Relevant bibliographies by topics / Professionalisation of political communication

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers
  6. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'Professionalisation of political communication'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 16 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Professionalisation of political communication"

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Mariño, Miguel Vicente. "Review: The Professionalisation of Political Communication." Media International Australia 126, no. 1 (February 2008): 170–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x0812600128.

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Rafter, Kevin. "Fianna Fáil and the professionalisation of political communication in Ireland." Irish Political Studies 32, no. 1 (December 29, 2016): 141–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07907184.2016.1269756.

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Enli, Gunn. "Twitter as arena for the authentic outsider: exploring the social media campaigns of Trump and Clinton in the 2016 US presidential election." European Journal of Communication 32, no. 1 (February 2017): 50–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0267323116682802.

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In the 2016 US presidential election campaign, social media platforms were increasingly used as direct sources of news, bypassing the editorial media. With the candidates’ millions of followers, Twitter has become a platform for mass communication and the candidate’s main online information channel. Likewise, social media has provided a platform for debating and critiquing the mainstream media by the campaigns and their networks. This article discusses the Twitter strategies of the democratic candidate Hillary Clinton and republican candidate Donald Trump during their US 2016 presidential election campaigns. While the Clinton campaign’s strategy confirms theories regarding the professionalisation of election campaigns, the Trump campaign’s more amateurish yet authentic style in social media points towards de-professionalisation and even amateurism as a counter-trend in political communication.
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Steffan, Dennis, and Niklas Venema. "Personalised, de-ideologised and negative? A longitudinal analysis of campaign posters for German Bundestag elections, 1949–2017." European Journal of Communication 34, no. 3 (February 22, 2019): 267–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0267323119830052.

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Faced with fundamental societal changes such as partisan dealignment and mediatisation, political parties in Germany as well as in other Western democracies professionalise their communication. Drawing on the concept of professionalisation of political communication, the present study investigates changes of campaign posters for German Bundestag elections from 1949 until 2017 with regard to personalisation, de-ideologisation and negative campaigning. By using a quantitative content analysis of visual and textual elements of campaign posters ( N = 1,857) and logistic regression analyses, we found an increase in visual personalisation and in visual ideologisation. However, no upwards trend was detected regarding negative campaigning across the four phases of political campaigning. Moreover, we found no empirical evidence for an increasing textual personalisation or textual de-ideologisation. All in all, the findings of this longitudinal analysis indicate an increasing visualisation of political communication.
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Hájek, Roman. "The Changing Landscape of Local Information Space in the Czech Republic: Consequences for Local Political Communication." Polish Political Science Review 1, no. 1 (December 1, 2013): 4–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ppsr-2015-0001.

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Abstract Due to the emergence of Internet-based media channels the character of local information spaces in the Czech Republic has undergone a remarkable change. Traditionally, dominant information sources: daily newspapers and municipally-owned media have become challenged by a variety of online sources run by groups of active citizens. Based on a systemic analysis of the local media sector and interviews conducted with representatives of local activist groups this paper discusses the consequences of these processes for local political communication. From the activists’ perspective, the new communication environment has significantly influenced the character of the mutual relationship between different participants in local political communication. Trust between journalists and activists: the basis for their cooperative relationship, faces decline, whereas the self-confidence of activists in negotiations with politicians has increased. Online media also allow the activists to break the existing information monopoly and engage citizens in public affairs. These changes have resulted in the professionalisation of communication skills for the activists, who are thus able to become more important participants in political communication.
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Pinto, Pâmela Araujo. "O impacto da comunicação profissional nas paisagens democráticas europeias." Compolítica 2, no. 2 (March 2, 2013): 143–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.21878/compolitica.2012.2.2.34.

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As mudanças no âmbito da Comunicação e da Política na democracia europeia são descritas de modo comparativo e contextualizado historicamente no livro The Professionalisation of Political Communication. São apresentadas as formas de atuação de profissionais de mídia em oito países (Inglaterra, Alemanha, Suécia, Holanda, Itália , Grécia, França e Hungria), sobretudo no período eleitoral, para explorar como o profissionalismo foi introduzido e como atores políticos e midiáticos se relacionavam neste processo transcorrido nas últimas décadas.
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Pinto, Pâmela Araujo. "O impacto da Comunicação Profissional nas paisagens democráticas europeias." Compolítica 2, no. 2 (March 2, 2013): 143. http://dx.doi.org/10.21878/compolitica.2012.2.2.72.

