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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Professionalisation of political communication'
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Johansson, Simon. "May I Interest You in a Freshly Brewed Presidential Candidate? : An Analysis of Presidential Campaign Television Advertisements in the United States, 1952-2016." Thesis, Högskolan för lärande och kommunikation, Högskolan i Jönköping, HLK, Medie- och kommunikationsvetenskap, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-36220.
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This study aims to shed light on the relationship between the commercial advertising model AIDA (Awareness/Attention, Interest, Desire, Action) and political television advertising, with a historical perspective being of extra interest. In order to do so, the study made use of theories concerning the AIDA-model, representation, rhetoric (with focus on ethos, pathos, and logos), and the professionalisation of political communication. The methodology involved qualitative analyses of 18 official political campaign advertisements from nine United States presidential elections between the years 1952-2016. One issue-ad from each candidate (Republicans and Democrats only) from every other election was strategically chosen for examination. Each advertisement was then analysed both as it relates to its rhetorical content as well as its structure with the defined four stages of the AIDA-model in mind, with any potential patterns between the rhetoric and the structure being taken into account. The results of the study suggest that while the AIDA-model can be recognised in political television advertisements in the United States since the inception in the 1950s, the advertisements from the post-modern phase of the professionalisation of political communication (1985-) seem to place more emphasis, compared to the modern phase (1950s-1985), on the desire stage of the AIDA-model. Furthermore, no distinct differences could be found between the parties from a pure rhetorical and structural standpoint, and both appear to be on practically identical evolutionary paths. An explanation to this could be the escalating reliance on hiring independent experts and specialist to manage the various areas involved with running a political campaign, which is a characteristic of the ever-increasingly professional environment of political communication.
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De, Perini Pietro. "From inception to professionalisation : the evolution of intercultural dialogue in EU Mediterranean policies (1990-2014)." Thesis, City, University of London, 2016. http://openaccess.city.ac.uk/16951/.
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This thesis investigates the promotion of intercultural dialogue (ICD) in the framework of EU external action on the Mediterranean between 1990 and 2014. ICD is understood as a cultural foreign policy instrument that the EU has promoted in a changing, vague and contradictory manner to engage the civil societies of Europe and of the Mediterranean into a common effort to attenuate the tensions that derive from the socio-cultural divergences among the people and governments of this whole area. With the goal of shedding light on this obscure aspect of EU policy-making in the Mediterranean, this thesis aims primarily to analyse why the approach of the EU to ICD has changed during the time frame in reference, and how the EU has modified the formulation, implementation and role of this policy instrument. Guided by the conceptual lens of Foreign Policy Analysis (FPA), the research examines ICD within a broader analysis of the evolution of EU foreign policy in the area. It argues that the EU commitment to advance ICD within its Mediterranean policies can be divided into three distinct phases: a ‘phase of emergence’ (1990-2001), a ‘phase of consolidation’ (2001-2010) and a ‘phase of professionalisation’ (2010-2014). The main factor that shaped this three-phase evolution is identified in how EU policy-makers assessed the potential contribution of ICD to address the changing socio-cultural divide in the Euro-Mediterranean space following three major events: a) the conclusion of the Cold War in 1990; b) the terror attacks of 9/11 2001; and c) the outbreak of the Arab uprisings in December 2010.
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Loblaw, Timothy J. "A political economy of TVET professionalisation : a case study of chefs at a Canadian polytechnic." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2018. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/55341/.
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This thesis focuses on a political economy analysis of the relationship between the professional identity and professional development practices of instructors in the postsecondary educational sector of technical and vocational education and training (TVET). My study brings together the concept of the dual-professional identity of postsecondary TVET instructors, the practice of professional development in TVET, and a political economy approach. The research methods adapted for this postgraduate research study were from a qualitative perspective using a case study approach. The case study involved eight culinary instructors, the supervisor of the professional cooking programme, and the director of the hospitality and culinary careers school at a postsecondary polytechnic in Canada, selected using a non-probability sampling technique. My research explored what a political economy analysis would reveal about the relationship between the professional identity and the professional development practices of the culinary instructors/chefs. Throughout this thesis, I use the term, TVET professionalisation, to denote this relationship This case study contributes to knowledge and the TVET community in three intersecting ways. Its first contribution is in context - the research took place in the Canadian postsecondary TVET sector, for purposes of analysing the professional identity/professional development relationship in consideration of the historical, structural, and socio-cultural contexts of the institution. The case study's second contribution is in extending the literature of the political economy of skills. The findings demonstrate that analysing the professionalisation of the TVET culinary instructors, in consideration of the inter-relationship among the cultural, economic, political, and social contexts of the TVET system, is a suitable extension of the literature on the political economy of skills. From another perspective, the study also adds to the literature on the professionalisation of TVET instructors by considering professionalisation as an extension of the TVET workforce development imperative, which I note in this study as the discourse promoting employability and the axiomatic assumptions of TVET as 'training-for-growth' and 'skills-for work' (Anderson 2008). Thus, the study contributes to wider debates about the applicability of a political economy analysis beyond skill formation systems. Lastly, the case study contributes a conceptual framework for TVET professionalisation by interpreting the relationship between TVET professional identity and professional development through a political economy lens. The findings demonstrate that both the professional identity and the professional development practices of the culinary instructors in the case study were shaped by various contextual factors within the field of practice: namely, the instructor's personal history and sense of agency, the socio-cultural conventions of the culinary trade under investigation, the social and structural setting of the postsecondary TVET institution, and the workforce development imperative of TVET. The conceptual framework for TVET professionalisation also contributes another perspective toward the dual-professional identity of TVET instructors. Dual-professional identity formation within this study, and drawing upon the language of the research participants, refers to the process where the 'recipe' for the chefs' base identity was written in the professional trade of culinary arts. Once they joined the polytechnic, though, the chefs used the institution as 'stage' to 'go beyond the recipe' and elevate their identities by adding the ingredient of 'becoming an educator'. Based on an interpretation of the case study's findings, through a political economy lens of analysis, I suggest that the 'skilled-educator' identity of the culinary instructors is bound by the structural and socio-economic contexts of the postsecondary polytechnic, whereas the 'skilled-tradesperson' identity of the culinary instructors reflects the historical and socio-cultural contexts of the instructors' lived experience as chefs. Further, I posit that each instructor's perception of meaningful professional development reflects the individual's personal sense of agency; what constitutes both a personal and shared sense of legitimacy concerning the value of professional development; and, an allegiance to one of the dual-professional identities over the other.
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Simenti-Phiri, Easton D. "Political marketing and professionalisation of campaigns : a factors and perceptions investigation (Malawi and South Africa)." Thesis, University of Chester, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10034/617677.
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This thesis investigates the nature of political marketing practice and identifies factors affecting adoption and utilisation of political marketing and professionalisation of campaigns in a Southern African context. It applies Sriramesh and Vercic (2009) framework to the study of political marketing in emerging international markets, Malawi and South Africa, two countries in Southern Afric Development Community (SADC). These countries share in common their geographical, cultural and democratic foci, but differ in terms of economic and media development.
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Mayiga, John Bosco. "A study of professionalism and the professionalisation of journalists in Uganda from 1995 to 2008." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002916.
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This study seeks to examine how Ugandan journalists’ and politicians’ views on journalism professionalisation in Uganda relate to the broad theoretical arguments about professionalism within sociology and media studies. It also seeks to examine how such views impact on the democratic role of the media. The study finds out that there are two sets of distinct ideas on journalism professionalisation. The idea espoused by politicians is statutory professionalisation in which the state plays a major role through regulation and control, hence professionalisation is seen primarily as a control system. On the other hand, journalists perceive professionalisation as nurtured by voluntarily and socially inculcated professional values, hence as a value system. The study however, finds that both sets of understandings have their own complexities. While the statutory approach has complexities like how core elements of professionalism such as professional values can be imposed through legislation, the voluntary approach to professionalism also exhibits tensions within, especially stemming from the relationship between the professional and the news organisation regarding what constitutes professionalism. The study concludes that both sets of ideas have implications for the democratic role of the media, with both perceptions of professionalism curtailing this role. Statutory professionalisation in the Ugandan political context where the state is the dominant institution brings media institutions within its control, which leads to suppression of content of democratic value through a number of means. On the other hand, the self-regulatory perception does not protect media professionalism from the assault of commercial imperatives, especially when fused with state patronage in regard to broadcasting licences and placement of advertising.
