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Relevant bibliographies by topics / Pro-choice movement

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Academic literature on the topic 'Pro-choice movement'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 30 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Pro-choice movement"

1

Tuhus-Dubrow, Rebecca. "Designer Babies and the Pro-Choice Movement." Dissent 54, no. 3 (2007): 37–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/dss.2007.0043.

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Staggenborg, Suzanne. "The Survival of the Pro-Choice Movement." Journal of Policy History 7, no. 1 (1995): 160–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898030600004188.

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The battle over abortion in America is seemingly endless. The longstanding nature of the conflict is due in part to the ability of both the “pro-choice” or abortion rights movement and the “pro-life” or antiabortion countermovement to continue to organize support for many years. The pro-choice movement is particularly remarkable in that it has not only survived for more than twenty-five years, but it has grown stronger since achieving its greatest victory, legalization of abortion in 1973.

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Ivlieva, Ekaterina P. "RIGHTEOUS ANOREXICS. THE PRO-ANOREXIA (PRO-ANA) MOVEMENT AS AN AUDIENCE CULT." Studia Religiosa Rossica: Russian Journal of Religion, no. 4 (2022): 20–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2658-4158-2022-4-20-43.

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The article considers the pro-anorexia (pro-ana) movement an audience cult. The author defines the pro-ana movement as an Internet movement whose members view anorexia nervosa and other eating disorders not as severe mental illnesses, but as a lifestyle choice. The audience cult is a term proposed by sociologists R. Stark and W. S. Bainbridge in the framework of the theory of religious movements. According to Stark and Bainbridge, an audience cult is a community of people who are not bound by a fixed membership, but are united by a set of ideas spread by the media. Adherents of the audience cu

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Avanza, Martina. "Plea for an Emic Approach Towards ‘Ugly Movements’: Lessons from the Divisions within the Italian Pro-Life Movement." Politics and Governance 6, no. 3 (2018): 112–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v6i3.1479.

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Studies of the pro-life movement have invariably been undertaken in relation to the pro-choice movement. The stress on comparison has tended to homogenize the two sides, thus understating their internal differences. This article extends beyond an analysis bounded by a movement―countermovement dichotomy. Based on ethnographic data and on the Italian case, it considers several questions that arise from revealing the intramovement divisions at various levels. First, there are tensions relating to the relationship between orthodoxy and institutionalized politics: how far, if at all, should there b

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Hart, Jane S. De, and Suzanne Staggenborg. "The Pro-Choice Movement: Organization and Activism in the Abortion Conflict." American Historical Review 97, no. 4 (1992): 1310. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2165698.

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Echols, Alice, and Suzanne Staggenborg. "The Pro-Choice Movement: Organization and Activism in the Abortion Conflict." Journal of American History 79, no. 2 (1992): 744. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2080194.

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Staggenborg, Suzanne. "The Consequences of Professionalization and Formalization in the Pro-Choice Movement." American Sociological Review 53, no. 4 (1988): 585. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2095851.

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Quadagno, Jill, and Suzanne Staggenborg. "The Pro-Choice Movement: Organization and Activism in the Abortion Conflict." Social Forces 71, no. 1 (1992): 270. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2580005.

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Kelly, James R., and Suzanne Staggenborg. "The Pro-Choice Movement: Organization and Activism in the Abortion Conflict." Contemporary Sociology 21, no. 4 (1992): 471. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2075860.

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Muszynski, Alicja, and Suzanne Staggenborg. "The Pro-Choice Movement: Organization and Activism in the Abortion Conflict." Canadian Public Policy / Analyse de Politiques 21, no. 1 (1995): 130. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3552056.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Pro-choice movement"

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Sanders, Christina C. E. A. 1962 Cropf Robert A. "The Hyde Amendment : a case study of the pro-life and pro-choice movements' efforts in the United States Congress, 1990-2000 /." SLU electronic book. Click to access, 2004.

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Allen, Mallary. "The Social Construction of Deviance, Activism, and Identity in Women's Accounts of Abortion." OpenSIUC, 2013. https://opensiuc.lib.siu.edu/dissertations/752.

