Academic literature on the topic 'Progressive Conservative Party of Saskatchewan'

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Journal articles on the topic "Progressive Conservative Party of Saskatchewan"

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Sass, Robert. "Labor Policy and Social Democracy: The Case of Saskatchewan, 1971–1982." International Journal of Health Services 24, no. 4 (1994): 763–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/gb02-ewuk-0tfk-elfl.

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This article analyzes labor policy, especially that of occupational health and safety, initiated by the Saskatchewan New Democratic Party (NDP) from 1971 to 1982. The NDP was perceived by Canadian provincial labor federations and the Canadian Labour Congress as the government most approximating a European labor party. The provincial labor legislation was seen as exemplary, and the occupational health and safety legislation as a “beacon” for the rest of Canada. This article suggests that the advances in occupational health and safety statute and regulations were a direct response to the governm
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Fulmer, Chris. "Hope Beats Fear? : The Assent of the Saskatchewan Party to Power and the Fall of the NDP." Agora: Political Science Undergraduate Journal 3, no. 2 (2013): 129. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/agora18911.

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The purpose of this paper is to trace the assent of the Saskatchewan Party and examine their current success in the province that has been historically hostile to conservative parties of any iteration. Saskatchewan’s “Natural Governing Party” has long been considered the NDP, and the province’s political culture has been long entrenched with a social democratic lean. This paper builds on and applies the work of Dr Jared Wesley and Michael Moyes in “Selling Social Democracy: Branding the Political Left in Canada” to the context of Saskatchewan and the Sask Party. This paper looks at the tactics
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PUNNETT, R. M. "Leadership Selection in Opposition: the Progressive-Conservative Party of Canada1." Australian Journal of Politics & History 17, no. 2 (2008): 188–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1971.tb00836.x.

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Carroll, Terrance, and David McLaughlin. "Poisoned Chalice: The Last Campaign of the Progressive Conservative Party?" Canadian Public Policy / Analyse de Politiques 21, no. 4 (1995): 476. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3551352.

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Stevenson, H. Michael. "Ideology and Unstable Party Identification in Canada: Limited Rationality in a Brokerage Party System." Canadian Journal of Political Science 20, no. 4 (1987): 813–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900050423.

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AbstractThis article examines changes in individuals' identification with Canadian federal political parties in the period 1977 to 1981. The analysis suggests that differences in class and ideology have a significant, if not very large effect on shifts in partisan identity. There was a slight bias toward more upper-class identification with the Progressive Conservative party and more lower-class identification with the Liberal party. Unstable partisans were at least as ideologically constrained as stable partisans, and partisan instability was more pronounced amongst the more left-wing individ
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Devaney, Laura. "The Unite the Right Movement and the Brokerage of Social Conservative Voices Within the New Conservative Party of Canada." Agora: Political Science Undergraduate Journal 3, no. 2 (2013): 101. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/agora19898.

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2003 marked a year of significant change in the political landscape, particularly for the Canadian right. After ten years of division, the Progressive Conservative Party of Canada (PCs) and the Canadian Alliance united to create the Conservative Party of Canada. This union required a balancing of the interests of both of its founding parties who, on certain issues, espoused very different views. One important example of this was social conservatism. In this paper, the author examines the new party’s attempt to balance the two parties’ differing opinions on social conservatism. In order to acco
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Nilsson, Artur, Henry Montgomery, Girts Dimdins, Maria Sandgren, Arvid Erlandsson, and Adrian Taleny. "Beyond ‘Liberals’ and ‘Conservatives’: Complexity in Ideology, Moral Intuitions, and Worldview among Swedish Voters." European Journal of Personality 34, no. 3 (2020): 448–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/per.2249.