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Flynn, Gemma. "Political communication of crime." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/20456.
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This thesis seeks to develop our understanding of the contemporary crime communication landscape. While this landscape is considered in its constituent parts, including specific features of current British politics, the evolving media sphere and the voice of the public, this thesis argues for a conceptualization of this realm that grasps its fluid and dynamic character. Original research is conducted through case studies of the 2010 UK General Election, the Phone Hacking Scandal and the 2011 Riots. Discourse analysis is employed in order to enhance our awareness of supralinguistic behaviour and of the play of power in the construction of crime narratives. This is contrasted with influential current accounts of ‘populism’ which, it is argued here, tend to be unduly deterministic and to err towards the dystopian. The research suggests that structural shifts in the media landscape, specifically the recent ubiquity of new media coinciding with an undermining of the singular tabloid narrative, have enabled a redistribution of power in the symbolic construction of crime which can make it harder for political actors to capture the crime question for populist purposes. Furthermore, this shift has empowered the public voice and has infused political debate with a chaotic plurality of views. Nevertheless, the symbolic weight of crime issues remains prominent in this landscape and Randall Collins’ Interaction Ritual Chains (2004) is employed to add a microsociological picture of the escalation from small scale narrative to broad righteous anger. This requires an adaptation of this model to address interactions that occur outside the context of physical co-presence. Such perspectives on the plurality of mediated communication today both broaden and update our grasp of the political communication of crime and in so doing argue for a degree of optimism concerning the scope for democratic debate about criminal justice issues.
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PFAU, MICHAEL WALTON. "INOCULATION IN POLITICAL CAMPAIGN COMMUNICATION." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/184179.
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This study examined attack and inoculation message strategies in political campaign communication. A total of 341 initial and followup treatment interviews and 392 control interviews were completed among potential voters in a U.S. Senate campaign during October 1986. The study hypothesized that character attack messages directed to supporters of opposing candidates exert more influence than issue attack messages. This prediction was not supported. Contrary to prediction, the results indicated that, during the latter stages of a political campaign featuring known candidates, issue attack messages exert more persuasive impact than character attack messages. However, the primary purpose of this investigation was to apply McGuire's inoculation theory to political campaign communication. The study hypothesized that political campaign messages can be designed to inoculate supporters of candidates against the subsequent attack messages of opposing candidates. This prediction was supported. In addition, the results supported the hypothesis that inoculation confers more resistance to subsequent attack messages among strong political party identifiers as opposed to weak identifiers, nonidentifiers and crossovers. Contrary to prediction, however, the study found that inoculation confers more resistance among Democrat party loyalists as opposed to Republican party loyalists. The results of this investigation extend the scope of inoculation theory to new domain, and at the same time, suggest a new strategic approach for candidates in political campaigns.
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Wright, Alan. "The idea of political communication." Thesis, University of Southampton, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.252700.
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Ramsey, Reed. "Affect and Political Satire: How Political TV Satire Implicates Internal Political Efficacy and Political Participation." Scholarly Commons, 2018. https://scholarlycommons.pacific.edu/uop_etds/3134.
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Research has shown that political satire programs offer both important information about contemporary politics and offer very humorous, entertaining content. This study seeks to understand how these satire programs bolster both internal political efficacy and political
participation. 400 college students at two Northern California universities participated in this research. The study found that affinity for political humor can predict levels of internal political efficacy. Exposure to liberal satire was negatively correlated with affinity for political humor and political participation, and exposure to conservative satire was significantly correlated with internal political efficacy. Internal political efficacy was also positively correlated with political participation. Lastly, there was significant difference between Democrats and Republicans in terms of their exposure to political TV satire.
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Long, Jacob Andrew. "Time Dynamics and Stability of Political Identity and Political Communication." The Ohio State University, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1595519865595447.
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Musialowska, Ewa Anna. "POLITICAL COMMUNICATION IN GERMANY AND POLAND." Doctoral thesis, Saechsische Landesbibliothek- Staats- und Universitaetsbibliothek Dresden, 2008. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:14-ds-1216216577378-73783.
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Diese Studie vergleicht die politische Kommunikation in Deutschland und Polen. Der Forschungsüberblick macht deutlich, dass international vergleichende Analysen, die etablierte Demokratien und Transformationsländer umfassen, relativ selten durchgeführt werden. Dabei gibt es keine Untersuchungen, die sich mit dem Vergleich der politischen Kommunikation zwischen Deutschland und Polen befassen. Mit der Untersuchung der beiden Länder wird die Dissertation die bestehende Forschungslücke schließen. Die politische Kommunikation wird in dieser Studie aus der Sicht von zwei unterschiedlichen Akteuren – Parteien und Journalisten – gezeigt. --- Kapitel 1: Es ist nicht mehr möglich, die moderne politische Kommunikation als Phänomen zu begreifen, das man auf singuläre nationale Räume beschränken könnte. Vielmehr lässt sich über nationalübergreifende Kommunikationsprozesse sprechen, die sich in den Metathemen Amerikanisierung, Globalisierung und Modernisierung wiederspiegeln. In diesem Zusammenhang ergibt sich die Frage, ob es sich um eine generalisierbare Entwicklung der politischen Kommunikation handelt. Ein Schwerpunkt des Interesses dieser Forschungsarbeit liegt deswegen bei der Frage nach den Gemeinsamkeiten und den Unterschieden in der politischen Kommunikation in beiden Ländern, die durch die Mediatisierungsprozesse beinflusst werden. Vor diesem Hindergrund stellt Kapitel 1 die wichtigsten Trends in der politischen Kommunikation dar. Im nächsten Schritt werden ausgewählte Indikatoren der Mediatisierung (u.a. Professionalisierung, Personalisierung, Negativität, Emotionalisierung), die dann im empirischen Teil getestet werden, erläutert. Gleichzeitig stellt Kapitel 1 eine Übersicht über international vergleichende Analysen, die sich der Untersuchung der politischen Kommunikation widmen, vor. Der Focus wird dann schließlich auf die Studien in Polen und Deutschland gelegt und die Relevanz der vorliegenden Analyse diskutiert. --- Kapitel 2: Die Dissertation zeigt in welchen politischen Rahmen die politische Kommunikation in Deutschland und Polen eingebettet ist. Deswegen wird im Kapitel 2 das politische System der analysierten Länder diskutiert. In diesem Zusammenhang werden drei Elemente des politischen Systems angesprochen: das Parteiensystem, das Wahlsystem und die politische Partizipation. Dadurch wird gezeigt, dass die politische Einbettung spürbare Auswirkungen hat, die den gesellschaftlichen, sozio-ökonomischen und historischen Kontext mitdefinieren. Dies lässt gleichzeitig Unterschiede zwischen einem Transformationsland (Polen) und einer etablierten Demokratie (Deutschland) aufzeigen und Gründe der wichtigsten politischen Tendenzen erklären. --- Kapitel 3: Ebenso wie die Strukturbedingungen des politischen Systems das Handeln politischer Akteure beeinflussen, so wirken die Rahmenbedingungen des Mediensystems auf das Handeln von Journalisten. Aus diesem Grunde wird im Kapitel 3 das Mediensystem in Deutschland und Polen thematisiert. Die Analyse basiert auf der Klassifikation von Hallin & Mancini (2004a). Dabei werden die von den Autoren vorgeschlagenen Indikatoren benutzt, um das Mediensystem in beiden Ländern einzuordnen. Dies ist besonders wichtig, weil die politische Kommunikation immer häufiger von medialer Umgebung abhängig ist. --- Kapitel 4: Die im Kapitel 1, 2 und 3 dargestellten Phänomene und Entwicklungen formen Kapitel 4, das Forschungshypothesen vorstellt. Die formultierten Hypothesen münden in zwei inhaltsanalytischen Untersuchungen, die die politische Kommunikation aus der Perspektive der politischen Parteien und Journalisten präsentieren. Es handelt sich dabei um zwei Fallstudien, die dann im Kapitel 6 und 7 getrennt examiniert werden. --- Kapitel 5: Im nächsten Schritt wird das Forschungsdesign und die Operationalisierung der Hypothesen erläutert. Da die Mediatisierungsprozesse besonders deutlich während der Wahlkampagnen zu ermitteln sind, wird die politische