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The mainstream abortion rights debate in the United States, its opposing factions popularly identified as pro-choice and pro-life, is reliant upon identifiable narratives of abortion's value to women and society and, alternately, its harms. This dissertation traces more than one hundred years of evolution of popular rhetoric surrounding the practice of elective termination of pregnancy in the U.S. and identifies the understandings of abortion and the women who have them which are most prominent in our culture today. This dissertation examines the ways in which women who have had abortions invo

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Monthey, Tanya Trangia. ""The Most Difficult Vote": Post-Roe Abortion Politics in Oregon, 1973-2001." PDXScholar, 2019. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4822.

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The abortion debate in the United States has come to split the contemporary electorate among party lines. Since the late 1970s, the Republican Party has taken a stand against abortion and has worked through various routes of legislation to pass restrictions on access to the procedure. Oregon however, provides a different interpretation of this partisan debate. Though Oregon has seen both Republican and Democratic leadership in all houses of state government and pro-life conservative groups have lobbied to restrict the procedure, no abortion restriction has been passed in the state since the Un

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Frederico, Krista Marie. "Open (Adoption) for Business: Opposing Movements and Environmental Opportunity Structures in the Adoption Organizational Field, 1972-2000." BYU ScholarsArchive, 2012. https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/etd/3243.

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Recent directions in organizational studies have demonstrated progressive social movements' ability to generate rewarding enterprises or environmental opportunity structures (EOS) in receptive markets. However, more nuanced opposing movements (Meyer and Staggenborg 1996), such as the pro-choice and pro-life movements, receive far less attention, leaving scholars to postulate that there is much yet to know about the impact of movements other than those with strict progressive orientations (Zald, Morrill, and Rao 2005). To better understand how opposing movements contribute to environmental oppo

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Hallmans, Viktoria. "Yes, to Repeal the Eighth Amendment : How the pro-choice movements organized prior the success in the Irish Referendum 2018." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-374103.

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O'Brien, Emily Jane. "Reclaiming Abortion Politics through Reproductive Justice: The Radical Potential of Abortion Counternarratives in Theory and Practice." Miami University / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami154363378481013.

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Mužíková, Markéta. "Sociální hnutí Pro-choice v Irsku a Švýcarsku." Master's thesis, 2013. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-321937.

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This diploma thesis entitled "Social Pro-choice movement in Ireland and Switzerland" aims to gain insight into Pro-choice organizations as a social movement in the Republic of Ireland and Switzerland. At first I tried to define what I actually mean by term "pro-choice". I also outlined some of the definitions of social movements and theories that deal with social movements and give an insight into their research. The next chapter is already devoted to the Ireland. Here I present a brief history of the republic, political system, economy, language, religion, and especially the history of the ab

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McClean, Anna. "Identity, conflict and radical coalition building: a study of grassroots organizing in Northern Ireland." Master's thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10048/1114.

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Coalitions in Northern Ireland have been organizing across the ethno-nationalist divide for decades. Yet, while empirical research has addressed challenges of, and potential for, organizing across ethnonationalism, the ways in which coalition members attend to their complex subjectivites have been overlooked. Using a critical, constructivist approach to qualitative research, this study of Alliance for Choice Belfast sheds light upon the impacts of attending to / overlooking difference and power dynamics. Data was collected through field research, semi-structured interviews and document analysi

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MarkRostern and 羅馬克. "Abortion-Choice as it is Perceived by Some Influential Sectors within the Pro-choice and Pro-life Movements in Taiwan." Thesis, 2011. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/45024687345786413092.

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Maurer, Anna C. ""Churches in the Vanguard:" Margaret Sanger and the Morality of Birth Control in the 1920s." Thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1805/7908.

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Many religious leaders in the early 1900s were afraid of the immoral associations and repercussions of birth control. The Catholic Church and some Protestants never accepted contraception, or accepted it much later, but many mainline Protestants leaders did change their tune dramatically between the years of 1920 and 1931. This investigation seeks to understand how Margaret Sanger was able to use her rhetoric to move her reform from the leftist outskirts and decadent, sexual connotations into the mainstream of family-friendly, morally virtuous, and even conservative religious approval. Secu

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Books on the topic "Pro-choice movement"

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Religious Coalition for Abortion Rights (U.S.), ed. Words of choice. Religious Coalition for Abortion Rights, 1991.

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Fitzsimmons, Richard. Pro-choice/pro-life: An annotated, selected bibliography (1972-1989). Greenwood Press, 1991.

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3

Crum, Gary. Abortion: Pro-choice or pro-life? American University Press, 1991.