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This research investigated the congruence between the ideologies of political parties and the ideological preferences ( N = 1515), moral intuitions ( N = 1048), and political values and worldviews ( N = 1345) of diverse samples of Swedish adults who voted or intended to vote for the parties. Logistic regression analyses yielded support for a series of hypotheses about variations in ideology beyond the left–right division. With respect to social ideology, resistance to change and binding moral intuitions predicted stronger preference for a social democratic (vs. progressive) party on the left a
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Jaffrelot, Christophe. "The Congress in Gujarat (1917–1969): Conservative Face of a Progressive Party." Studies in Indian Politics 5, no. 2 (2017): 248–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2321023017727982.

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The political culture of the Gujarat Congress has been traditionally characterized by a conservative overtone that contrasted with the progressive ethos of party units of other provinces. This specificity comes not only from the Gujarati asmita, but also from the attitude of Mahatma Gandhi who did not fully support progressive elements, such as Indulal Yagnik, against more conservative leaders, including Vallabhbhai Patel, K.M. Munshi, G. Nanda and M. Desai. These leaders, who—all of them—eventually exerted power in New Delhi, had affinities with the Sangh parivar, a phenomenon suggesting a un
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Stepan-Norris, Judith, and Caleb Southworth. "Churches as Organizational Resources." Social Science History 31, no. 3 (2007): 343–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s014555320001378x.

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Employing a historical dataset on Detroit in the 1950s, this article uses geographic models to show the political impact of churches and religious populations on presidential voting. Multilevel models separate the relative impact of individual denomination, the effect of congregants in neighborhoods, and the importance of the physical presence of a church. Existing studies of geography and religion examine a few denominations; here a full set of religious denominations is compared on support for Democratic Party voting and “social movement-like” voting for the Progressive Party. Mainline Prote
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Webb, Paul, and Sarah Childs. "Gender Politics and Conservatism: The View from the British Conservative Party Grassroots." Government and Opposition 47, no. 1 (2012): 21–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.2011.01355.x.

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AbstractCan conservatives be feminists? This article examines the issue by exploring the case of the British Conservative Party, drawing on a new survey of party members. Under David Cameron's leadership, reforms have been made to the party's parliamentary selection procedures and distinct women's policies developed, thus addressing both the descriptive and substantive representation of women. We examine party members' attitudes towards three types of gender issue: basic orientations towards gender roles and relations; specific policy measures relevant to the substantive representation of wome
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Progressive Conservative Party of Saskatchewan"

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Wise, Bruce (Bruce Douglas) Carleton University Dissertation Canadian Studies. "Labour versus the state : the conflicting policy interests and ideas of the Canadian trade union movement and the Federal Conservative Government, 1984-1988." Ottawa, 1990.

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Scott, G. Douglas. "Leadership and ideology in conflict, an analysis of the Progressive Conservative Party of Newfoundland and Labrador, 1995-96." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape11/PQDD_0006/MQ42440.pdf.

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McCaffrey, Shaun. "A study of policy continuity between the Progressive Conservative and New Democratic Party governments of Manitoba, 1958-1977." 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1993/3585.

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There existed a fundamental similarity in the policies of the Roblin and Schreyer administrations during the years from 1958 to 1977. By means of historical analysis, this thesis traces several major fields of public policy which characterized the Roblin Progressive conservatives and the Schreyer New Democrats, demonstrating that although there were ideological differences between the two governments, the policies of the two administrations reflected a significant continuity. Both administrations maintained an interventionist presence in economic and social matters. Both governments were more
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Scott, G. Douglas. "Leadership and ideology in conflict : an analysis of the Progressive Conservative Party of Newfoundland and Labrador 1995-96 /." 1999.

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Books on the topic "Progressive Conservative Party of Saskatchewan"

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Pitsula, James M. Privatizing a province: The new right in Saskatchewan. New Star Books, 1990.

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Cusack, Leonard. A party for progress: The P.E.I Progressive Conservative Party, 1770-2000. Retromedia Publishing, 2013.

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McLaughlin, David. Poisoned chalice: The last campaign of the Progressive Conservative Party? Dundurn Press, 1994.