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As mudan&ccedil;as no &acirc;mbito da Comunica&ccedil;&atilde;o e da Pol&iacute;tica na democracia europeia s&atilde;o descritas de modo comparativo e contextualizado historicamente no livro <em>The Professionalisation of Political Communication</em>. S&atilde;o apresentadas as formas de atua&ccedil;&atilde;o de profissionais de m&iacute;dia em oito pa&iacute;ses (Inglaterra, Alemanha, Su&eacute;cia, Holanda, It&aacute;lia , Gr&eacute;cia, Fran&ccedil;a e Hungria), sobretudo no per&iacute;odo eleitoral, para explorar como o profissionalismo foi introduzido e como atores pol&iacute;ticos e midi&aacute;ticos se relacionavam neste processo transcorrido nas &uacute;ltimas d&eacute;cadas.
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Hardy, Jonathan. "UK Television Policy and Regulation, 2000–10." Journal of British Cinema and Television 9, no. 4 (October 2012): 521–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/jbctv.2012.0104.

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Between 2000 and 2010, new institutional arrangements were created for UK broadcasting regulation, built upon a radical rethinking of communications policy. This article examines key changes arising from Labour's media policy, the Communications Act 2003 and the work of Ofcom. It argues that changes within broadcasting were less radical than the accompanying rhetoric, and that contradictory tendencies set limits to dominant trends of marketisation and liberalisation. The article explores these tendencies by reviewing the key broadcasting policy issues of the decade including policies on the BBC, commercial public service and commercial broadcasting, spectrum and digital switchover, and new digital services. It assesses changes in the structural regulation of media ownership, the shift towards behavioural competition regulation, and the regulation of media content and commercial communications. In doing so, it explores policy rationales and arguments, and examines tensions and contradictions in the promotion of marketisation, the discourses of market failure, political interventions, and the professionalisation of policy-making.
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Jackson, Daniel, and Kevin Moloney. "‘Uneasy lies the head that wears a crown’. A qualitative study of ethical PR practice in the United Kingdom." Public Relations Inquiry 8, no. 1 (January 2019): 87–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2046147x18810732.

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The dynamics of ethical behaviour has long been a preoccupation of the Public Relations (PR) field, yet in the United Kingdom, there are few empirical studies of ethical practice to date. In this article – through interviews with 22 UK Public Relations practitioners (PRPs) in small and medium-sized enterprises – we address this empirical gap. We examine three dimensions of ethical practice: societal responsibilities, truth-telling and the role of professional bodies. In the literature, the PRP is often positioned as the ethical conscience of the corporation, but in Shakespeare’s words, ‘uneasy lies the head that wears a crown’. Our findings reveal a range of ethical standards, some of which would make professional bodies blush. Many PRPs aspire towards an ethical counsel role but lack agency in the face of commercial and organisational forces. Rather than challenge such forces and the system they are part of, participants talked of coping strategies. At the same time, practitioners flow between ethical identities, painting a fluid, complex and occasionally contradictory picture of ethical practice that does not fall neatly into ethical metanarratives. While deontological ethical frameworks (typically expressed through codes of conduct) have dominated the professional field, our findings suggest that for many practitioners, such codes remain distant. Findings are discussed within ongoing debates around professionalisation, professional identity and the political economy of PR work.
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Humble, Darryl. "Recasting professionalisation: Understanding self-legitimating professionalisation as a precursor to neoliberal professionalisation." Geoforum 106 (November 2019): 135–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.geoforum.2019.07.023.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Professionalisation of political communication"

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Johansson, Simon. "May I Interest You in a Freshly Brewed Presidential Candidate? : An Analysis of Presidential Campaign Television Advertisements in the United States, 1952-2016." Thesis, Högskolan för lärande och kommunikation, Högskolan i Jönköping, HLK, Medie- och kommunikationsvetenskap, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-36220.

