Books on the topic 'Program to perpetrators of gender violence'

This is the first of three chapters to explore why honor killings occur in terms of the perpetrators, victims, families, and neighbors caught up in the social practice. This chapter approaches the psychology of honor killing in terms of reasons for key agents’ motives and behaviors—more specifically, the sociocultural roots of expectations about honorable and shameful behavior, responses to shame, and the formation of a personality capable of overcoming constraints on killing. Here the emphasis is on the beginnings of socialization, gender performance, and personality formation, starting with child-rearing and parental practices, as well as adverse life conditions including toxic stress. The chapter proceeds to consider how adversity and toxic stress alter brain architecture and explains how insecure attachment and traumatic bonding may contribute to a violence-prone personality.

Gender influences political violence, which includes, for example, terrorism, genocide, and war. Gender uncovers how women, men, and nonbinary persons act according to feminine, masculine, or fluid expectations of men and women. A gendered interpretation of political violence recognizes that politics and states project masculine power and privilege, with the result that men occupy the dominant social position in politics and women and marginalized men are subordinate. As such, men (associated with masculinity) are typically understood as perpetrators of political violence with power and agency and women (associated with femininity) are seen as passive and as victims of violence. For example, women killed by drone attacks in the U.S. War on Terrorism are seen as the innocent, who, along with children, are collateral damage. Many historical and current examples, however, demonstrate that women have agency, namely that they are active in social groups and state institutions responding to and initiating political violence. Women are victims of political violence in many instances, yet some are also political and social actors who fight for change.Gendercide, which can occur alongside genocide, targets a specific gender, with the result that men, women, or those who identify with a non-heteronormative sexuality are subject to discriminatory killing. Rape in wartime situations is also gendered; often it is an expression of men’s power over women and over men who are feminized and marginalized. Because war is typically seen as a masculine domain, wartime violence is not associated with women, who are viewed as life givers and not life takers. Similarly, few expect women to be terrorists, and when they are, women’s motivations often are assumed to be different from those of men. Whereas some scholars argue that women pursue terrorism for personal (and feminine) reasons, for example to redeem themselves from the reputation of rape or for the loss of a male loved one, other scholars maintain that women act on account of political or religious motivations. Although many cases of women’s involvement in war and terrorism can be documented throughout history, wartime leadership and prominent social positions following political violence have been reserved for men. Leaders with feminine traits seem undesirable during and after political violence, because military leadership and negotiations to end military conflict are associated with men and masculinity. Nevertheless, women’s groups and individual women respond to situations of violence by protesting against violence, testifying at tribunals and truth commissions, and constructing the political memory of violence.

Women have a complicated relationship with violence. While they are affected by conflict disproportionately, they are also perpetrators and enablers of violence. These female militants are not rare nor are they aberrations. Countless women have contributed to wars fought from antiquity to the present. Yet, their impact on the security realm is often overlooked or underestimated. This oversight is consequential as it is impossible to truly understand international relations without considering women’s diverse contributions to global politics. This chapter examines female participation in the execution of political violence across time and space and discusses how gender diversity in conflicts across the world affects U.S. national security.

Violence against women and girls (VAWG) is a longstanding problem that has increasingly come to the forefront of international and national policy debates and news: from the US reauthorization of the Violence against Women Act and a United Nations declaration to end sexual violence in war, to coverage of gang rapes in India, cyberstalking and "revenge porn", honor killings, female genital mutilation, and international trafficking. Yet, while we frequently read or learn about particular experiences or incidents of VAWG, we are often unaware of the full picture. Jacqui True, an internationally renowned scholar of globalization and gender, provides an expansive frame for understanding VAWG in this book. Among the questions she addresses include: What are we talking about when we discuss VAWG? What kinds of violence does it encompass? Who does it affect most and why? What are the risk factors for victims and perpetrators? Does VAWG occur at the same level in all societies? Are there cultural explanations for it? What types of legal redress do victims have? How reliable are the statistics that we have? Are men and boys victims of gender-based violence? What is the role of the media in exacerbating VAWG? And, what sorts of policy and advocacy routes exist to end VAWG? This volume addresses the current state of knowledge and research on these questions. True surveys our best understanding of the causes and consequences of violence against women in the home, local community, workplace, public, and transnationally. In so doing, she brings together multidisciplinary perspectives on the problem of violence against women and girls, and sets out the most promising policy and advocacy frameworks to end this violence.