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L, Granatstein J., and Young W. R. 1947-, eds. Sacred trust?: Brian Mulroney and the Conservative Party in power. Doubleday Canada, 1986.

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Manning, Preston, 1942- writer of foreward, ed. The Tory book: Daily wisdom, humour & history ; the Harper record. John H. Redekop, 2015.

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Progressive Conservative Party of Canada. Directory. The Party, 1985.

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George Nowlan, maritime conservative in national politics. University of Toronto Press, 1986.

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Walchuk, Bradley. Intra-party federalism and the Progressive Conservative Parties of Alberta and Ontario, 1943 to 2008. Brock University, Dept. of Political Science, 2008.

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Speirs, Rosemary. Out of the blue: The fall of the Tory dynasty in Ontario. Macmillan of Canada, 1986.

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Goodman, Eddie. Life of the party: The memoirs of Eddie Goodman. Key Porter Books, 1988.

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Book chapters on the topic "Progressive Conservative Party of Saskatchewan"

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Cross, William, and Lisa Young. "Party Membership on the Canadian Political Right: The Canadian Alliance and Progressive Conservative Parties." In Conservative Parties and Right-Wing Politics in North America. VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-663-09508-8_9.

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Woolstencroft, Peter. "FIFTEEN. Reclaiming the ‚Pink Palace’: The Progressive Conservative Party Comes in from the Cold." In The Government and Politics of Ontario, edited by Graham White. University of Toronto Press, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/9781442670198-016.

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Jenkins, Jeffery A., and Charles Stewart. "The Organizational Cartel Persists, 1891–2011." In Fighting for the Speakership. Princeton University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691118123.003.0009.

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This chapter examines leadership selection after the Reed Rules and the persistence of the organizational cartel in the House of Representatives during the period 1891–2011. It begins by discussing factional divisions and further threats to the caucus organization before considering the progressive Republicans' 1910 revolt against Speaker Joseph G. Cannon as well as the Democrats' return to power and control of the House from the 62nd through 65th Congresses (1911–1919). It then analyzes the rift between progressive and conservative elements in the Republican Party that challenged the party monopoly over the House's makeup. Despite these problematic events and other issues, along with severe regional divisions within the majority Democratic Party, the chapter shows that the binding party caucus and organizational cartel survived and flourished through the present day.
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Page, Robert M. "‘Progressive’ neo-liberal conservatism and the welfare state: incremental reform or long-term destruction?" In Social Policy Review 28. Policy Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781447331797.003.0005.

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This chapter explores the approach of the modern Conservatives towards the welfare state since David Cameron became party leader in 2005. This chapter shows that in shifting the Conservative Party’s narrative to embrace key social justice agendas from a non-egalitarian and more individualist perspective, Cameron has not only allowed the Conservatives to present themselves as being sympathetic to progressive ends but also to move the terms of debate to the efficacy of Labour’s (more statist) means.
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Muncy, Robyn. "Unmoored during Wartime, 1939–1945." In Relentless Reformer. Princeton University Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691122731.003.0013.

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This chapter details events in Josephine Roche's life from 1939 to 1945. World War II created new difficulties for Roche with Franklin D. Roosevelt. As during World War I, U.S. involvement in this new global conflict funneled fresh resources to both progressives and their opponents, leaving the outcome of their competition to the postwar period. Roche's experience provided glimpses of both the war's progressive and conservative tendencies as well as the dilemmas generated within progressive souls. Difficulties at Rocky Mountain Fuel, however, gave World War II an even more discouraging cast for Roche than World War I had. Indeed, miseries fueled by her coal company eroded her connection to the Democratic Party and weakened her confidence in government as an ally in the cause of diminishing inequality. These losses set Roche slightly out of sync with the larger progressive movement and left her by war's end institutionally unmoored.
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Bruce, Steve. "Religion and Politics." In British Gods. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198854111.003.0010.