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This study aims to shed light on the relationship between the commercial advertising model AIDA (Awareness/Attention, Interest, Desire, Action) and political television advertising, with a historical perspective being of extra interest. In order to do so, the study made use of theories concerning the AIDA-model, representation, rhetoric (with focus on ethos, pathos, and logos), and the professionalisation of political communication. The methodology involved qualitative analyses of 18 official political campaign advertisements from nine United States presidential elections between the years 1952-2016. One issue-ad from each candidate (Republicans and Democrats only) from every other election was strategically chosen for examination. Each advertisement was then analysed both as it relates to its rhetorical content as well as its structure with the defined four stages of the AIDA-model in mind, with any potential patterns between the rhetoric and the structure being taken into account. The results of the study suggest that while the AIDA-model can be recognised in political television advertisements in the United States since the inception in the 1950s, the advertisements from the post-modern phase of the professionalisation of political communication (1985-) seem to place more emphasis, compared to the modern phase (1950s-1985), on the desire stage of the AIDA-model. Furthermore, no distinct differences could be found between the parties from a pure rhetorical and structural standpoint, and both appear to be on practically identical evolutionary paths. An explanation to this could be the escalating reliance on hiring independent experts and specialist to manage the various areas involved with running a political campaign, which is a characteristic of the ever-increasingly professional environment of political communication.
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De, Perini Pietro. "From inception to professionalisation : the evolution of intercultural dialogue in EU Mediterranean policies (1990-2014)." Thesis, City, University of London, 2016. http://openaccess.city.ac.uk/16951/.

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This thesis investigates the promotion of intercultural dialogue (ICD) in the framework of EU external action on the Mediterranean between 1990 and 2014. ICD is understood as a cultural foreign policy instrument that the EU has promoted in a changing, vague and contradictory manner to engage the civil societies of Europe and of the Mediterranean into a common effort to attenuate the tensions that derive from the socio-cultural divergences among the people and governments of this whole area. With the goal of shedding light on this obscure aspect of EU policy-making in the Mediterranean, this thesis aims primarily to analyse why the approach of the EU to ICD has changed during the time frame in reference, and how the EU has modified the formulation, implementation and role of this policy instrument. Guided by the conceptual lens of Foreign Policy Analysis (FPA), the research examines ICD within a broader analysis of the evolution of EU foreign policy in the area. It argues that the EU commitment to advance ICD within its Mediterranean policies can be divided into three distinct phases: a ‘phase of emergence’ (1990-2001), a ‘phase of consolidation’ (2001-2010) and a ‘phase of professionalisation’ (2010-2014). The main factor that shaped this three-phase evolution is identified in how EU policy-makers assessed the potential contribution of ICD to address the changing socio-cultural divide in the Euro-Mediterranean space following three major events: a) the conclusion of the Cold War in 1990; b) the terror attacks of 9/11 2001; and c) the outbreak of the Arab uprisings in December 2010.
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Loblaw, Timothy J. "A political economy of TVET professionalisation : a case study of chefs at a Canadian polytechnic." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2018. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/55341/.

