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Relevant bibliographies by topics / Progressive Conservative Party of Canada - Biography

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Academic literature on the topic 'Progressive Conservative Party of Canada - Biography'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Progressive Conservative Party of Canada - Biography"

1

Stevenson, H. Michael. "Ideology and Unstable Party Identification in Canada: Limited Rationality in a Brokerage Party System." Canadian Journal of Political Science 20, no. 4 (1987): 813–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900050423.

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AbstractThis article examines changes in individuals' identification with Canadian federal political parties in the period 1977 to 1981. The analysis suggests that differences in class and ideology have a significant, if not very large effect on shifts in partisan identity. There was a slight bias toward more upper-class identification with the Progressive Conservative party and more lower-class identification with the Liberal party. Unstable partisans were at least as ideologically constrained as stable partisans, and partisan instability was more pronounced amongst the more left-wing individuals. Changes in partisanship were more likely among younger respondents, particularly lower-class and more left-wing youth. The largest bloc of unstable partisans was closest ideologically to the more left-wing stable New Democratic party partisans, and shifted only between the New Democratic and Liberal parties. A smaller bloc moved to the Progressive Conservative party and was ideologically closest to its more right-wing stable partisans.

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2

Devaney, Laura. "The Unite the Right Movement and the Brokerage of Social Conservative Voices Within the New Conservative Party of Canada." Agora: Political Science Undergraduate Journal 3, no. 2 (2013): 101. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/agora19898.

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2003 marked a year of significant change in the political landscape, particularly for the Canadian right. After ten years of division, the Progressive Conservative Party of Canada (PCs) and the Canadian Alliance united to create the Conservative Party of Canada. This union required a balancing of the interests of both of its founding parties who, on certain issues, espoused very different views. One important example of this was social conservatism. In this paper, the author examines the new party’s attempt to balance the two parties’ differing opinions on social conservatism. In order to accomplish this, the paper first examines the differences between the two parties, and then examines how conflicting interests were resolved under the banner of the ‘New Conservative Party.’ The author concludes that by deliberately declarin socially conservative issues beyond the scope of party policy, the new conservative party has been able to strike a balance between the interests of the voting population and the interests of its more socially conservative members, who are able to express their preferences by means of a free vote.

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3

Pétry, François. "The Party Agenda Model: Election Programmes and Government Spending in Canada." Canadian Journal of Political Science 28, no. 1 (1995): 51–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900018370.

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AbstractMultiple regression analysis is used to test the existence of a link between the programmes of the Progressive Conservative, Liberal and New Democratic parties and subsequent government spending priorities. The analysis shows that the programme of the governing party is a poor predictor of government policies. Instead, public expenditures have been sensitive to changes in the programmes of opposition parties. The analysis also shows that government spending priorities in some important policy areas have been more sensitive to opposition party programmes when the popularity of these parties was rising. While public support has favoured the Liberals for most of the period of analysis, the fragile nature of this support has left the governing Liberals uncertain about their prospects of subsequent victory at the polls. This uncertainty has led the governing Liberals to compromise with the Progressive Conservatives on some issues and to mirror the proposals of the New Democratic party on other issues.

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Botchwey, Brianna Scrimshaw, and Caitlin Cunningham. "The politicization of protected areas establishment in Canada." FACETS 6 (January 1, 2021): 1146–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1139/facets-2020-0069.