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In Catholic Europe, progressive and working-class politics have often been anti-religious. In Britain, class conflict was often expressed within, rather than against, Christianity, with the Labour Party having deep roots in dissenting movements such as the Methodists. This chapter details such class connections and associated regional movements (such as the anti-English appeal of the Welsh chapels). It considers Muslim involvement in the Labour Party and the roots of anti-Semitism. The rapid rise and fall of the Christian Party and the Christian People’s Alliance are used to test the electoral popularity of conservative socio-moral positions. An apparent connection between identifying as Church of England and BREXIT-era xenophobia is demonstrated to be largely a matter of nostalgia: regular churchgoers are more likely than nominal identifiers to be pro-European Union and sympathetic to immigrants.
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Miller, Kenneth P. "How California Turned Blue." In Texas vs. California. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190077365.003.0007.

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This chapter describes California’s transformation into a deep blue state. For many years, the Republican Party was the dominant force in California politics. Yet the state was never overwhelmingly conservative. It was a leader of the national Progressive movement of the early twentieth century and for decades continued to support a range of liberal policies even under Republican governors. Democrats began to gain ground in the 1950s and the two parties were highly competitive in the four decades between 1958 and 1998. In the 1990s, California began to shift from a competitive two-party system to Democratic control. Changes in the state’s demographics, economy, and culture contributed to this transformation. Once the parties polarized along ideological lines, California more naturally aligned with the party of the left. Democrats have now gained near total control over California, making it the nation’s most consequential blue state.
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Wolin, Sheldon S. "From Progress to Modernization." In Fugitive Democracy, edited by Nicholas Xenos. Princeton University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691133645.003.0018.

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Since the beginning of its modern history, the idea of progress functioned as a political critique directed against the power-wielding institutions of monarchy, aristocracy, and church. Progress quickly became the personal property of liberalism, even though there was no necessary connection between the two. Just as “left” and “progressive” became virtually interchangeable terms, so “conservative” and “antiprogressive” were widely regarded as synonymous. This chapter suggests that these historical identities are now in a process of realignment. The left's historic monopoly on change is being successfully challenged and conservatism is emerging as the party of progress. These shifts signal that a profound change is taking place in the meaning of progress.
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Braunstein, Ruth. "Introduction." In Prophets and Patriots. University of California Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/california/9780520293649.003.0001.

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Chapter 1 introduces readers to Interfaith, a progressive faith-based community organizing coalition, and the Patriots, a conservative Tea Party group. It depicts members of both groups struggling to move forward in the wake of the Great Recession, and as a result choosing to become more active citizens capable of inserting their voices, values, and knowledge into the policy debates that impact their lives. It then situates the groups’ efforts in the historical contexts of changing conceptions of good citizenship and rising societal secularization, enabling readers to discern previously unrecognized convergences and divergences in how these groups engage in active citizenship. Finally, it describes the research methods that were used to study these groups and provides an overview of the key arguments and contributions of the book.
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Charnock, Emily J. "Electoral Afterlives." In The Rise of Political Action Committees. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190075514.003.0005.

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This chapter considers Labor’s Non-Partisan League (LNPL) and the Liberty League after the 1936 election campaign. Both remained in existence for several years, though the Liberty League was far less active. Meanwhile, the LNPL shifted its sights from electing the president to electing his supporters in Congress. In so doing, its actions took on a more partisan hue, for most LNPL support went to liberal Democrats and few, if any, progressive Republicans. It also opposed some conservative Southern Democrats, suggesting a nascent interest in partisan change—something President Roosevelt had himself encouraged with his 1938 “purge” campaign, when he urged defeat of his most bitter Democratic critics in their primary elections. Especially after 1938, CIO leaders began to look beyond a strategy of “rewarding and punishing” to envisaging a cohesive, disciplined, and supportive Democratic Party as a vehicle through which labor’s aims could best be achieved over the long term.
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