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This thesis focuses on a political economy analysis of the relationship between the professional identity and professional development practices of instructors in the postsecondary educational sector of technical and vocational education and training (TVET). My study brings together the concept of the dual-professional identity of postsecondary TVET instructors, the practice of professional development in TVET, and a political economy approach. The research methods adapted for this postgraduate research study were from a qualitative perspective using a case study approach. The case study involved eight culinary instructors, the supervisor of the professional cooking programme, and the director of the hospitality and culinary careers school at a postsecondary polytechnic in Canada, selected using a non-probability sampling technique. My research explored what a political economy analysis would reveal about the relationship between the professional identity and the professional development practices of the culinary instructors/chefs. Throughout this thesis, I use the term, TVET professionalisation, to denote this relationship This case study contributes to knowledge and the TVET community in three intersecting ways. Its first contribution is in context - the research took place in the Canadian postsecondary TVET sector, for purposes of analysing the professional identity/professional development relationship in consideration of the historical, structural, and socio-cultural contexts of the institution. The case study's second contribution is in extending the literature of the political economy of skills. The findings demonstrate that analysing the professionalisation of the TVET culinary instructors, in consideration of the inter-relationship among the cultural, economic, political, and social contexts of the TVET system, is a suitable extension of the literature on the political economy of skills. From another perspective, the study also adds to the literature on the professionalisation of TVET instructors by considering professionalisation as an extension of the TVET workforce development imperative, which I note in this study as the discourse promoting employability and the axiomatic assumptions of TVET as 'training-for-growth' and 'skills-for work' (Anderson 2008). Thus, the study contributes to wider debates about the applicability of a political economy analysis beyond skill formation systems. Lastly, the case study contributes a conceptual framework for TVET professionalisation by interpreting the relationship between TVET professional identity and professional development through a political economy lens. The findings demonstrate that both the professional identity and the professional development practices of the culinary instructors in the case study were shaped by various contextual factors within the field of practice: namely, the instructor's personal history and sense of agency, the socio-cultural conventions of the culinary trade under investigation, the social and structural setting of the postsecondary TVET institution, and the workforce development imperative of TVET. The conceptual framework for TVET professionalisation also contributes another perspective toward the dual-professional identity of TVET instructors. Dual-professional identity formation within this study, and drawing upon the language of the research participants, refers to the process where the 'recipe' for the chefs' base identity was written in the professional trade of culinary arts. Once they joined the polytechnic, though, the chefs used the institution as 'stage' to 'go beyond the recipe' and elevate their identities by adding the ingredient of 'becoming an educator'. Based on an interpretation of the case study's findings, through a political economy lens of analysis, I suggest that the 'skilled-educator' identity of the culinary instructors is bound by the structural and socio-economic contexts of the postsecondary polytechnic, whereas the 'skilled-tradesperson' identity of the culinary instructors reflects the historical and socio-cultural contexts of the instructors' lived experience as chefs. Further, I posit that each instructor's perception of meaningful professional development reflects the individual's personal sense of agency; what constitutes both a personal and shared sense of legitimacy concerning the value of professional development; and, an allegiance to one of the dual-professional identities over the other.
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Simenti-Phiri, Easton D. "Political marketing and professionalisation of campaigns : a factors and perceptions investigation (Malawi and South Africa)." Thesis, University of Chester, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10034/617677.

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This thesis investigates the nature of political marketing practice and identifies factors affecting adoption and utilisation of political marketing and professionalisation of campaigns in a Southern African context. It applies Sriramesh and Vercic (2009) framework to the study of political marketing in emerging international markets, Malawi and South Africa, two countries in Southern Afric Development Community (SADC). These countries share in common their geographical, cultural and democratic foci, but differ in terms of economic and media development.
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Mayiga, John Bosco. "A study of professionalism and the professionalisation of journalists in Uganda from 1995 to 2008." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002916.

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This study seeks to examine how Ugandan journalists’ and politicians’ views on journalism professionalisation in Uganda relate to the broad theoretical arguments about professionalism within sociology and media studies. It also seeks to examine how such views impact on the democratic role of the media. The study finds out that there are two sets of distinct ideas on journalism professionalisation. The idea espoused by politicians is statutory professionalisation in which the state plays a major role through regulation and control, hence professionalisation is seen primarily as a control system. On the other hand, journalists perceive professionalisation as nurtured by voluntarily and socially inculcated professional values, hence as a value system. The study however, finds that both sets of understandings have their own complexities. While the statutory approach has complexities like how core elements of professionalism such as professional values can be imposed through legislation, the voluntary approach to professionalism also exhibits tensions within, especially stemming from the relationship between the professional and the news organisation regarding what constitutes professionalism. The study concludes that both sets of ideas have implications for the democratic role of the media, with both perceptions of professionalism curtailing this role. Statutory professionalisation in the Ugandan political context where the state is the dominant institution brings media institutions within its control, which leads to suppression of content of democratic value through a number of means. On the other hand, the self-regulatory perception does not protect media professionalism from the assault of commercial imperatives, especially when fused with state patronage in regard to broadcasting licences and placement of advertising.
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Flynn, Gemma. "Political communication of crime." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/20456.

