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Academic literature on the topic 'Progressive Democrats (Ireland)'
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Journal articles on the topic "Progressive Democrats (Ireland)"
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Kennally, D. J., and M. J. Lohe. "Breaking the Mould? The Emergence of the Progressive Democrats in Ireland." Political Quarterly 58, no. 3 (July 1987): 339–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-923x.1987.tb00749.x.
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Matthijs, Matthias. "Integration at What Price? The Erosion of National Democracy in the Euro Periphery." Government and Opposition 52, no. 2 (March 3, 2017): 266–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2016.50.
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The euro crisis brought back a widening gap in prosperity between the eurozone’s core and periphery members, but also revealed a divergence in the strength of its national democracies. This article examines the amplified tension between progressively uprooted national markets governed by a supranational technocracy and nationally organized democratic politics in the eurozone’s periphery. Building on Dani Rodrik’s globalization ‘trilemma’, this article explains the weakening of national democratic institutions in Greece, Ireland, Portugal, Spain and Italy since 2008. While the periphery states were forced to choose monetary integration at the expense of both democracy and sovereignty, this trade-off was mostly absent in the core. The eurozone’s policy solutions to the crisis did not allow for any democratic input, were implemented through opaque and often-undemocratic throughput processes, and resulted in deteriorating output. The article concludes that the EU crisis response made euro membership in the periphery less compatible with national democratic principles.
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O'Sullivan, Rosemary. "Reform of the Irish family courts system." Boolean: Snapshots of Doctoral Research at University College Cork, no. 2014 (January 1, 2014): 145–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.33178/boolean.2014.29.
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Access to the law and to the courts is an essential part of the rule of law in any democratic society. This right must not be ‘theoretical or illusory’ but rather should be ‘practical and effective’ as declared by the European Court of Human Rights in Airey v Ireland [1979] 2 E.H.R.R. 305. Ireland’s family law courts are in serious need of reform. Delays are problematic, the system is expensive and the courts do not appear to operate efficiently or coherently. Concerns have also been expressed at the continuing use of an adversarial model in this sensitive and complex area of law. Due to concerns that the current family court system is not fit for purpose, the Government has promised reform. The aim of my research is to develop a model of Irish family law courts drawing on international experience with a view to supporting progressive reform in this area.
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Edwards, Aaron. "Democratic Socialism and Sectarianism: The Northern Ireland Labour Party and Progressive Unionist Party Compared." Politics 27, no. 1 (February 2007): 24–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9256.2007.00275.x.
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Marsh, Michael, and James Tilley. "The Attribution of Credit and Blame to Governments and Its Impact on Vote Choice." British Journal of Political Science 40, no. 1 (December 8, 2009): 115–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123409990275.
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This article examines how voters attribute credit and blame to governments for policy success and failure, and how this affects their party support. Using panel data from Britain between 1997 and 2001 and Ireland between 2002 and 2007 to model attribution, the interaction between partisanship and evaluation of performance is shown to be crucial. Partisanship resolves incongruities between party support and policy evaluation through selective attribution: favoured parties are not blamed for policy failures and less favoured ones are not credited with policy success. Furthermore, attributions caused defections from Labour over the 1997–2001 election cycle in Britain, and defections from the Fianna Fáil/Progressive Democrat coalition over the 2002–07 election cycle in Ireland. Using models of vote switching and controlling for partisanship to minimize endogeneity problems, it is shown that attributed evaluations affect vote intention much more than unattributed evaluations. This result holds across several policy areas and both political systems.
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Visser, Anna. "State-Funded Activism: Lessons from Civil Society Organizations in Ireland." Studies in Social Justice 9, no. 2 (March 19, 2016): 231–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.26522/ssj.v9i2.1130.
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Civil society organizations (CSOs) in Ireland receive significant state funding and institutional support according to the logic that they are important contributors to democratic governance, with the effect that the CSO sector has expanded and become more embedded in formal decision-making processes over the past several decades. At the same time, dependency on government funding exposes CSOs to three important challenges: to stay true to activist mandates in the face of pressure from state funders to focus on service provision; to maintain accountability to constituents while also satisfying the vertically oriented accountability requirements of the state; and to nurture collaboration among CSOs in a context of competition for state funding. University-based activists, who are also reliant on (increasingly scarce) government funding, face similar challenges, and therefore should pay more attention to debates regarding state funding in the CSO sphere. By working together to overcome common challenges associated with state funding, activists in both spheres can more effectively contribute to progressive social change.
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Gaynor, Niamh, and Anne O’Brien. "Community radio, democratic participation and the public sphere." Irish Journal of Sociology 25, no. 1 (April 2017): 29–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/ijs.0002.