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Kusalik, Telyn. Reproduce freely: A reproductive autonomy zine. Reproduire en liberte : un zine sur l'autonomie reproductrice. the editor, 2009.

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Raedy, Ping. March for women's lives. Raedy Ping, 2004.

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Currie, Stephen. Abortion. Greenhaven Press, 2000.

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Guernsey, JoAnn Bren. Abortion: Understanding the controversy. Learner Publications, 1993.

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Fourest, Caroline. Foi contre choix: La droite religieuse et le mouvement "pro-life" aux Etats-Unis. Editions Golias, 2001.

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Warner, Sharon Oard. Deep in the heart. Dial Press, 2000.

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Warner, Sharon Oard. Deep in the heart. Dial Press, 2000.

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Book chapters on the topic "Pro-choice movement"

1

Zha, Wen. "The New Life Movement in Jiangxi: Weak Threat Perceptions, Pro-minority Institutions, and the Limits of Nationalism." In Individual Choice and State-Led Nationalist Mobilization in China. Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-662-46860-9_3.

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Staggenborg, Suzanne. "The Emergence of the Movement." In The Pro-Choice Movement. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195065961.003.0002.

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Abstract When it began in the 1960s, the movement to legalize abortion “was just a brave tiny army.” There were no large national organizations with professional staffs advocating legal abortion. Nevertheless, a movement did take shape and in 1973 abortion became legal throughout the United States. How did this social movement emerge, and what did it look like before Roe v. Wade?An “insider” model of social movements would predict that the movement arose from within established institutions, with support from elites, or that professional movement organizers engineered the movement. After legalization of abortion, as we shall see, the movement did indeed develop professional leader ship and formalized organizational structures, which played a major role in maintaining the pro-choice movement. But before Roe v. Wade, the movement relied much more on the challenging groups of the 1960s, including the women’s movement, than on the world of established interest groups.

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Staggenborg, Suzanne. "Conclusion." In The Pro-Choice Movement. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195065961.003.0012.

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Abstract The pro-choice movement is a remarkable reform movement that succeeded first in legalizing abortion and later in remaining mobilized to become a significant force in American politics. I have argued that the staying power of the movement is due in large part to its development of formalized organizational structures and professional leadership. At the same time, and in part as a result of these structural changes, the movement managed to maintain a grass-roots presence. An equally important countermovement aroused by the pro-choice movement also aided the mobilization of pro-choice forces even while limiting their ability to bring about changes beyond the legalization of abortion. This chapter examines the implications of this account of the pro-choice movement for more general theories of social movements.

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Staggenborg, Suzanne. "Collective Action Through Established Means." In The Pro-Choice Movement. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195065961.003.0003.

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Abstract The social movements of the 1960s are associated with confrontational direct action tactics. As we shall see in Chapter 4, the movement to legalize abortion was no exception; as the women’s movement spread, feminists took the abortion battle to the streets. But there was also another side to the movement. Much of the early activity on behalf of legal abortion consisted of teas held at churches to dis cuss change in the laws and endless trips to the state legislatures by middle-aged women with long volunteer “careers” (cf. Daniels, 1988). Despite the fact that the word “abortion” could barely be mentioned in public when the movement began, the movement did use conventional channels of influence from the start.

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Staggenborg, Suzanne. "Movement Maintenance and Reorganization." In The Pro-Choice Movement. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195065961.003.0005.

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Abstract Few abortion law repeal supporters had anticipated the sweeping changes in the abortion laws brought about by the January 22, 1973, Supreme Court decision. After a major success like Roe v. Wade, activists in the pro-choice movement might have been expected to savor the victory and fold up shop. Indeed, social scientists (see Luker, 1984:241; Tatalovich and Daynes, 1981:101; Zald and Useem, 1987) and popular commentators alike have made the mistake of assuming that this is in fact what happened. Reconstructions of the history of the abortion conflict have claimed that the pro-choice movement rested on its laurels while the anti-abortion countermovement suddenly mobilized in the wake of Roe v.Wade, and that it was not until the late 1970s (or early 1980s), in response to the shock of countermovement victories, that the pro-choice movement remobilized.

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Staggenborg, Suzanne. "The Reproductive Rights Movement." In The Pro-Choice Movement. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195065961.003.0009.

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Abstract Feminists alarmed by threats to abortion rights in the late 1970s and early 1980s did not want to engage in reactive, single-issue politics. Nor did they want to create formalized movement organizations led by professional leaders. They wanted, instead, to reclaim the offensive and fight for reproductive rights in the tradition of the younger branch of the women’s movement.

