Dissertations / Theses: 'Progressivisme'

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Hungerford, Yael Levin. "Charles S. Peirce's Conservative Progressivism." Thesis, Boston College, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:107167.

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Thesis advisor: Nasser Behnegar
My dissertation explores the epistemological and political thought of Charles S. Peirce, the founder of American pragmatism. In contrast to the pragmatists who followed, Peirce defends a realist notion of truth. He seeks to provide a framework for understanding the nature of knowledge that does justice to our commonsense experience of things. Similarly in contrast to his fellow pragmatists, Peirce has a conservative practical teaching: he warns against combining theory and practice out of concern that each will corrupt the other. The first three chapters of this dissertation examine Peirce’s pragmatism and related features of his thought: his Critical Common-Sensism, Scholastic Realism, semeiotics, and a part of his metaphysical or cosmological musings. The fourth chapter explores Peirce’s warning that theory and practice ought to be kept separate. The fifth chapter aims to shed light on Peirce’s practical conservatism by exploring the liberal arts education he recommends for educating future statesmen. This dissertation makes clear that Peirce was not a crude utilitarian or simply concerned with “what works.” He was, moreover, not anti-metaphysical. Peirce has much to instruct contemporary thinkers. His is an anti-skeptical but modest theory of reality that remains valuable to contemporary readers. His message of caution in the practical realm is sound. Finally, his call for what a university ought to be and the liberal arts education that will best groom students for a life of action is still an important message
Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2016
Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Political Science

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Fortune, Aaron. "A philosophical history of American progressivism /." Available to subscribers only, 2007. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1362525211&sid=17&Fmt=2&clientId=1509&RQT=309&VName=PQD.

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Antle, Michael Lee. "Progressivism/Prohibition and War: Texas, 1914-1918." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1992. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc935651/.

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This thesis focuses upon the impact of war upon the progressive movement in Texas during 1914-1918. Chapter I defines progressivism in Texas and presents an overview of the political situation in the state as relating to the period. Chapter II discusses the negative impact that the first two years of World War I had upon the reform movement. Chapter III examines the revival of the Anti-Saloon League and the 1916 Democratic state convention. Chapter IV covers the war between James E. Ferguson and the University of Texas. Chapter V tells how the European war became a catalyst for the reform movement in Texas following America's entry, and its subsequent influence upon the election of 1918. Chapter VI concludes that James E. Ferguson's war with the University of Texas as well as World War I were responsible for the prohibitionist victory in the election of 1918.

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Sheffield, Michael Jonathan. "An International Reformer: Jessie Ackermann and American Progressivism." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2011. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/1335.

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Jessie Ackermann traveled throughout the world representing numerous American reformist organizations during the Progressive Era. Over the course of her lifetime, she promoted progressive reforms in foreign lands. This study examines Ackermann's career a progressive in an international context. The Jessie Ackermann Collection in the Archives of Appalachia holds various records that document Ackermann's career. Ackermann also authored three books during her lifetime. This thesis employs these primary materials along with other appropriate primary and secondary sources dealing with Ackermann and the Progressive Era. Several historical studies have surveyed Ackermann's work as a reformer; however, none have sought exclusively to place her within the context of the Progressive Movement. Ackermann's experiences reveal that progressives not only sought to change society in America, but that some carried progressivism abroad to transform foreign societies. This study contributes to the understanding of Ackermann's work as a reformer and the international nature of progressivism.

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York, Justin K. "Partisan progressivism : social politics and the 1912 progressive party." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2010. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/1529.

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This item is only available in print in the UCF Libraries. If this is your Honors Thesis, you can help us make it available online for use by researchers around the world by following the instructions on the distribution consent form at http://library.ucf.edu/Systems/DigitalInitiatives/DigitalCollections/InternetDistributionConsentAgreementForm.pdf You may also contact the project coordinator, Kerri Bottorff, at kerri.bottorff@ucf.edu for more information.
Bachelors
Arts and Humanities
History

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Preuss, Gene B. "Progressivism in Texas : the origins of LBJ's educational philosophy /." View online, 1993. http://ecommons.txstate.edu/histtad/6.

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LaPierre, Patrick. "The philosophic soul of reform : Herbert Croly's ideal of progressivism." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp01/MQ40169.pdf.

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Heinrichs, Timothy J. "The last great awakening : the revival of 1905 and progressivism /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10404.