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Community radio is unique when compared to its commercial and public service counterparts in that, as a non-profit activity, it is owned, managed and controlled by local communities, In theory therefore, community radio offers the potential for more broad-based participation in deliberation and debate within the public sphere engaging multiple voices and perspectives and contributing towards progressive social change. Drawing on a study of four community radio stations in Ireland within a framework drawn from the evolving work of Habermas and associated deliberative, social and media theorists, in this article we examine the extent to which this is the case in practice. We find that democratic participation is still not optimised within the four stations studied. We argue that the reasons for this lie in four main areas: a somewhat limited policy framework; a focus within training programmes on technical competencies over content; the weakness of linkages between stations and their local community groups; and the failure of the latter to understand the unique remit of community radio. The article draws lessons of specific interest to researchers and activists in these domains, as well as offering a framework to those interested in examining community media’s contribution to the re-animation of the public sphere more broadly.
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O'Brien, Cormac. "Performing POZ: Irish Theatre, HIV Stigma, and ‘Post-AIDS’ Identities." Irish University Review 43, no. 1 (May 2013): 74–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/iur.2013.0056.
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This essay interrogates how the theatre of Queer monologist Neil Watkins challenges HIV-stigma, while simultaneously reconciling his Queerness and HIV-positivity with a sense of Irishness. The development of life-saving drugs for the treatment of HIV means that, in certain parts of the world, including Ireland, people are no longer dying from AIDS, but living with HIV. This has given rise to what cultural commentators call a ‘Post-AIDS’ discourse, whereby a discourse of crisis and death has evolved into one of health and typical life expectancy. In terms of being ‘post-AIDS’, Ireland bifurcates into two paradoxical socio-cultural discourses: that of HIV as a medical event, and that of AIDS as a cultural narrative. And while the discourse surrounding HIV the medical event is progressive and democratic, the cultural narrative of AIDS in Ireland is steeped in stigma, ignorance, and contagion paranoia. This damaging narrative is mirrored and embodied in Irish theatre. Interrogating Irish theatre's contentious relationship with the HIV-positive body reveals persistent themes of absence, hiddenness, illness, and death. Neil Watkins disrupts this dramaturgy of shame by mobilizing HIV-stigma to political effect, disrupting received knowledge and cultural assumptions about the HIV-positive body and its current theatrical placement within an anachronistic discourse of crisis. In earlier monologues such as A Cure for Homosexuality (2005) Watkins blurs the lines between the fictional HIV-positive character and the living performer, engendering a troubling tension for the spectator. With his latest work, The Year of Magical Wanking (2010) Watkins further evolves this space whereby the boundaries between character and performer are completely negated. By journeying through Watkins's ‘magical’ year of quotidian HIV-stigma and sexual shame, the spectator discovers the roots of such shame and stigma are not only embedded in Irish socio-political structures, but also in a limiting and narrow heteronormative sexual imaginary.
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Hantrais, Linda. "Introduction: Themed Section on the European Union and Social Policy: National and EU Policy Interaction." Social Policy and Society 2, no. 3 (June 25, 2003): 209–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474746403001283.
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When the European Economic Community was established in 1957, the six founding member states (Belgium, France, Federal Republic of Germany, Italy, Luxembourg, Netherlands) had a shared interest, though each for their own reasons, in ensuring that provisions to promote the harmonisation of national social protection systems figured in the treaties. Progressively, and as membership of the Community expanded and diversified, the social dimension came to be accepted as a legitimate, albeit contested and subordinate, component in European law and policy. Whereas the social protection systems of the six original member states could be considered as variants of the continental model of welfare, the new waves of membership in the 1970s, 1980s and 1990s brought different conceptions of social protection, making harmonisation ever-more difficult to achieve. Denmark, Ireland and the United Kingdom in the second wave were characterised by their universal welfare systems. Greece, Portugal and Spain in the third wave had less developed, minimalist provision for social protection. In the fourth wave, Austria was closer to the founding member states, whereas Finland and Sweden represented the Nordic model with their universalist system based on social democratic criteria.
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CHATTERJEE, PARTHA. "THE CURIOUS CAREER OF LIBERALISM IN INDIA." Modern Intellectual History 8, no. 3 (September 27, 2011): 687–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244311000412.
