehen und wie sie vernetzt sind. Wenn ein derartiges Policy-Netzwerk auf europäischer Ebene existieren sollte, soll des Weiteren analysiert werden, um was für eine Art von Policy-Netzwerk es sich nach der Policy-Netzwerk-Typologie handelt. Abschließend werden die Implikationen und Effekte dieses Netzwerkes in Hinblick auf faire Zugangsmöglichkeiten, Transparenz und Wirtschaftlichkeit von Public Private Partnerships erörtert.

The main focus of this thesis was to learn about the individual investor and their view of dividends. It set out to investigate whether private investors regard dividends as important (to themselves personally or as a signal of the company's performance) and also how dividends impact upon a company's value. The subject group is one which has been neglected by previous finance research as very little is known about their demographics and investing practices. Five major areas of dividend research were examined. These were: do investors believe that dividends affect the value of the share, how they prefer to obtain their income from shares, the reasons for dividend increases and decreases, whether dividend changes (increases and decreases) occur for different reasons and whether an age clientele effect exists. Most of these problems have been investigated previously by other researchers, but few have used individual investors to analyse these areas. A survey of 280 private investors tested these questions and concluded that private investors believe that dividends do affect the value of a share, dividends were perceived to be a safer form of income (but capital gains is preferred), that dividend increases and decreases occur because of different reasons (mostly related to profitability or liquidity) and that an age clientele does exist. Most significantly, this analysis revealed that investors behave in a way best described by Lintner's view of dividend policy, as they: prefer higher dividends to lower dividends, believe dividends are a safer form of income and believe that dividends affect the value of a share.

The determinants of private investment and the role of government policy in Egypt are analyzed with a focus on the debate over "crowding out" versus "crowding in," the implications of administered interest rates, and the consequences of uncertainty. A theoretical model of investment is developed that integrates the microfoundations of firm decision making with the determinants of investment at the macroeconomic level. The model, which draws on case studies of fifty private firms in Egypt, is characterized by oligopolistic markets, putty-clay technology, credit rationing, and rigidities in the supply of capital goods. Econometric testing of the model uses the recent literature on cointegration and error correction to address the problem of spurious correlations while retaining long run information about the equilibrium relationship between aggregate investment and its determinants. The empirical evidence shows that the investment decision depends on expected profits which are a function of demand, costs and mark ups. The impact of government policy on private capital formation operates through these determinants, such as the positive effects of protection or restrictive licensing on private sector mark ups. Using the model to analyze the oil boom of the 1970s, it is possible to explain the sectoral distribution of private investment, which diverged from the predictions of conventional Dutch disease theory about the consequences of a trade shock. The findings indicate that the sharp rise in the private investment ratio during the 1970s in Egypt stemmed more from the consequences of the foreign exchange windfall on demand, costs, and mark ups than from the effect of fiscal incentives introduced by the state. However, government policy was crucial in determining the structure of incentives in the economy which favoured capital intensive, heavily indebted, import substituting investments in protected sectors. The private sector responded to this incentive structure by concentrating on those activities where economic rents were highest.

Submitted by Marcia Bacha (marcia.bacha@fgv.br) on 2011-03-23T13:23:54Z No. of bitstreams: 1 000050166.pdf: 12044737 bytes, checksum: 0443b8067237d96d5028b31ba1b56845 (MD5)<br>Approved for entry into archive by Marcia Bacha(marcia.bacha@fgv.br) on 2011-03-23T13:24:09Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 000050166.pdf: 12044737 bytes, checksum: 0443b8067237d96d5028b31ba1b56845 (MD5)<br>Made available in DSpace on 2011-03-23T13:24:21Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 000050166.pdf: 12044737 bytes, checksum: 0443b8067237d96d5028b31ba1b56845 (MD5) Previous issue date: 1987-06<br>The questlon of the crowding-out of private !nvestment by public expenditure, public investment in particular , ln the Brazilian economy has been discussed more in ideological terrns than on empirical grounds. The present paper tries to avoid the limitation of previous studies by estlmatlng an equation for private investment whlch makes it possible to evaluate the effect of economic policies on prlvate investment. The private lnvestment equation was deduced modifylng the optimal flexible accelerator medel (OFAM) incorporating some channels through which public expendlture influences privateinvestment. The OFAM consists in adding adjustment costs to the neoclassical theory of investrnent. The investment fuction deduced is quite general and has the following explanatory variables: relative prices (user cost of capitaljimput prices ratios), real interest rates, real product, public expenditures and lagged private stock of capital. The model was estimated for private manufacturing industry data. The procedure adopted in estimating the model was to begin with a model as general as possible and apply restrictions to the model ' s parameters and test their statistical significance. A complete diagnostic testing was also made in order to test the stability of estirnated equations. This procedure avoids ' the shortcomings of estimating a model with a apriori restrictions on its parameters , which may lead to model misspecification. The main findings of the present study were: the increase in public expenditure, at least in the long run, has in general a positive expectation effect on private investment greater than its crowding-out effect on priva te investment owing to the simultaneous rise in interst rates; a change in economlc policy, such as that one of Geisel administration, may have an important effect on private lnvestment; and reI ative prices are relevant in determining the leveI of desired stock of capital and private investrnent.