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Environmental issues and related policy instruments are becoming increasingly politicized in the Canadian context, but it is unclear whether biodiversity conservation and protected areas are similarly politicized. Here, we suggest that the political characteristics of protected areas do not lend themselves easily to politicization, but data from the Canadian Protected and Conserved Areas Database indicate that at the federal level, and provincially in Alberta, the rate of protected areas establishment is becoming increasingly tied to electoral politics, suggesting some politicization. We situate these trends within federal electoral politics between 2006 and the present, outlining the differing approaches of the Harper Conservatives and the Trudeau Liberals and showing how both administrations instrumentalized the environment and protected areas for their own electoral benefits. We find similar trends in Alberta with the Progressive Conservative, New Democratic Party, and United Conservative Party governments. However, while there is increasing polarization in practice, there has been less polarization of the electoral rhetoric surrounding protected areas. This politicization represents a barrier to conservation in Canada as it can lead to greenwashing, poor accountability, or the creation of an anti-conservation constituency. At the same time, politicization can raise the profile of conservation in public discourse, leading to greater public interest and engagement.

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5

Frohlich, Norman, and Irvin Boschmann. "Partisan Preference and Income Redistribution: Cross-National and Cross-Sexual Results." Canadian Journal of Political Science 19, no. 1 (1986): 53–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900057978.

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AbstractThe relationships between attitudes toward income redistribution and partisan preferences are examined and contrasted in Canadian and American samples of college students. In both samples evidence is found that there is a strong relationship between the variables among males and an absence of a relationship among females. In Canada, support for income redistribution is strongly positively correlated with support for the New Democratic party, positively correlated with support for the Liberal party, and strongly negatively correlated with support for the Progressive Conservative party. In the United States support for income redistribution is strongly positively correlated with support for the Democratic party and strongly negatively correlated with support for the Republican party. Cross-national differences are also found between Canadian and American subjects, Canadian subjects having significantly lower variance among party supporters regarding this issue. Some implications of the results for research in the area of sex differences in politics and the influence of economic concerns on political behaviour are discussed briefly.

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6

Stewart, David K. "The Changing Leadership Electorate: An Examination of Participants in the 1992 Alberta Conservative Leadership Election." Canadian Journal of Political Science 30, no. 1 (1997): 107–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900014955.

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AbstractThis article examines the 1992 Progressive Conservative leadership election in Alberta, Canada, and assesses the degree to which this universal ballot produced a leadership electorate distinctive from that enfranchised at the previous convention. The universal ballot electorate possessed a limited background in the party, was not heavily involved in the campaign but included a much higher proportion of women and substantially more elderly voters. Participation remained essentially a middle-class endeavour. Although many of the concerns raised by critics of the universal ballot are confirmed by the Alberta experiment, there are positive features to the Alberta model and the move to universal balloting is not without its merits.

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7

Banack, Clark. "Understanding the Influence of Faith-Based Organizations on Education Policy in Alberta." Canadian Journal of Political Science 48, no. 4 (2015): 933–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423915000797.

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AbstractRecent media accounts suggest certain faith-based interest groups are increasingly pressuring provincial governments across Canada to ensure their views on education policy are acted upon. This paper offers a qualitative assessment of the policy influence possessed by faith-based groups active on the education file in Alberta and the factors responsible for this level of influence. Overall, such influence is not directly attributable to the group's size or resources nor can it be explained by the assumption that Alberta is overrun with religious citizens demanding socially conservative policies. Rather, the explanation is found in a more nuanced appreciation of the self-interested electoral calculations made by the long-governing Progressive Conservative party, on the one hand, as well as well as the party's long-running commitment to “school choice” on the other. This sentiment is intimately related to both the province's populist political culture as well as a broader ideological convergence around the principle of “free choice” in general, and the benefits of marketization in particular.

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8

Noel, S. J. R. "Cycling into Saigon: The Conservative Transition in Ontario By David R. Cameron and Graham White. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 2000. 224p. $75.00." American Political Science Review 96, no. 1 (2002): 229–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055402254337.

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One defining feature of a constitutional democracy is that the defeat of the governing party in a general election leads to a peaceful, orderly, and more or less routine change of government. Given the inherently combative nature of electoral politics and the potential for disruptive action by the losing side, this is no small achievement, and when it happens it is justly celebrated. Transitions in constitutional regimes, moreover, provide a unique if momentary window through which to view the mainsprings of political power. This volume is a study of the 1995 transition from New Democratic Party (NDP) to Progressive Conservative (PC) rule in the province of Ontario. It makes an important contribution to the sparse literature on transitions in Canada and in parliamentary regimes generally. For students of comparative government, it usefully complements recent work on presidential transitions in the United States, particularly Charles O. Jones, Passages to the Presidency: From Campaigning to Governing (1998).