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This thesis seeks to develop our understanding of the contemporary crime communication landscape. While this landscape is considered in its constituent parts, including specific features of current British politics, the evolving media sphere and the voice of the public, this thesis argues for a conceptualization of this realm that grasps its fluid and dynamic character. Original research is conducted through case studies of the 2010 UK General Election, the Phone Hacking Scandal and the 2011 Riots. Discourse analysis is employed in order to enhance our awareness of supralinguistic behaviour and of the play of power in the construction of crime narratives. This is contrasted with influential current accounts of ‘populism’ which, it is argued here, tend to be unduly deterministic and to err towards the dystopian. The research suggests that structural shifts in the media landscape, specifically the recent ubiquity of new media coinciding with an undermining of the singular tabloid narrative, have enabled a redistribution of power in the symbolic construction of crime which can make it harder for political actors to capture the crime question for populist purposes. Furthermore, this shift has empowered the public voice and has infused political debate with a chaotic plurality of views. Nevertheless, the symbolic weight of crime issues remains prominent in this landscape and Randall Collins’ Interaction Ritual Chains (2004) is employed to add a microsociological picture of the escalation from small scale narrative to broad righteous anger. This requires an adaptation of this model to address interactions that occur outside the context of physical co-presence. Such perspectives on the plurality of mediated communication today both broaden and update our grasp of the political communication of crime and in so doing argue for a degree of optimism concerning the scope for democratic debate about criminal justice issues.
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PFAU, MICHAEL WALTON. "INOCULATION IN POLITICAL CAMPAIGN COMMUNICATION." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/184179.

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This study examined attack and inoculation message strategies in political campaign communication. A total of 341 initial and followup treatment interviews and 392 control interviews were completed among potential voters in a U.S. Senate campaign during October 1986. The study hypothesized that character attack messages directed to supporters of opposing candidates exert more influence than issue attack messages. This prediction was not supported. Contrary to prediction, the results indicated that, during the latter stages of a political campaign featuring known candidates, issue attack messages exert more persuasive impact than character attack messages. However, the primary purpose of this investigation was to apply McGuire's inoculation theory to political campaign communication. The study hypothesized that political campaign messages can be designed to inoculate supporters of candidates against the subsequent attack messages of opposing candidates. This prediction was supported. In addition, the results supported the hypothesis that inoculation confers more resistance to subsequent attack messages among strong political party identifiers as opposed to weak identifiers, nonidentifiers and crossovers. Contrary to prediction, however, the study found that inoculation confers more resistance among Democrat party loyalists as opposed to Republican party loyalists. The results of this investigation extend the scope of inoculation theory to new domain, and at the same time, suggest a new strategic approach for candidates in political campaigns.
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Wright, Alan. "The idea of political communication." Thesis, University of Southampton, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.252700.

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Ramsey, Reed. "Affect and Political Satire: How Political TV Satire Implicates Internal Political Efficacy and Political Participation." Scholarly Commons, 2018. https://scholarlycommons.pacific.edu/uop_etds/3134.

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Research has shown that political satire programs offer both important information about contemporary politics and offer very humorous, entertaining content. This study seeks to understand how these satire programs bolster both internal political efficacy and political participation. 400 college students at two Northern California universities participated in this research. The study found that affinity for political humor can predict levels of internal political efficacy. Exposure to liberal satire was negatively correlated with affinity for political humor and political participation, and exposure to conservative satire was significantly correlated with internal political efficacy. Internal political efficacy was also positively correlated with political participation. Lastly, there was significant difference between Democrats and Republicans in terms of their exposure to political TV satire.
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Long, Jacob Andrew. "Time Dynamics and Stability of Political Identity and Political Communication." The Ohio State University, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1595519865595447.

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Books on the topic "Professionalisation of political communication"

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Political communication. San Diego: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1990.

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Savigny, Heather. Political Communication. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-01139-8.