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Staggenborg, Suzanne. "Confrontation and Direct Action." In The Pro-Choice Movement. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195065961.003.0004.

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Abstract By 1970, the women’s liberation movement was a national phenomenon. Feminists were attracting media and public attention by staging demonstrations and raising controversial demands. Abortion was a central feminist issue that was dramatized through direct action: In New York in 1969 the feminist Redstockings held “counter-hearings” to protest the biased state legislative hearings on abortion reform. In Detroit in 1970 a “funeral march” was held by women’s liberation activists to protest the deaths of women killed by back-alley abortionists while the legislature debated abortion reform. In Chicago, feminists disrupted the convention of the American Medical Association to protest the AMA’s lack of support for abortion law repeal.

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Staggenborg, Suzanne. "Introduction." In The Pro-Choice Movement. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195065961.003.0001.

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Abstract The conflict over abortion has a long history in American political life. The states were originally guided on the matter of abortion by British common law, which permitted abortion until “quickening,” the point about midway through pregnancy when the woman first perceives fetal movement. Although abortion before quickening was socially acceptable and there was no grass-roots anti-abortion movement before the twentieth century, there was a successful campaign to outlaw abortion in the nineteenth century that was initiated not by religious leaders—as might be expected—but by physicians. The physicians who led this campaign were “regular” doctors motivated in large part by their desire to regulate medicine and to drive out the “irregular” doctors who were most likely to perform abortions.

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Staggenborg, Suzanne. "Single-Issue Politics." In The Pro-Choice Movement. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195065961.003.0008.

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Abstract The tactics of the pro-choice movement had already become increasingly reactive in response to countermovement activities after the legalization of abortion in 1973. This trend continued in the post-Hyde period, but with some important changes. While movement organizations continued to engage in legislative lobbying and litigation, the political arena became the central battlefield of the abortion conflict. The pro-choice movement became increasingly involved in single issue political tactics and more narrowly focused on defending legal abortion than ever before. Countermovement victories dictated pro-choice responses, but they also enabled the movement to obtain far more resources than had been available in earlier periods of the abortion conflict. National pro-choice movement organizations had already started to become more professionalized in their leadership and formalized in structure, and the increased resources accelerated these organizational trends.

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Staggenborg, Suzanne. "The Webster Ruling and Its Aftermath." In The Pro-Choice Movement. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195065961.003.0011.

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Abstract In July 1989 a Supreme Court reconstituted with Reagan appointees upheld important provisions of a Missouri anti-abortion statute in Webster v. Reproductive Health Services. Although the Court did not overturn Roe v. Wade, it allowed the states significant leeway in limiting abortion rights and seemed to invite other challenges that might further dismantle the 1973 Court ruling.’ The Webster decision was a critical event marking the beginning of a new round of intense conflict over abortion in which the state legislative and political arenas would become the primary battlefields.

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Conference papers on the topic "Pro-choice movement"

1

Vicini, Fabio. "GÜLEN’S RETHINKING OF ISLAMIC PATTERN AND ITS SOCIO-POLITICAL EFFECTS." In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/gbfn9600.

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Over recent decades Islamic traditions have emerged in new forms in different parts of the Muslim world, interacting differently with secular and neo-liberal patterns of thought and action. In Turkey Fethullah Gülen’s community has been a powerful player in the national debate about the place of Islam in individual and collective life. Through emphasis on the im- portance of ‘secular education’ and a commitment to the defence of both democratic princi- ples and international human rights, Gülen has diffused a new and appealing version of how a ‘good Muslim’ should act in contemporary society.

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Novotná, Markéta, and Lucie Košťálová. "Důsledky environmentálních postojů pro volbu udržitelného způsobu dopravy." In XXV. mezinárodní kolokvium o regionálních vědách. Masaryk University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/cz.muni.p280-0068-2022-44.

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The transport sector is one of the largest sources of greenhouse gas emissions, making a significant contribution to climate change. As the tourism sector is linked to movement in space and the choice of transport mode, it is also affected by the issue of sustainability. The paper aims to evaluate what factors influence the choice of sustainable transport mode on the way to the destination and determine the importance of environmental attitudes of tourism participants in their decision-making process. Similarly, the connection between sustainable behaviour in the home environment and the willi

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