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Studlar, Donley T., and Richard E. Matland. "The Growth of Women's Representation in the Canadian House of Commons and the Election of 1984: A Reappraisal." Canadian Journal of Political Science 27, no. 1 (1994): 53–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900006211.

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AbstractIn the 1980s, Canada went from having one of the lowest levels of female representation in its national legislature to having one of the highest among countries with single-member district electoral systems. The authors examine the common assertion that this increase was largely due to the surprising Progressive Conservative landslide in the 1984 federal election. By simulating plausible alternative election results they find there would have been a substantial increase in the number of women in the parliament, regardless of how the vote split in 1984. The simulations are followed by probit analyses for 1980, 1984 and 1988 which examine what factors affected the probability a major-party candidate would be a woman and what factors affected the probability that a successful candidate would be a woman.

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10

Sass, Robert. "Labor Policy and Social Democracy: The Case of Saskatchewan, 1971–1982." International Journal of Health Services 24, no. 4 (1994): 763–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/gb02-ewuk-0tfk-elfl.

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This article analyzes labor policy, especially that of occupational health and safety, initiated by the Saskatchewan New Democratic Party (NDP) from 1971 to 1982. The NDP was perceived by Canadian provincial labor federations and the Canadian Labour Congress as the government most approximating a European labor party. The provincial labor legislation was seen as exemplary, and the occupational health and safety legislation as a “beacon” for the rest of Canada. This article suggests that the advances in occupational health and safety statute and regulations were a direct response to the government's policy to develop uranium mining. In order to pursue a vigorous renewable and nonrenewable resource policy, the government maintained that uranium could be mined “safely.” This resulted in “progressive” health and safety legislation and the reinforcement of the colonial status of people of Indian ancestry. This policy of growth and development also resulted in joint venture relationships with multinational corporations and increasing investments in the north for nonrenewable resource development. Prior to the landslide defeat of the NDP in 1982 by the Conservative Party, the richest 5 percent of Saskatchewan people earned as much, in total, as the poorest 50 percent. Meanwhile, ordinary workers experienced declining real wages and increased employment insecurity.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Progressive Conservative Party of Canada - Biography"

1

Wise, Bruce (Bruce Douglas) Carleton University Dissertation Canadian Studies. "Labour versus the state : the conflicting policy interests and ideas of the Canadian trade union movement and the Federal Conservative Government, 1984-1988." Ottawa, 1990.

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Books on the topic "Progressive Conservative Party of Canada - Biography"

1

Hersey, Linda. Elsie!: An authorized biography of Elsie Wayne. Neptune, 1998.

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Hersey, Linda. Elsie!: An authorized biography of Elsie Wayne. Neptune, 1998.

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3

George Nowlan, maritime conservative in national politics. University of Toronto Press, 1986.

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4

Goodman, Eddie. Life of the party: The memoirs of Eddie Goodman. Key Porter Books, 1988.

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5

Murphy, Rae. Brian Mulroney, the boy from Baie-Comeau. Goodread Biographies, 1985.

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6

J'ai choisi le Québec. Editions P. Tisseyre, 1998.

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7

Nielsen, Erik. The house is not a home. Macmillan of Canada, 1989.

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8

Macquarrie, Heath. Red Tory blues: A political memoir. University of Toronto Press, 1992.

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9

Memoirs: 1939-1993. M&S, 2007.

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10

Piovesana, R. H. Robert J. Manion, member of Parliament for Fort William, 1917-1935. Thunder Bay Historical Museum Society, 1990.

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