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Seib, Philip. Political Communication. 1 Oliver's Yard, 55 City Road, London EC1Y 1SP United Kingdom: SAGE Publications Ltd, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.4135/9781446262863.

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Demasi, Mirko A., Shani Burke, and Cristian Tileagă, eds. Political Communication. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-60223-9.

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Watts, Duncan. Political communication today. Manchester: New York, 1997.

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Veneti, Anastasia, Daniel Jackson, and Darren G. Lilleker, eds. Visual Political Communication. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-18729-3.

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Giansante, Gianluca. Online Political Communication. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-17617-8.

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Powell, Larry, and Joseph Cowart. Political Campaign Communication. Third edition. | New York : Routledge, 2018. | “First edition published 2003 by Pearson Education, Inc.”—T.p. verso. | “Second edition published 2013 by Pearson Education, Inc.”—T.p. verso.: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315265049.

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Gastil, John. Political communication and deliberation. Thousand Oaks, Calif: SAGE Publications, 2008.

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Ali, Ahaduzzaman M. Communication and political socialization. Dhaka: University of Dhaka, 1997.

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Book chapters on the topic "Professionalisation of political communication"

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Davies, Sarah R., and Maja Horst. "The Changing Nature of Science Communication: Diversification, Education and Professionalisation." In Science Communication, 79–101. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-50366-4_4.

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Hague, Rod, and Martin Harrop. "Political communication." In Comparative Government and Politics, 111–29. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-31786-5_7.

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Mazzoleni, Gianpietro, and Cristopher Cepernich. "Political Communication." In The SAGE Handbook of Political Science, 602–18. 1 Oliver's Yard, 55 City Road London EC1Y 1SP: SAGE Publications Ltd, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4135/9781529714333.n39.

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Gervais, Bryan T. "Political Communication." In Global Encyclopedia of Public Administration, Public Policy, and Governance, 1–9. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-31816-5_2531-1.

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Powell, Larry, and Joseph Cowart. "Political Communication." In Political Campaign Communication, 5–25. Third edition. | New York : Routledge, 2018. | “First edition published 2003 by Pearson Education, Inc.”—T.p. verso. | “Second edition published 2013 by Pearson Education, Inc.”—T.p. verso.: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315265049-2.

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Hague, Rod, Martin Harrop, and John McCormick. "Political Communication." In Comparative Government and Politics, 233–50. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-52838-4_14.

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Pejovic, Milica. "Political Communication." In The Palgrave Encyclopedia of Global Security Studies, 1–5. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-74336-3_265-1.

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Gervais, Bryan T. "Political Communication." In Global Encyclopedia of Public Administration, Public Policy, and Governance, 4660–69. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-20928-9_2531.

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Beger, Rudolf. "Political Communication." In Present-Day Corporate Communication, 405–24. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-0402-6_6.

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Valle Rojas, Carlos Del. "Political Communication." In The Routledge Handbook to the Political Economy and Governance of the Americas, 458–62. Abingdon, Oxon; New York, NY: Routledge, 2020.: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781351138444-45.

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Conference papers on the topic "Professionalisation of political communication"

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Tameryan, Tatiana. "Multichannel South Ossetian Political Communication." In SCTCMG 2019 - Social and Cultural Transformations in the Context of Modern Globalism. Cognitive-Crcs, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.15405/epsbs.2019.12.04.407.

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McDonald, Samantha, Bonnie Nardi, and Bill Tomlinson. "Political Realities of Digital Communication." In LIMITS '17: Workshop on Computing Within Limits. New York, NY, USA: ACM, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/3080556.3080565.

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Slamet, Adiyana, and Dadang Rahmat Hidayat. "Political Communication Chairman Of West Java Parliament : Political Identity Of Sundanese Woman As Political Symbols." In Proceedings of the International Conference on Business, Economic, Social Science and Humanities (ICOBEST 2018). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icobest-18.2018.51.

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Huang, Lu, Rongfang Cao, and Xinyu Wu. "Two Cases of Sports Political Communication." In 2011 International Conference on Intelligence Science and Information Engineering (ISIE). IEEE, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/isie.2011.87.