Kommunikation in Deutschland und Polen im Kontext von politischen Kampagnen dargestellt. Dies verspricht auch inhaltlich fokussiertes Material für die Untersuchung. Die erste Fallstudie untersucht die Wahlspots der Parteien und zeigt, inwiefern sich die Wahlwerbung in beiden Ländern unterscheidet. Die zweite Fallstudie bietet die Analyse der Medienberichterstattung, um festzustellen, wie die Journalisten in Deutschland und Polen die Wahlkampagnen darstellen. Die Kompläxität des Geflechtes der auf die politische Kommunikation Einfluss nehmenden Variablen macht den Einsatz komplexer Analyseverfahren erforderlich. Die Wahlspots und die Wahlkampfberichterstattung werden in der Dissertation mit der sozialwissenschaftlichen Methode der Inhaltsanalyse untersucht. Als Methode zur Erhebung sozialer Wirklichkeit ist die Inhaltsanalyse für die Untersuchung besonders geeignet. Ihre Vorteile werden in diesem Kapitel angesprochen. Darüber hinaus werden hier die Codebücher, die für die Analyse der Wahlwerbung und Medienberichterstattung vorbereitet wurden, dargestellt und die Codierungsvorgehensweise präsentiert. Schließlich werden die einzelnen Variablen besprochen und die Ergebnisse der durchgeführten Pretests geliefert. --- Kapitel 6: Im nächsten Schritt werden die Ergebnisse der empirischen Analyse der Wahlspots dargestellt. Die Studie zeigt, wie die politischen Parteien ihre Wahlspots gestalten und inwiefern die Wahlwerbung die Mediatisierungsprozesse wiederspiegelt. Im Kapitel 6 werden die Hypothesen, die im Kapitel 4 formuliert wurden, getestet. Dabei werden die Befunde im Kontext von solchen Aspekten wie u.a. Professionalisierung, Personalisierung, Negativität und Emotionalisierung dargestellt. --- Kapitel 7: Im Kapitel 7 wird die politische Kommunikation aus der Sicht der Journalisten examiniert. Die empirische Auswertung dient dazu, die im Kapitel 4 formulierten Hypothesen zu prüfen. Die Analyse vergleicht, inwiefern sich die Medien in beiden Ländern auf den Wahlkampf konzentieren und ob sie sich immer häufiger diesem Thema widmen. Darüber hinaus wird die Medienberichterstattung in den Prozessen der Mediatisierung dargestellt. Dabei wird u.a. Personalisierung und Negativität der Berichterstattung präsentiert. Es wird auch gezeigt, inwiefern die Medien ihre politische Präferenzen zeigen. --- Kapitel 8: Im letzten Kapitel werden die Ergebnisse der Untersuchung im Licht der Theorie und formulierten Hypothesen diskutiert. Dabei werden auch die Defizite der Studie und potenzielle Barrieren der vergleichenden Studien präsentiert. Kapitel 8 lenkt dann den Blick in die Zukunft und zeigt, welche Aspekte der politischen Kommunikation untersucht werden sollten. Solche internationalen Vergleiche, besonders wenn sie Transformationsländer und etablierte Demokratien umfassen, können dazu dienen, Gemeinsamkeiten in der Dreiecksbeziehung zwischen politischem System, Medien und Wählerschaft zu ermitteln, um so übergreifenden Entwicklungen auf die Spur zu kommen.
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Vaccari, Federico. "The political economy of strategic communication." Thesis, University of Essex, 2018. http://repository.essex.ac.uk/22362/.
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This thesis contains three chapters exploring the implications of strategically biased information on political outcomes. The first chapter studies how a politically motivated media outlet misreports information in order to endorse its preferred candidate during an election. The task of identifying the reporting strategy through which an interested outlet can influence the decision of voters is non-trivial as there are many ways in which this can be done. I show that there is only one plausible equilibrium, where the media outlet ``pools'' information in a way that sways the decision of the median voter -- and therefore of a majority of electors. The second chapter investigates how media bias skews electoral competition and produces distortions in the process of policy formation. I develop a model of communication with endogenous policy-making. Candidates running for office know that information passes through the lens of an interested media outlet before reaching the electorate. This generates tension between pandering to the voter with a populist policy, or pleasing the outlet with a biased policy. I show that the implications of media bias are not confined to distortions of the voters' choice at the ballot box, but they propagate back to the process of policy-making. In the third chapter, I study to what extent competing forces in the market for news are beneficial for voters. I explore a model where (i) media outlets compete for influence by providing alternative views of the same stories, and (ii) relevant information spreads quickly, and eventually voters listen to all viewpoints. In equilibrium, both media outlets reveal their private information with positive probability, and misreport otherwise. I find that even though competition triggers more news distortions, it always outperforms monopoly: ``diversity of opinion'' has a value independently of the additional media outlet's bias -- even if it is extremely biased.
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Lin, Jing-Ling Jenny. "Richard Weaver's Theory of Argument and Beyond: Argument Types, Political Position, and Political Presumption-A Study of Taiwan's Political Discourse." The Ohio State University, 1991. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1392370881.
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Hickey, Emily Grace. "Essays in Congressional Communication." Thesis, Harvard University, 2013. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:10787.
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Calderon, Roberto. "S.PA.C.E.S. socio political adaptative communication enabled spaces." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/12432.
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The Socio-Political Adaptative Communication Enabled Spaces (SPACES) research proposes a model for conceptualizing, understanding and constructing Cyborg Environments. A Cyborg Environment is an autopoietic system of inter-acting humans and space cyborgs -- entities that have enhanced their senses through technology -- based on a politics of action and embodiment that results in social systems that allow for communication to take place. The present document presents this conceptual model, its foundation in Architecture, Human Computer Interaction and Cognitive Science and a set of experiments conducted to test its validity.
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Nitz, Michael Earl 1967. "Schema theory: An application to political communication." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/291606.
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Political schema research (Kinder, Peters, Abelson, & Fiske, 1980; Miller, Wattenberg, & Malanchuk, 1986) has centered on the schemas voters use to select presidents. Unfortunately, political researchers have all but neglected the state and local level. Consequently, this thesis focuses on the schemas voters use to select governors to determine if these schemas differ from schemas used to select presidents. This thesis also tests the relationship between political sophistication and the use of certain schemas to select a governor. Surveys were administered to 563 adults waiting for jury duty. Results indicate the schemas voters use to select governors differ from those used to select presidents. Political sophistication is positively related to usage of issues and performance schemas. Further research should explore political schemas at state and local levels.
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Del, Castillo Ernesto. "The role of art in political communication." [Gainesville, Fla.] : University of Florida, 2009. http://purl.fcla.edu/fcla/etd/UFE0024869.
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Bali, Ahmed Gharib Abdullah Omar. "Political communication and the media in Kurdistan." Thesis, Sheffield Hallam University, 2016. http://shura.shu.ac.uk/11820/.
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This thesis examines how the Kurdish media communicate political issues in relation to corruption, reform, government performance, and citizens' trust. In particular it investigates how young people understand and respond to political issues across the media and how their social and political backgrounds affect their evaluation of the government’s performance and the role of elections in the political process. This investigation is combined with how media professionals view editorial policy of news coverage of political issues and freedom to access the public sector. This thesis employs a combination of methods: content and framing analysis to examine five media platforms; focus groups, interviews and semi-structured interviews to elicit the views of young people and media editors; a thematic analysis is employed to assess the data gathered from both young people and media editors. Overall, the findings indicated that both the ruling party’s media and the opposition media, particularly the television channels, focus on using magnifying frames and localising frames in their coverage of the political issues with varying degrees. Each of them reflects the same reality differently which in turn leads to the viewers and readers become divided into two categories. This diversity of framing news coverage is due to the media discourse of the ruling party and opposition media and the political background of the young people as well. This research has revealed the need, especially from young people, for the establishment of a national media that strike a balance between the opposition and ruling parties and offer coverage of political issues without the direct influence of political parties.