This chapter explores the opportunities present in the Rome Statute to promote justice for victims of sexual and gender-based violence in the International Criminal Court (ICC). It focuses on the concept of complementarity to show the ICC’s potential for reform and to catalyze the prosecution of international crimes (genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes). It then describes the ICC’s broader approach to sexual violence and gender, as well as the domestic impact of this jurisprudence. The chapter concludes by suggesting that the Rome Statute’s standards should be introduced into national law. This could create broader benefits for women and victims of sexual and gender-based violence beyond the prosecution of criminal perpetrators.

This chapter explores the exclusion of civilian men from discussions of gender violence and gender inequality in conflict situations. It argues that progress toward including men in policy and legal discourse has been stunted, despite repeated attempts to challenge the silencing of men’s experiences. The chapter demonstrates how men can be simultaneously victims and perpetrators of sexual violence. It also highlights the importance of interrogating data collection methods in sexual violence studies. Reassessments of such statistics show that men are more frequently victims of sexual violence than had been previously assumed. To create alternative models of justice, this chapter calls for a conceptual shift that recognizes the gender-based harms men experience in conflict.

The book enriches our understanding of international human rights by using intersectionality theory, the concept that aspects of identity, such as race and gender, are mutually constitutive and intersect to create unique experiences of discrimination and subordination, to examine contemporary human rights issues. Perpetrators of sexual violence in armed conflict, for example, often target victims based on both gender and ethnicity. Human rights remedies that fail to capture the intersectional nature of human rights violations do not offer comprehensive redress to victims. The book explores the influence of intersectionality theory on human rights in the modern era and traces the evolution of intersectionality as a theoretical framework in the United States and around the world. The book draws upon critical race feminism and human rights jurisprudence to argue that scholars and activists have under-utilized intersectionality theory in the global discourse of human rights. As the central intergovernmental organization charged with the protection of human rights, the United Nations has been slow to embrace the insights gained from intersectionality theory. Global Intersectionality argues that the United Nations and other human rights organizations must more actively embrace intersectionality as an analytical framework in order to fully address the complexity of human rights violations around the world.

Turkey’s democratic regime and its vicissitudes are dependent on a necropolitical undercurrent. This book presents a bold collection of essays that evaluate Turkey’s recent history from the perspective of the necropolitical underpinnings of its precarious democracy. Combining cutting edge research and a diverse range of approaches from multiple disciplines, including political theory, philosophy, anthropology, sociology, history, international relations, and gender and sexuality studies, the book examines the multiple ways in which lives are brought into the fold of power and analyses how they are subjected to mechanisms of death and destruction, as well as modalities of infrastructural violence, strategic neglect and exposure. Focusing on themes such as martyrdom, counterinsurgency warfare, enforced disappearances and conscientious objection; sites such as emergency zones, cemeteries, monuments and borderlands; and institutions such as prisons, courts and the army, the collection offers a sobering and original analysis of contemporary Turkey and, thus indirectly, of the changing political dynamics of the Middle East. It points to the emergence of new forms of impoverishment, inequality and disposability. It provides a new and rich lexicon that makes a sophisticated contribution to the growing research program on violence in the critical humanities.

In Archiving Mexican Masculinities in Diaspora, Nicole M. Guidotti-Hernández challenges machismo—a shorthand for racialized and heteronormative Latinx men's misogyny—with nuanced portraits of Mexican men and masculinities along and across the US-Mexico border. Guidotti-Hernández foregrounds Mexican men's emotional vulnerabilities and intimacies in their diasporic communities. Highlighting how Enrique Flores Magón, an anarchist political leader and journalist, upended gender norms through sentimentality and emotional vulnerability that he performed publicly and expressed privately, Guidotti-Hernández documents compelling continuities between his expressions and those of men enrolled in the Bracero program. Braceros—more than 4.5 million Mexican men who traveled to the United States to work in temporary agricultural jobs from 1942 to 1964—forged domesticity and intimacy, sharing affection but also physical violence. Through these case studies that reexamine the diasporic male private sphere, Guidotti-Hernández formulates a theory of transnational Mexican masculinities rooted in emotional and physical intimacy that emerged from the experiences of being racial, political, and social outsiders in the United States.