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Maela, Nurannafi Farni Syam, Funny Mustika Elita, Edwin Rijal, and Slamet Mulyana. "Political Communication Competence of Women Legislators." In International Conference of Communication Science Research (ICCSR 2018). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/iccsr-18.2018.93.

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Zuborova, Viera. "BUZZWORDS ON LOCAL POLICY? POLITICAL COMMUNICATION AND POLITICAL DISCOURSES OF NATIONAL POLITICS." In 2nd International Multidisciplinary Scientific Conference on Social Sciences and Arts SGEM2015. Stef92 Technology, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2015/b21/s4.004.

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Meng, Gao, and Chen Bing. "Challenges and Countermeasures of E-Political Communication." In 2010 International Conference on E-Business and E-Government (ICEE). IEEE, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/icee.2010.951.

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Maruyama, Misa, Daniel D. Suthers, and Scott P. Robertson. "Characterizing Communication Networks Associated with Political Hashtags." In 2014 47th Hawaii International Conference on System Sciences (HICSS). IEEE, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/hicss.2014.199.

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Muhardi, Muhardi, and Cici Cintyawati. "Political Communication and Economy: Grassroots Community Perspectives." In International Conference on Media and Communication Studies(ICOMACS 2018). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icomacs-18.2018.58.

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Rahmat Hidayat, Dadang, and Wahyuni Choiriyati. "Political Economy of Communication Policy in Indonesia." In International Conference on Ethics in Governance (ICONEG 2016). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/iconeg-16.2017.69.

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Reports on the topic "Professionalisation of political communication"

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Pilgun, M., and G. Gradoselskaya. Political Communication on Facebook: Russian Сase. Revista Latina de Comunicación Social, November 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.4185/rlcs-2015-1068en.

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Orjuela, Sandra. Comunicación Política en Latinoamérica - Political Communication in Latin America. Revista Internacional de Relaciones Públicas, June 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.5783/rirp-1-2011-11-165-167.

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Kim, Jihie, and Jaebong Yoo. Role of Sentiment in Message Propagation: Reply vs. Retweet Behavior in Political Communication. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, January 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada602819.

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Rodríguez-Estrada, A., JA Meyer, and M. Echeverría Victoria. Center-periphery tension in the production of the political communication field. The Mexican case. Revista Latina de Comunicación Social, April 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4185/rlcs-2017-1174en.

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González Martín, Olga Rosa, Hilda Saladrigas Medina, Sonia Almazán del Olmo, and Jacinto Valdés-Dapena Vivanco. The Social Theory of Communication: its viability to study the relationship between the political and the public communication systems in the USA. Revista Latina de Comunicación Social, January 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.4185/rlcs-2014-1001en.

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Ertanowska, Delfina. MEMES AS A MEANS OF COMMUNICATION AND MANIPULATION. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, February 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2021.49.11073.

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The article considers memes as a short form of internet statement. Memes was discussed as a successor to the primary interpersonal communication in the form of rock drawings, pictures, pictograms, and hieroglyphs. In addition, the issue of memes as a tool of media and political manipulation has been described. Areas of discussion also include paid trolling and specialized media services to build a modern political campaign through memes. The use of memes as a political marketing tool was discussed.
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Ruiz del Olmo, FJ, and J. Bustos Díaz. From tweet to photography, the evolution of political communication on Twitter to images. The case of the debate on the State of the Nation in Spain (2015). Revista Latina de Comunicación Social, January 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4185/rlcs-2016-1086en.

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Názaro, Andrea, Fabrizio Crozzoli, and Alejandro Álvarez-Nobell. Comunicación política digital en Instagram. Los casos de Cristina Fernández de Kirchner y Mauricio Macri en Argentina / Digital political communication on Instagram. The cases of Cristina Fernández de Kirchner and Mauricio Macri in Argentina. Revista Internacional de Relaciones Publicas, December 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5783/rirp-18-2019-02-05-28.

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Bano, Masooda, and Zeena Oberoi. Embedding Innovation in State Systems: Lessons from Pratham in India. Research on Improving Systems of Education (RISE), December 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-rise-wp_2020/058.