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Banis, Alvianos, and Jonas Johansson. "Political Communication Strategies Applied on Business Organizations." Thesis, Högskolan i Halmstad, Akademin för ekonomi, teknik och naturvetenskap, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hh:diva-38244.
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The purpose of this paper is to describe the current communication techniques and strategies used by political parties resulting in these parties achieving significant growth, understand the components of those communication techniques in order to isolate the factors attributing to this achieved success and develop a model that can be replicated from a business organization in order to achieve similar beneficial results.The study revealed that there is a clear connection between political parties and business organizations, broadening the research fields of both entities respectively. Furthermore, the findings were categorized based on potential value, with practices such as “thriving on dissatisfaction”, “taking advantage of emotions”, “showing visible structures as an organization / political party”, “intentional use of weak signals”, “leader’s direct connection to audience” and “formulating receiver interpretation of signals” appearing to have high potential in achieving success if implemented correctly in the communication strategy.
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Karthikeyan, Nithesh Chandher. "Analysis of visual political communication on YouTube." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för informationsteknologi, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-447660.
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Though images are ubiquitous in everyday life and have always been part of politics, research on the visual aspects of political communication recently gained momentum, especially with the rise of social media. This opens up a platform to analyze the role of visuals in communicating political ideas. Images are a key part of the communication process, shaping peoples’ attitudes and policy preferences on political ideas. Generally iconic themes dominate representation of political ideas, for example iconic themes like polar bears represent the issues of climate change and environmental policies. This thesis focuses on finding such distant iconic themes in visuals of growing social media platforms like YouTube using deep learning. The initial analysis revealed the poor performance of the existing state-of-the-art networks on image classification in detecting the simple iconic theme of Polar bear in visuals. This arises a need for a new approach to improve the performance in detecting visual themes. The thesis proposes a method to develop a custom network by transferring the knowledge of the state-of-the-art networks using transfer learning. The result shows that the custom network has a better recall on predicting Polar bears than the state-of-the-art networks and the impact of training methods on predicting visualthemes on YouTube data.
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Walton, Jennifer Lee. "POLITICAL REELISM: A RHETORICAL CRITICISM OF REFLECTION AND INTERPRETATION IN POLITICAL FILMS." Connect to this title online, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=bgsu1143492027.
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Karlsson, Martin. "Covering distance : essays on representation and political communication." Doctoral thesis, Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-32019.
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Political representatives’ democratic legitimacy rests on their ability to cover the distance between themselves and citizens. Representatives must avoid being perceived as distant and aloof from the needs and wishes of those they represent. The aim of this thesis is to increase the understanding of how new forms of communication with citizens, through participatory initiatives as well as political blogging, are used by politicians in their roles as representatives. Underlying this aim is the question of whether new forms of communication can contribute to reducing the distance between representatives and citizens. The central argument of this thesis is that such types of communication aid representative democracy only to the extent that they offer representatives efficient channels for performing functions related to political representation. This study presents a theoretical framework that identifies potential functions of communication between representatives and citizens for political representation. Its empirical analyses, presented in five articles, find that representatives widely communicate with citizens through participatory initiatives and political blogging to aid their roles as political representatives. Furthermore, results show that representatives’ communication is significantly determined by strategic, practical, and normative factors. The representatives are found to act strategically as communication practices are adapted to accommodate their particular situations, needs and normative orientations. Keywords:
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Shen, Fei. "An economic theory of political communication effects how the economy conditions political learning /." Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view.cgi?acc%5Fnum=osu1243880056.
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Fliflet, Anna. "The elusive professionnalisation of political counsel : a study of prime ministerial advisers in democratised Poland (1989-2014)." Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017IEPP0034.
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Le thème des conseillers est quasiment absent des études de l’échiquier politique en Pologne, bien que la présence de ces acteurs sélectionnés et non élus dans la configuration de gouvernance s’ajoute à la complexité des questions de légitimité et de représentation. Cette thèse vise à combler ce vide, en explorant l’ancrage institutionnel, les traits sociodémographiques, les carrières et les rôles des conseillers des premiers ministres polonais de 1989 à 2014. Elle propose également un recadrage de la problématique du conseil, en l’intégrant dans le contexte des processus de délimitation de champs et de professions. L’analyse est orientée par les concepts de professionnalisation, trajectoire et boundary work, et repose sur la mobilisation de méthodes qualitatives et quantitatives. Les résultats montrent que l’institutionnalisation de l’informel au sein des cabinets politiques devenus dispositifs de conseil, les irrégularités dans les parcours professionnels et la liquidité du rôle façonné par des préférences contingentes rendent les frontières entre les conseillers et les autres catégories d’acteurs floues et négociables. Dans le même temps, la consolidation des cabinets politiques dans le paysage institutionnel, les convergences de profils de conseillers, l’adaptabilité de leur rôle et leur auto-identification comme conseillers suggèrent que plusieurs composantes de professionnalisation sont présentes. Le conseil politique apparaît comme un ensemble des pratiques variées, différemment placées sur les axes du formel et de l’informel, de l’expertise et de la confiance, de la science et de la politique, dont l’opposition est aussi discutée et contestée dans ce travailThe theme of advisers is virtually absent from analyses of the Polish political system, although the presence of these selected and non-elected actors in the configuration of governance adds to the complexity of questions of legitimacy and representation. This thesis aims to fill the gap by exploring the institutional affiliation, sociodemographic features, careers and roles of advisers to the prime ministers of Poland active between 1989 and 2014. It also suggests a reframing of the question of political counsel by embedding it in the context of delimitation of fields and professions. The analysis is oriented by the concepts of professionalisation, trajectory and boundary work, and it relies on a combination of qualitative and quantitative methods. The results indicate that the institutionalisation of informality within advisory units, the irregularities in professional trajectories and the liquidity of the role shaped by changing preferences blur the boundaries between advisers and other categories of actors. At the same time, the consolidation of political cabinets in the institutional landscape, the convergences in advisers’ profiles, the adaptability of their role, and their self-identification as advisers suggest that multiple components of professionalisation are present. Political counsel appears thus as a set of diversified practices positioned in a variety of ways on the axes of the formal versus the informal, trust and expertise, science and politics, whose contradictory nature is also discussed and contested in this work
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Faza, Andres L. "British Cultural Narrative in Winston Churchill's Political Communication." Scholar Commons, 2014. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/5421.
Full textAbstract:
This study uses Winston Churchill's "We Shall Fight on the Beaches" speech, delivered to the House of Commons following the evacuation of Dunkirk, France in June 1940, as a source text by which to examine Churchill's use of British cultural narratives in political communication. Narrative and heuristic theories are proposed as means by which listeners process such messages. A number of rhetorical devices are defined, in order to inform a discussion of the narratives identified, particularly the means by which those narratives were rhetorically embedded in the text. After a careful examination of the source text, the narratives of knighthood and chivalric values, as well as King Arthur and the Arthurian legend, specifically as presented in Tennyson's Idylls of the King, were identified as primary cultural narratives from which Churchill draws much meaning. A thorough critical history of each of these narratives is undertaken, revealing sentiments of oath-bound civic duty tracing back to Britain's historical founding as a culture and a nation, following the fall of Rome in the fifth century, and persisting up until Churchill's use of those sentiments in his historic 1940 speech.
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Ostrove, Geoffrey. "Towards a Political Economy of Urban Communication Technologies." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/20514.