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There is a long-standing myth that the history of modern India was foretold at the beginning of the nineteenth century by British liberals who predicted that the enlightened despotic rule of India's new conquerors would, by its beneficial effects, improve the native character and institutions sufficiently to prepare the people of that country one day to govern themselves. Lord William Bentinck, a disciple of Jeremy Bentham, while presenting as governor-general his case for the opening up of India to European settlers, speculated on the possibility of “a vast change to have occurred in the frame of society . . . which would imply that the time had arrived when it would be wise for England to leave India to govern itself”, but added that such change “can scarcely be looked for in centuries to come”. The doctrinal basis within liberal theory for justifying a democratic country like Britain exercising despotic power in colonies such as Ireland and India was securely laid out by mid-century liberals such as John Stuart Mill. The project of “improvement” was revived at the end of the nineteenth century by Gladstonian liberals who inducted elite Indians into new representative institutions based on a very narrow franchise in preparation for some form of self-government. When power was ultimately transferred to the rulers of a partitioned subcontinent in 1947, the history of liberal progress in India was complete. The storyline was laid out, for instance, in Thompson and Garratt's Rise and Fulfilment of British Rule in India or in Percival Spear's revised edition of the hugely successful textbook by Vincent Smith. Even nationalist Indian scholars adopted at least a part of this story, nowhere more so than in the histories of constitutional law which traced the foundations of the postcolonial Indian republic to the progressive expansion of liberal state institutions under British rule.
Books on the topic "Progressive Democrats (Ireland)"
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Breaking the mould: How the PDs changed Irish politics. Dublin: Gill & Macmillan, 2006.
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Stephen, Collins. Breaking the mould: How the PDs changed Irish politics. Dublin [Ireland]: Gill & Macmillan, 2005.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Progressive Democrats (Ireland)"
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Mitchell, Paul. "Ireland: Coalition Politics in a Fragmenting Party System." In Coalition Governance in Western Europe, 357–95. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198868484.003.0011.
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Ireland is a parliamentary democracy created as a result of a revolutionary secession from the United Kingdom. While Ireland has many institutional and administrative features that are quite similar to the Westminster model, there are also some important departures, most notably the adoption of limited government via a written constitution, and the adoption of PR-STV which has facilitated the formation of coalition governments. For most of the twentieth century (up until 1989 at least) a Fianna Fáil single-party government was the default outcome of the government-formation process, though many of these cabinets were ‘large’ minority administrations. The only method of ejecting Fianna Fáil was for the second- and third-largest parties (Fine Gael and Labour) to form a coalition government, which they did on a number of occasions. The bargaining environment permanently changed in 1989 when Fianna Fáil broke the habit of a lifetime and entered its first coalition with the Progressive Democrats. Since then almost all governments have been coalitions. This chapter examines the life cycle of coalition government in Ireland: formation, governance, and dissolution. Coalition agreements have evolved over the decades and have become much more important, detailed, and hence more lengthy. The coalition programme plays a key role in the work of the cabinet and the relations between the parties. The increasingly detailed coalition agreements are a very important commitment device during the life cycle of coalition governments. The increasing fragmentation of the party system has meant that coalition formation bargaining has become more challenging.
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Craig, Tony. "Stan Orme and the road to ‘Industrial Democracy’: British attempts at the politicisation of working-class Protestants in Northern Ireland, 1973–75." In Sunningdale, the Ulster Workers' Council Strike and the Struggle for Democracy in Northern Ireland. Manchester University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9780719099519.003.0008.
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As Minister of State in Northern Ireland 1974-1976, Stanley Orme MP (1923-2005) worked at the heart of British government policies that attempted to ameliorate and politicise the membership of those loyalist groups that had successfully brought down the power sharing executive in 1974. Orme followed and extended a government policy of often secret engagement of those outside the mainstream of Northern Ireland politics; a policy that successfully brought about the Provisional IRA’s 1975 ceasefire, but which failed to bring the UVF into electoral politics with the dismal performance of the Volunteer Political Party in the 1974 general elections. Orme’s approach, outlined in the 1975 pamphlet ‘Industrial Democracy’ encouraged workers’ participation in the newly nationalised Harland and Wolff shipyard and was a direct attempt to politicise the Protestant working classes of Belfast. Orme attempted to redirect their support away from both existing militant and right-wing groups that at this time included the UDA, UVF and Ulster Vanguard. Orme’s view was that skilled industrial workers belonged within the fold of progressive social democracy and that the extension of government-backed syndicalist activity in the ship yard would empower the workers and help shift Northern Ireland as a whole from sectarian models of political activity to a class based system similar to the rest of the UK. For Orme, ‘Industrial Democracy’ was the ‘Last Chance for Northern Ireland’ and a potential solution to the province’s ills, ‘If the working-class people of Northern Ireland can be convinced that, whatever their religious denominations, they have economic interests in common, they will be able to approach the constitutional problem… with open minds.’ (‘Last Chance for Northern Ireland?’, [undated] c. 1975 LSE Orme 1/3). Using a combination of Orme’s official and private papers, this chapter seeks to explore and critique Orme’s motivation, his policy, and its effect.