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The learning crisis in many developing countries has led to searches for innovative teaching models. Adoption of innovation, however, disrupts routine and breaks institutional inertia, requiring government employees to change their way of working. Introducing and embedding innovative methods for improving learning outcomes within state institutions is thus a major challenge. For NGO-led innovation to have largescale impact, we need to understand: (1) what factors facilitate its adoption by senior bureaucracy and political elites; and (2) how to incentivise district-level field staff and school principals and teachers, who have to change their ways of working, to implement the innovation? This paper presents an ethnographic study of Pratham, one of the most influential NGOs in the domain of education in India today, which has attracted growing attention for introducing an innovative teaching methodology— Teaching at the Right Level (TaRL) – with evidence of improved learning outcomes among primary-school students and adoption by a number of states in India. The case study suggests that while a combination of factors, including evidence of success, ease of method, the presence of a committed bureaucrat, and political opportunity are key to state adoption of an innovation, exposure to ground realities, hand holding and confidence building, informal interactions, provision of new teaching resources, and using existing lines of communication are core to ensuring the co-operation of those responsible for actual implementation. The Pratham case, however, also confirms existing concerns that even when NGO-led innovations are successfully implemented at a large scale, their replication across the state and their sustainability remain a challenge. Embedding good practice takes time; the political commitment leading to adoption of an innovation is often, however, tied to an immediate political opportunity being exploited by the political elites. Thus, when political opportunity rather than a genuine political will creates space for adoption of an innovation, state support for that innovation fades away before the new ways of working can replace the old habits. In contexts where states lack political will to improve learning outcomes, NGOs can only hope to make systematic change in state systems if, as in the case of Pratham, they operate as semi-social movements with large cadres of volunteers. The network of volunteers enables them to slow down and pick up again in response to changing political contexts, instead of quitting when state actors withdraw. Involving the community itself does not automatically lead to greater political accountability. Time-bound donor-funded NGO projects aiming to introduce innovation, however large in scale, simply cannot succeed in bringing about systematic change, because embedding change in state institutions lacking political will requires years of sustained engagement.
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Hotsur, Oksana. SOCIAL NETWORKS AND BLOGS AS TOOLS PR-CAMPAIGN IMPLEMENTATIONS. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, March 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2021.50.11110.

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The article deals with the ways in which social networks and the blogosphere influence the formation and implementation of a PR campaign. Examples from the political sphere (election campaigns, initiatives), business (TV brands, traditional and online media) have revealed the opportunities that Facebook, Telegram, Twitter, YouTube and blogs promote in promoting advertising, ideas, campaigns, thoughts, or products. Author blogs created on special websites or online media may not be as much of a tool in PR as an additional tool on social media. It is noted that choosing a blog as the main tool of PR campaign has both positive and negative points. Social networks intervene in the sphere of human life, become a means of communication, promotion, branding. The effectiveness of social networks has been evidenced by such historically significant events as Brexit, the Arab Spring, and the Revolution of Dignity. Special attention was paid to the 2019 presidential election. Based on the analysis of individual PR campaigns, the reasons for successful and unsuccessful campaigns from the point of view of network communication, which provide unlimited multimedia and interactive tools for PR, are highlighted. In fact, these concepts significantly affect the effectiveness of the implementation of PR-campaign, its final effectiveness, which is determined by the achievement of goals. Attention is drawn to the culture of communication during the PR campaign, as well as the concepts of “trolls”, “trolling”, “bots”, “botoin industry”. The social communication component of these concepts is unconditional. Choosing a blog as the main tool of a marketing campaign has both positive and negative aspects. Only a person with great creative potential can run and create a blog. In addition, it takes a long time. In fact, these two points are losing compared to other internet marketing tools. Further research is interesting in two respects. First, a comparison of the dynamics of the effectiveness of PR-campaign tools in Ukraine in 2020 and in the past, in particular, at the dawn of state independence. Secondly, to investigate how/or the concept of PR-campaigns in social networks and blogs is constantly changing.
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