Full textAbstract:
By the year 2050, about three quarters of the world’s population will live in cities. Most cities are developed by state or federal governments; however, some cities are developed for the purpose of private interests that plan the city. While the concept of private companies planning and sometimes even owning cities is not a new development, there seems to currently be a rise in this trend, with communication corporations such as IBM, Google, Intel, and Cisco now taking advantage of this growing market.
Known as “smart” or “wired” cities, this new privatized way of planning communities allows major communication corporations to play an important role in shaping the future of our communities. Google, IBM, and Intel are all playing a role in planning the future of Portland, Oregon. By analyzing documents such as planning ordinances, financial reports, and government transcripts, as well as conducting interviews with city planners and corporate employees, this study found that many of the “smart” city efforts being undertaken by these communication corporations are intimately tied to their efforts to bring the Internet of Things (IoT) to fruition. Ultimately, the main goal of these efforts is to utilize urban communication technologies (UCTs) to gather data about community members by tracking their activities. In this emerging personal data economy, identities are the main commodity being fetishized.
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Jo, Donghee. "Essays in political economy of media and communication." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/118043.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis: Ph. D., Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Department of Economics, 2018.Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (pages 155-164).
This thesis consists of three chapters on the role of media and communication in forming political opinions of news consumers and politicians. In the first chapter, I study the causal link between the public's self-selective exposure to like-minded partisan media and polarization. I first present a parsimonious model to formalize a traditionally neglected channel through which media selection leads to reduced polarization. In a world where the media heavily distorts signals with its own partisan preferences, familiarity with media biases is vitally important. By choosing like-minded partisan media, news consumers are exposed to familiar news sources. This may enable them to arrive at better estimates of the underlying truth, which can contribute to an alleviation of polarization. The predictions of this model are supported by experimental evidence collected from a South Korean mobile news application that I created and used to set up an RCT. The users of the app were given access to curated articles on key political issues and were regularly asked about their views on those issues. Some randomly selected users were allowed to select the news source from which to read an article; others were given randomly selected articles. The users who selected their news sources showed larger changes in their policy views and were less likely to have radical policy views-an alleviation of polarization-in comparison with those who read randomly provided articles. The belief updating and media selection patterns are consistent with the model's predictions, suggesting that the mechanism explained in the model is plausible. The findings suggest that the designers of news curation algorithms and their regulators should consider the readers' familiarity with news sources and its consequences on polarization. The second chapter, coauthored with Matt Lowe, investigates whether there would be less polarization if politicians were physically integrated. This chapter tackles this question by exploiting random seating in Iceland's national Parliament. Since almost all voting is along party lines, we use a text-based measure of language similarity to proxy for the similarity of beliefs between any two politicians. Using this measure, we find an in-coalition effect: language similarity is greater for two politicians that share the same political coalition (government coalition or opposition) than for two politicians that do not, suggesting that the measure captures meaningful partisan differences in language. Next, we find that when two MPs randomly sit next to each other, their language similarity in the next parliamentary session (when no longer sitting together) is significantly higher, an effect that is roughly 16 to 25 percent of the size of the in-coalition effect. The persistence of effects suggests that politicians are learning from their neighbors, not just facing transient social pressure. However, this learning does not reflect the exchange of ideas across the aisle.- The effects are large for neighbors in the same coalition group, at 29 to 53 percent of the in-coalition effect, with no evidence of learning from neighbors in the other group. Based on this evidence, integration of legislative chambers would likely slow down, but not prevent, the ingroup homogenization of political language. The third chapter examines how the news media affects news consumers' perceptions about the importance of political issues via their editorial choices of which articles to emphasize, and how such an agenda setting effectcan influence readers' political attitudes. This chapter reports on a preliminary analysis of a pilot study of a randomized controlled trial conducted on Amazon Mechanical Turk (MTurk). There are two potential causal mechanisms through which editorial choices of article prominence can influence subjective issue importance-(i) readers' behavioral biases such as cognitive fatigue and short-term memory congestion can lead to selection of salient articles at prominent positions (salience), (ii) prominence of articles reflects the subjective issue importance of news editors, which can guide the readers to select to read such articles (guidance). I find both salience and guidance mechanisms to influence article selection. There is suggestive evidence that article selection, and subsequent exposure to the content, results in changes in readers' subjective issue importance. This pilot study successfully reveals important-yet surmountable-limitations of the study; lessons from the pilot study will be incorporated in the full-scale experiment.
by Donghee Jo.
Ph. D.
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Ostrove, Geoffrey Benjamin. "Towards a Political Economy of Urban Communication Technologies." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2016. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10142280.
Full textAbstract:
By the year 2050, about three quarters of the world’s population will live in cities. Most cities are developed by state or federal governments; however, some cities are developed for the purpose of private interests that plan the city. While the concept of private companies planning and sometimes even owning cities is not a new development, there seems to currently be a rise in this trend, with communication corporations such as IBM, Google, Intel, and Cisco now taking advantage of this growing market.
Known as “smart” or “wired” cities, this new privatized way of planning communities allows major communication corporations to play an important role in shaping the future of our communities. Google, IBM, and Intel are all playing a role in planning the future of Portland, Oregon. By analyzing documents such as planning ordinances, financial reports, and government transcripts, as well as conducting interviews with city planners and corporate employees, this study found that many of the “smart” city efforts being undertaken by these communication corporations are intimately tied to their efforts to bring the Internet of Things (IoT) to fruition. Ultimately, the main goal of these efforts is to utilize urban communication technologies (UCTs) to gather data about community members by tracking their activities. In this emerging personal data economy, identities are the main commodity being fetishized.
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Schneider, Florian. "Visual political communication in popular Chinese television series." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2009. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/14525/.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis argues that the content of popular Chinese TV dramas helps construct and reenforce social and political reality in China by defining what is true. With the increasing liberalisation of the Chinese TV drama market, this construction process is becoming more and more complex: it is not merely influenced by the political interests of state and party institutions, but also by the commercial interests of producers and broadcasters, as well as by the viewing habits and interests of audiences. Consequently, Chinese TV dramas create ideas concerning Chinese society which are simultaneously popular and politically 'healthy'. Based on qualitative interviews with Chinese media experts and production crew members conducted in 2007, my research shows how various actors and institutional factors influence the production of political discourses in Chinese TV dramas. This thesis also offers a qualitative analysis of how the discourses on two political concepts (governance and security) are depicted in three particularly popular dramas, one historical epic, one crime drama, and one teen drama. This analysis shows that these programs all link their political message to patriotic sentiments or conservative gender discourses, and that this is not the result of political directives but instead of market dynamics and of audiences' viewing preferences. In this sense, the present research shows how the apparent liberalisation of the drama market in reality imposes a whole framework of new cultural, political, and economic restrictions, which in tum leads to the production of TV content that is firmly rooted in hegemonic discourses. This discourse is then not primarily reproduced because it is politically opportune, but because, it is popular.
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Loose, Krista (Krista M. ). "Three papers on congressional communication and representation." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/107538.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis: Ph. D., Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Department of Political Science, 2016.Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (pages 125-134).
This project evaluates how elected officials communicate with their constituents and whether voters can tell if their interests are being represented. Specifically, I examine whether political communication strategies may inadvertently lead to suboptimal representation. In my first paper, I evaluate whether members of Congress use criticism of Congress as a means to connect with their constituents, using approximately 10,000 campaign advertisements aired throughout the 2000s. In both this observational evidence and through an original experimental study, I show that when members criticize Congress, this message has little impact on attitudes toward Congress in general or the member in particular. However, survey respondents view a member who criticizes Congress as more "like them," potentially introducing a distracting valence issue into elections. In my second paper, I find clear evidence that legislative behavior does not change as a consequence of the rise or fall of military presence in a district. However, members' communication with their constituents does change. Members who gain bases are more likely to emphasize military issues in their emails than they were prior to the redistricting, while those who lose bases reduce their mentions of military-related subjects. While members are not lying about their work in Congress, they are nonetheless painting a misleading picture of the scope of their efforts on behalf of district interests. In my third paper, I show that, despite incentives not to mention other politicians, members of Congress do talk about their peers in DC in about 30 percent of their political communications. I claim this is a means of ideological signalling, where members cite others who share their ideological space. Additionally, I demonstrate through a series of survey experiments that the public makes reasoned judgments about the ideology of a member who talks about another politician. Members thus have the opportunity to shape how constituents view their representative through references to other politicians. In these three papers, I show that members can use sometimes subtle techniques to influence their relationship with the district.
by Krista Loose.