Orientador: Valeriano Mendes Ferreira Costa<br>Tese (doutorado) ¿ Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas<br>Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-23T07:03:11Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Aguiar_Vilma_D.pdf: 1763077 bytes, checksum: 5d6f20bb4157057211186de1d8768ec2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013<br>Resumo: Esta tese apresenta e desenvolve a hipótese de que nos dezesseis anos decorridos entre o começo do governo de Fernando Henrique Cardoso e o fim do governo Lula (1995-2010), o sistema de educação superior brasileiro sofreu uma mudança estrutural, passando de um sistema de acesso de elite para o de acesso de massa. A partir da perspectiva teórica estabelecida por Martin Trow, apresentada em 1973 e retomada em um artigo de 2005, foi possível ancorar a hipótese adicional de que, nesta passagem, o setor privado assumiu o atendimento preferencial da nova demanda de massa, caracterizado pela ampliação e diversificação do público-alvo da educação superior, mediante a incorporação de estudantes oriundos das camadas mais baixas da estratificação social. O argumento é desenvolvido por meio da análise das políticas públicas para o setor privado adotadas pelos dois governos do período em tela e da descrição e problematização do subsistema privado, a partir de onze dimensões de análise, que permitem enquadrar a atual fase de seu desenvolvimento dentro de um modelo em que se sobressaem sua morfologia, suas formas de atuação, seus interlocutores e atores. Isso representa um deslocamento em relação à maior parte da literatura sobre o campo, na medida em que o setor privado passa a ser um objeto a ser compreendido fora da equação qualidade de ensino e/ou mercantilização da educação. O estudo procura mostrar que a demanda de massa, amparada em políticas públicas favoráveis, transformou o ensino superior privado em um setor econômico altamente concorrencial, com seus corolários de financeirização e oligopolização crescentes<br>Abstract: This dissertation presents and develops the hypothesis that during the sixteen years between the beginning of Fernando Henrique Cardoso administration and the end of Lula administration (1995-2010) Brazilian higher education went through a structural change, moving from a system of elite access into mass access. From the theoretical perspective formulated by Martin Trow in 1973 and resumed in 2005, it was possible to add the hypothesis that, in this change, the private sector took over the preferential supply of the new mass demand. This new demand was characterized by the increase and diversification of the target group of higher education, through the incorporation of students coming from the lower classes. The argument is based on the analysis of public policies directed to the private sector adopted by both administrations in the period, and on the description and discussion of the private subsystem, using eleven analytical dimensions. The use of these dimensions allowed the framing of the current phase of Brazilian higher education development within a model that highlights its morphology, its modus operandi, its interlocutors and actors, etc. This type of analysis represents a change in relation to the most significant part of the literature on the field, insofar as it treats the private sector as an object to be comprehended outside the equation relating quality and/or the commoditization of education. The study seeks to demonstrate that mass demand, supported by favorable public policies, has transformed private higher education into an economic sector marked by high levels of concurrence, with its corollaries of growing financialization and oligopolization<br>Doutorado<br>Ciencias Sociais<br>Doutora em Ciências Sociais