Talking about congress: the limited effect of congressional advertising on congressional approval -- representing their former district: do members do it and do they admit it? -- Politicians as positions: citing others as a cue to ideology.
Ph. D.
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Landreville, Kristen D. "“What Was That Supposed To Mean?”: Mass-Mediated Ambiguous Political Messages, Uncertainty Arousal, and Political Discussion." The Ohio State University, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1276198165.
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Jasmin, Jean-Christophe. "Communication et Éthique chez Kierkegaard." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/28708.
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Hill, Megan Rose. "Star Spangled Awesome? Exposing American Exceptionalism Through Political Satire." The Ohio State University, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1371125781.
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Crewe, Thomas James. "Political leaders, communication, and celebrity in Britain, c1880-c1900." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2016. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.709506.
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Gabryszewska, Maria. "Gender, Party, and Political Communication in the 114th Congress." FIU Digital Commons, 2018. https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/3744.
Full textAbstract:
This dissertation investigates the interaction of gender and party in the political communication of members of Congress (MCs). The study focuses on the tweets of all MCs in the House of Representatives during two weeks of the 114th Congress (9,374 tweets from 431 MCs). I conduct an in-depth content analysis of these tweets to extract important message characteristics related to issue areas, electoral behaviors, and constituency targeting.
I find that MCs emphasize their partisan ties when they tweet about women’s or men’s issues, but Democratic congresswomen and Republican congressmen go further to address feminine and masculine issue areas respectively. In their electoral behaviors, congresswomen posted more advertising tweets than congressmen, especially Republican congresswomen. Republican congresswomen took individual credit for legislation at high rates and shared very little, while Democratic congresswomen shared credit almost as much as they took individual credit. Furthermore, while both Democratic and Republican congresswomen see themselves as “surrogate representatives” (Carroll 2000) of the women beyond the boundaries of their districts, Democratic congresswomen target national constituencies significantly more often than their colleagues. These results provide evidence that gender is not enough to understand how MCs communicate – the key lies at the nexus of gender and partisanship.
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Hu, Shiran. "Persuasive effects of cuteness-coated political propaganda in China." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2020. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_oa/776.
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Ever-developing media and innovative propaganda strategies continually change the ways that political authorities exercise their manipulation of the public, which always causes great concern among scholars in the field of political communication. To respond to the lively debate on the roles new modes of communication can play in the processes of politics in modern society based on the experience of China and also to help scholars adapt to the changing context of China today, we chose one representative trend in the latest political propaganda of the Communist Party of China (CPC) on social media--"cuteness-coated propaganda"--of which we study the impacts on political support among Chinese youth and the mechanisms involved. After conceptualizing and theorizing the cuteness-coated propaganda of the CPC, we design and conduct two studies. In Study One, we firstly recruit 199 participants offline for a pair of between-subjects 2 (selling cuteness or not) × 2 (soft content or hard content) factorial design experiments. In Experiment 1, the cuteness is presented in the form of video, and in Experiment 2, it is presented in the form of pictures. In Study Two, we recruit 386 participants online to join in the online survey-embedded experiments, in which the cuteness is presented in the form of text in Experiment 3 and the form of pictures in Experiment 4. We find that in our research context when the CPC propagandizes with soft-oriented content using the selling-cuteness strategy in video form on Weibo, it improves the specific political support of Chinese youth by increasing their positive emotions or closing the psychological distance between themselves and the propagandist. This finding suggests that the "Double-Soft Model" of political propaganda (utilizing a soft propaganda strategy to publicize soft content) proposed in our thesis can be a very persuasive way of influencing young people's specific political support. However, when the selling-cuteness with soft content is presented in picture form or textual form, it is unable to influence the specific support because it cannot evoke significantly increased positive emotions or psychological closeness. Meanwhile, neither general political support nor national pride is influenced by the selling-cuteness strategy no matter in which form it is presented, which is consistent with the findings of previous scholars. Our research represents a pioneering study of cuteness-coated political propaganda on social media, both theoretically and empirically.
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De, Benedictis-Kessner Justin. "Local accountability : the role of attribution, institutions, and communication." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/113491.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis: Ph. D., Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Department of Political Science, 2017.Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (pages A61-A75).
How do people hold local governments accountable? My dissertation shows how cognitive and perceptual biases, as well as electoral institutions and strategic communication, can hinder voters' ability to hold government accountable. I gather data on local politics -- a level of government that people interact with on a daily basis, and one that encompasses the vast majority of elected officials and elections in the United States. My evidence comes from large-scale elections and communications data, surveys, and partnerships with governments and service providers. My findings indicate that widespread confusion around government responsibilities and a cognitive bias favoring recent information shape how voters evaluate government for performance, that election timing can prevent voters from effectively holding their incumbent politicians accountable, and that strategic communication by municipal governments can further bias the balance of information that citizens rely on to judge government. Together, these papers demonstrate how three facets of politics can frustrate accountability in cities. This work contributes to theoretical knowledge on political behavior and political institutions, as well as the urban politics literature, and does so using three independent sources of data that provide fertile ground for future extensions of this work.
by Justin de Benedictis-Kessner.
Ph. D.
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Yunus, Ender. "THE ROLE OF SOCIAL MEDIA IN CREATING POLITICAL AWARENESS AND MOBILIZING POLITICAL PROTESTS : A Focus on Turkey." Thesis, KTH, Skolan för datavetenskap och kommunikation (CSC), 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kth:diva-171949.
Full textAbstract:
In the recent years, the internet penetration, social media production and consumption have increased dramatically all over the world. This increase has affected the politics in most parts of the world in many ways. Social media became a tool for politicians to carry out their political campaigns and for activists to create awareness on political issues and mobilize protests. Today almost in all social movements in the countries with high rate of internet access, the role of social media is being discussed. Social media has become a costless and extremely effective tool in reaching mass audiences with political purposes. This thesis research focuses on the strength of social media in creating political awareness and mobilizing political protests in Turkey. In this study the recent social movements in Turkey are examined as case studies, to understand the role of social media in political movements, to be able to make predictions for the future. The prob-lem was approached with combining qualitative and quantitative research methods. Literature review regarding the subjects related to the social media and politics and information flow in social networks was conducted. After that, two interviews, a sur-vey and a social network analysis to comprehend the role of social media in the two recent major social movements in Turkey, Gezi Parki Protests and Internet Censor-ship Protests, were carried out. Depending on the results from research methods conducted, it was found that social media has already become a fundamental part of social movements in Turkey. The young generation in Turkey is extremely interested in joining online social networks. These social networks establish connections between people that are related with weak ties. These connections enable political information to flow on these networks virally, costless and rapidly. Information can be on political news or thoughts to cre-ate political awareness and also to mobilize political protests. These advantages of social media combined with biased and ignorant attitude of mainstream media on po-litical events; social media created an alternative source of information in the eyes of the society. Considering the increasing internet penetration, smart phone and social media use for political purposes, the strength of social media in creating political awareness and mobilizing political protests is expected to rise in the future as well.
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Pointer, Rebecca. "From illegitimate disruption to failing state : how South African newspapers framed 'service delivery' protests in 2013." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/13764.
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This study unpacks the key frames and sources used by the South African print media in their coverage of the ‘service delivery protests’ in 2013. It explores how the frames are linked to each other, how the sources link to each other, and how the frames and sources correlate. The study focuses on print media sources as catalogued in the SA Media database, identifies the most prevalent frames and sources used, and using a hierarchical cluster analysis identifies how frames are related to each other, how sources are related to each other, and how frames and sources correlate. The study found that the most prevalent frames on ‘service delivery protests’ used by the South African print media in 2013 were the war/spectacle frame and the failed democracy frame, followed by the law/crime frame, all of which serve to delegitimise service delivery protests. Local government and police sources were most prevalent. The study suggests that there is still contestation about the kinds of spaces citizens should use for political engagement, and contestation about how power operates at local government level. The media also implies that the South African state is failing, and suggests remedies for these failings.
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Govender, Dayaneethi. "An analysis of the political rhetoric of South African President Jacob Zuma's speeches on climate change." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/13683.
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Climate change has a global impact on all sectors of life including politics and the economy; health and food security, social justice and media. There are stark contrasts in the political and scientific debates on climate change. The economic impacts have already gripped the attention of both the political elite and science community, who also recognise the threats on the survival of the human population. Recent global climate change meetings such as the COPs are an indication that politics, and not necessarily science, is at the centre of this environmental challenge. In politics, policy debates are arguments over actions. It is therefore important to understand how the SA government communicates climate change given its status as a leading force in Africa and its insurmountable socio-economic challenges. With a theoretical understanding of Moral Foundation Theory, Steve Vanderheiden’s political theory that addresses climate change justice and framing theory and textual analysis, the researcher analyses President Jacob Zuma’s climate change speeches during COP to identify master narratives, given the president’s visibility and political direction at these high level meetings. This dissertation contributes to the lack of scholarship on how the president communicates climate change within the communication field and general shortage of presidential rhetoric in Africa. Zuma’s rhetoric on climate change indicates that SA’s priority is economic development and this will not be compromised by climate change policy that halts growth in developing nations. Zuma is clear that common but differentiated responsibilities must remain the cornerstone of climate change policy, if fairness, balance and equity are to be realised. He stands by this argument despite growing GHG emissions from some of the developing nations, including South Africa.
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Leukes, Pierrinne. "A content analysis on Facebook group, New Political Forum : South African mobile participation in online public spheres." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/14226.
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Includes bibliographical references.This mini-dissertation aims to characterize mobile participation in the South African citizen-led Facebook Group, New Political Forum. It also investigates whether the participation on New Political Forum meets Poor's (20 05) criteria for an Online Public Sphere, as adapted from Habermasian concepts of the Public Sphere (Habermas, 1976). The study employed content analysis as its methodology to investigate a random sample drawn from all the posts and comments posted to New Political Forum on every other week day during the period 3 April to 3 May 2012. Three levels of coding were performed on the sampled data. The first level of coding used the Facebook API to determine whether the post and comments were posted via mobile applications or other platforms such as laptops and desktop computers. The second level coded the kind of social interaction which the post represented, according to six categories intended to characterise the way in which users used the group to initiate in debate and find information. Lastly the word count of each post was captured so as to establish its size. Findings revealed that 60% of all posts, and 54% of all comments in the sample were posted from mobile applications. This indicates that, during the period of study, although computers and laptops were playing a disproportionately important role (given limited access to these platforms in South Africa), participation via mobile applications nonetheless accounted for the bulk of participation. Regarding the social interactions on the site, during the month in question, 90% of posts either initiated debate or shared information with the group. Patterns of interaction via mobile applications were similar to the kinds of interaction which took place from other platforms. Posts from mobile applications nonetheless included fewer hyperlinks and pictures than other sources did. The major difference between mobile and other forms of participation related to the relative brevity of mobile posts. The mean word count of mobile posts was almost half the mean word count of posts from other platforms. Thus even though mobile posts were more frequently posted; they were very often shorter than the contributions from other sources. Applying Poor's (2005) Online Public Sphere it was found that New Political Forum does qualify to be considered an Online Public Sphere. This is because the group's history, focus and governance by committed volunteer administrators created a space for inclusive political debates and discussions where the identities of the members played a minimal role in influencing the reception of their ideas. It is suggested that information sharing should be added to Poor's criteria because of the role it plays in debate and opinion formation.
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Janse, van Rensburg Aletta Hendrika. "Strengthening democracy in Africa with the Internet : a comparative study of South Africa, Kenya and Zambia." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/11073.
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For the first time since democracy in the classical Greek sense became practically impossible, the Internet's networking facilities are creating opportunities again for all citizens to be active, engaging participants in democracy. Open communication channels to government and fellow citizens can now be a reality that allows people at all levels of society to form part of a vibrant public sphere by exchanging ideas, sharing experiences, spreading ideologies and news, and comparing agendas.
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Mcbride, Sindi-Leigh Tenielle. "Exploring the political communication dynamics in South Africa’s platinum industry: the case of Marikana." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/13767.
Full textAbstract:
After two decades of democracy, poverty and inequality remain at the heart of the development malaise in South Africa. Despite investor-friendly environments and economic growth forged during the previous administration, recent unrest in the platinum industry highlighted the strained relationship between labour and business, State and society, and the macabre consequences of not paying attention to these tensions. With the strife between labour and business appearing intractable, political and economic challenges evinced by Marikana and consequent events should be seen as the canary in the South African mine, the bedrock of the political economy. This MA thesis of political communication starts from three premises: one, the complex set of social, political and economic processes communicated via the news media invite analysis of national development and can be explored using qualitative analysis of mediated products. As skeins of connectivity, mediated political information structures social imaginaries within a nation, and thus contributes to development trajectories. Two, within political communication processes there exists potential for a ‘Social Justice of Communication’, as theorized by Jurgen Habermas. Three, the growing convergence between the previously separable areas of politics and communication demonstrates the urgent need to address not only conventional media effects, but also the implications of nationwide social exclusion, particularly in the context of the public sphere. Thus, the remit of this thesis is the study of political communication dynamics and the roles and nature of mediated content within the process of national development. This thesis studies media coverage of the Marikana massacre in 2012 and the wage strike led by the Association for Mineworkers and Construction Union (AMCU) in 2014. Political communication in the context of the platinum industry, and how this relates to theories and practices of democracy in South Africa, is analysed using qualitative analysis of online news articles from four national newspapers: The Times Live; The Daily Maverick; The Mail & Guardian and; The Business Day. Using protest event analysis as a prism for exploring political communication, this research investigates indicators of the status quo in South Africa’s democracy, as communicated via the news media.
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Landu, Yoliswa. "Assessing the role of the media in influencing confidence levels within state institutions." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/3732.
Full textAbstract:
Includes abstract.Includes bibliographical references.
The purpose of this thesis is to determine the role played by the media in creating a level of awareness in the public mind, and an associated level of trust and confidence within the legislative arm of government. This is achieved through a qualitative research methodology that includes indepth interviews with experts in the field of political communication, particularly journalists and politicians who are members of parliament. Detailed in-depth questionnaires were also used to ascertain the views of these respondents on the same topic. The research also does a comparative content analysis of two newspapers the Cape Argus and the New Age. The key finding of this thesis is that the state is responsible for its own confidence levels without the role or impact of the media – a view not shared by some members of parliament and communications experts. Indeed, members of parliament feel strongly that the media does not portray a true understanding of the work of parliament and that they should do more than what is currently presented by the media houses across the spectrum in the field of communication.
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Makwela, Mologadi. "The media, protest at and nation building in post-apartheid South Africa : The spear : a case study." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/13760.
Full textAbstract:
This study examines the media coverage and public debate that ensued following the publication of The Spear, a painting by artist Brett Murray which depicted African National Congress (ANC) President Jacob Zuma with his genitals exposed. The objective of the study is twofold. First, to understand how the debate unfolded in media and second, to unpack the public (and ANC) reaction to the media’s reports. The study attempts of contribute to research related to the relationship between media, society and nation building in young democracies, specifically in post-apartheid South Africa. A qualitative content analysis of a purposely selected sample of online news articles and comments formed the basis of the research methodology through which to identify prevalent themes that arose throughout the debate. Through discourse analysis, the study also unpacks how social structures – by these I mean groups, institutions, the economy, laws, population dynamics and social relations – that form the national landscape are created and maintained through the use of language (Gee, 2005: 65). Afrocentricism, media framing and agenda setting, as well as social and cultural identity theories, provide theoretical constructs with which to unpack a number of important aspects inherent in the media’s representation of Jacob Zuma. The findings reveal that while the painting as a metaphor of the shortcomings of an individual was relevant, historic memory paired alongside increasing class and racial tensions in South African society, escalated what otherwise would have been a form of protest art into an issue of racism and disrespect of African/black culture.
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Ndyondya, Kanyisa. "Assessing news coverage of the South African Legislative laws." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/13984.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis attempts to examine the news coverage of South Africa’s legislative laws passed by the Parliament, by looking at the coverage of print media using qualitative content analysis. The thesis aims to understand the dominant messages being conveyed within the news texts and reader comments, specifically whose voice was represented, who was the intended audience and what the overall tone was. The researcher argues that taking editorial positions, the control of content and toning down of the issues is determined by journalists which they consider doing such as national interest. In this geo-political context of South Africa, the engagement of media in covering the issue of legislative laws places an important area of study. It is the media that reports events, responses, criticisms etc. in relation to the legislative laws, on the basis of which various actors and concerned people make their views about the event. As well, how reporting is done, shaped, framed; what sources have been used in news; what roles journalists play in the news coverage; and how ownership of media differs in news reporting and coverage very much reflects on whether or not and to what extent the newspapers respects legislative laws are interesting questions to be answered. This study is based on the case study of the coverage of New Age and The Times. Despite journalists being expected to serve the national interest of the state, differences can be observed in coverage, reporting and providing spaces to news and articles related to New Age and The Times. This hypothesis also supports the argument projected in the thesis that there are real ideological reasons why the media do not oppose the status quo, based on ideological lens grounded by the state and reporting system could rarely go against the establishments implying to the commitment to patriotism and to the nation which the government represents (Wicker, p. 19 cited in Malek and Wiegand).
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Umansky, Dimitrij. "The male world of football media and beer drinking: a case study of sports bars in Cape Town, South Africa." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/13024.
Full textAbstract:
Includes bibliographical references.The present study explores the practice of football media viewing in sports bars. It is based on the constructivism research paradigm (Guba & Lincoln, 2005), a conceptualisation of media as a tool for social behaviour (Couldry, 2003) and James Wertsch’s (1998) Mediated Action Theory. The study analyses two dimensions of football media viewing in sports bars: it focuses on the psychological motivations and the socio-cultural structure. The study’s main objective is to understand both the role of media for the practice of football media viewing in sports bars and the constitution of gender during the practice. It is a subject worthy of in-depth examination as there is a lack of holistic, contextualised and critical research in media studies, particularly in the field of football media consumption. The study applied ethnographic observations of two sports bars in a middle-class suburb in Cape Town as well as on-site and off-site interviews. During this time the researcher balanced subjective experiences with social meanings and scientific theories in a reflexive and flexible manner. The results reveal a complex network of individual purposes and socio-cultural tools. On the individual level they explain which media aspects are important to serve patrons’ needs and why male patrons discriminate against women. On the socio-cultural level the results show how media, gender and other tools interact to influence patrons’ behaviour. The study concludes by suggesting how media can be used to create enjoyable social environments and how social structures can be altered to create a more equal society beyond the sports bar environment.
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Goredema, Ruvimbo Nyaradzo. "Women and Rhetoric In South Africa: Understanding Feminism and Militarism." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/3772.
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Rahman, Zarina. "Thabo Mbeki : State of the Nation Addresses - an analysis of his rhetorical technique." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/9001.
Full textAbstract:
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 87-95).The dissertation analyses the rhetorical style of Thabo Mbeki with the aim of evaluating whether his oratory was effective enough to convince his audience to support him. It does this by analysing four of the eleven annual addresses that he delivered at the occasion of the Opening of Parliament during his period in office. Mbeki held the position of President of South Africa from June 1999 to September 2008. The speeches that were chosen for analysis from this period are 1999, 2003, 2006 and 2008. The motivation for these choices is related to critical periods during the Mbeki presidency. Before analysing the speeches, the paper examines the context in detail by briefly outlining Mbeki's political and personal background in order to understand his identity in relation to his rhetoric. The current form of annual address at the opening of Parliament is placed in its historical context It also places the type of speech in context in terms of parliamentary rules and the South African Constitution and does a brief comparison with similar addresses in the United States of America and Britain. A key aspect of the dissertation is to attempt to identify how he possibly failed to gain the support his audience by missing the opportunities that his annual address to Parliament presented. In order to identity the disjuncture between the style and content of the oration and the audience. the dissertation examines the understanding of audience and speculates about the real and perceived audiences in the case of Mbeki's annual addresses. The annual address to Parliament provided Mbeki with an opportunity to speak to the nation. directly through the various forms of media as well as through the members of Parliament that were present at the addresses. The dissertation concludes that, on the basis of the in-depth rhetorical analyses of the speeches and the perception of the audience. Mbeki's form of oration resulted in him appearing distant and aloof to his audience. Mbeki used Eurocentric language and metaphors that the audience was not able to identify with thereby failing to unite the audience in support for him. He failed to use presidential rhetoric to his advantage in his speeches in Parliament but further failed to bolster the rhetorical presidency by not establishing his ethos with the people whose support he depended on in order to secure his position in office. By maintaining a strong adherence to the British notion of a president-in-parliament, he remained aloof and wasted the opportunity that the office of the President provided. While his policies may have been sound. he was not able to convince his audience of this causing him ultimately to fail.
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Stimus, Mirela Camelia. "How Presidents Can Become "Hip" by Using High Definition Metaphors Strategic Communication of Leadership in a Digital Age." Scholar Commons, 2016. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/6402.
Full textAbstract:
The aim of this interdisciplinary research was to see whether American presidents can reach Millennials more effectively in the digital age while publicly advancing the legislative agenda of their administration. The rationale is that presidents need to gain public support to pressure Congress into passing their legislation; while doing that, they can capture the public’s interest in politics and educate civically the most inattentive audience. To accomplish the task, strategic messaging adequate to digital media is necessary. Millennials appear as having modest interest and knowledge of politics despite their intense presence on digital media. On the other hand, they represent a third of the electorate— also projected to become the most important economic contributors in society — thus constituting an audience that cannot be ignored. Because metaphors are credited with an important role in processing new information and in branding leadership, I propose a category of new metaphors, labeled High Definition (HD) Metaphors that have three characteristics: they concentrate the policy contained in the message, are novel, and are relevant to the targeted audience.
The most important claim is that HD metaphors catch the eye of the audience by increasing the message visibility; the corresponding hypothesis is (H1) Presidential messages containing High Definition Metaphors are more salient than their literal counterparts. Second, I argue that HD metaphors facilitate the understanding of the message as they have a contribution to the acquisition of new information; hence the second hypothesis: (H2) Presidential messages containing High Definition Metaphors produce more political knowledge. Last, I claim that metaphors can influence the audience, by producing more agreement with the message; this is reflected in the third hypothesis: (H3) Presidential messages containing High Definition Metaphors are more persuasive than their literal counterparts.
To test these claims I conducted an experiment with 251 students in a large American university in the southeast, in which two groups were exposed to written, fictitious metaphorical messages sourced by a fictitious president of the U.S. and two groups received the non metaphorical versions of the messages (literal counterparts). One pair of messages was constructed on a topic of high involvement and the other pair on a topic of low involvement, as determined at a previous date.
Statistical analysis indicated that HD Metaphors increase the visibility of the message especially for audiences less interested in the topic. This is a key finding because it suggests that presidents can capture the attention of Millennials who are in general apathetic to the political discourse. On the other hand, HD Metaphors did not produce more political knowledge or more persuasion, in this particular design.
The importance of this study is theoretical and practical. It advances a new concept, High Definition Metaphors that was empirically tested with the power of an experiment; future work can build on these findings by detecting other effects. This research also connects theoretical models and concepts from various disciplines, thus enriching the scholarly understanding of issues that are not satisfied within the boundaries of a single field. Most importantly, this research has applicability to practice by informing presidential communication in the digital era; additionally, it can enhance the external strategic communication of leadership in non- governmental and international organizations since HD Metaphors can be adapted to fit any audiences whose attention is desired.