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Turner-Reed, Laura. "'Gimme That Ole Time Religion': Traditionalism, Progressivism and Popular Media." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2002. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc3202/.

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This thesis examines the role of Christianity in contemporary American culture using 1990s popular media as cultural artifacts. Building on theories of ideological analysis and hegemony, this project uncovers a balance between progressive and traditionalist ideologies in American culture with progressive ideologies most often superficially acknowledged and incorporated into dominant traditionalist Christian ideologies through hegemonic negotiation. An analysis of the popular Hollywood films The Last Temptation of Christ, Leap of Faith, Michael, City of Angels, Dogma and Keeping the Faith, illustrates this process by addressing Christian dominance in multicultural America, a backlash against feminism constructed through patriarchal and “family values” ideologies, and an integration of popular culture and traditionalist Christianity.

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Villard, Erik B. "Camp Lewis, 1917-1919 : progressivism, patriotism, and the First World War /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10435.

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Cornelius, Tonya Lynn. "Hopi Progressivism: Change, continuance, and the Indian Reorganization Act (1906-1936)." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/278558.

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Despite all the scholarly work on the Hopi, studies primarily focus on the role of the Federal government and Hopi resistance; discussions generally dismiss Hopi Progressives as "assimilationists" and "puppets" of the Federal government. This limited focus has lead us astray in our attempts to analyze the Hopi response to the Indian Reorganization Act (IRA) which created the Hopi Tribal Council. This study restructured the framework of analysis by tracing the political changes among Hopi Progressives during the post Oraibi Spilt era (1906-1936). Hopi history served as a model of Hopi political tradition for comparative analysis of Progressive leadership and activities. The results of the comparison demonstrated that Hopi progressivism was rooted in tradition and strove to insure greater sovereignty. Finally, the political changes among Progressives created parallels to the IRA. In giving a new definition to Hopi progressivism, this study expands the framework of the Hopi IRA process.

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Brown, Karen. "Progressivism, agriculture and conservation in the Cape Colony, circa 1902-1908." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2002. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:d6b653f9-fbb2-4798-ae06-d03ef754c631.

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This thesis looks at concepts of progress and agricultural deveIopment in the Cape Colony in the aftermath of the South African War (1899-1902). The first decade of the twentieth century was one of economic crisis. War was followed by a severe depression exacerbated by a slump in the diamond industry, which prompted doubts about the longevity of the countryâs mineral resources. It was also a period of recurrent drought which aroused concerns about food security and criticisms about the Colonyâs reliance on imported victuals and primary products such as timber. In this context, self-professed âprogressiveâ politicians and commercial farmers looked to the land as the most viable source of national wealth. Politically this period was dominated by Leander Starr Jamesonâs Progressive Party, which held office from February 1904 until February 1908. The thesis analyses how this Party, usually associated with mining capital and Rhodesâs legacy, deliberately promoted itself as the progenitor of agricultural progressivism in terms of its rhetoric and the policies it pursued. Agricultural amelioration was linked to conservation. Scientific methods and systematic land management strategies were advocated to protect and enhance scarce water resources, soil fertility and pastures on which the rural economy depended. The state positioned itself as the provider of scientific expertise and introduced legislation to promote and regulate the agricultural economy and environment. The Cape was influenced in part by conservationist developments, which occurred contemporaneously in Australia and, in particular, in the United States. Historians of American history have identified the early twentieth century there as the âProgressive Eraâ. This thesis explores the scientific links that emerged between the governments of these two countries and argues that the Cape too self-consciously promoted itself as a progressive state with agricultural development and conservation constructed as two of the principal pillars of progress.

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Schaffzin, Linda Klughaupt. "Akiba Hebrew Academy| A Unique Jewish Day School in the Age of Progressivism." Thesis, Barry University, 2017. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10263295.

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Akiba Hebrew Academy was founded in Philadelphia in 1946 as the first community Jewish secondary day school in America. Akiba was a drastic departure and in effect, counter-cultural: an all-day secondary school program defined as community (not attached to a denomination and certainly not Orthodox), integrative (general and Jewish studies), and progressive, a term that carried weight in the Philadelphia marketplace, drawing talented faculty and skeptical parents to this yet unknown entity. Most Jewish parents were committed to public school education, favoring denominational supplemental religious schooling.

Despite Akiba’s status as the first of its kind in American Jewish educational history, little has been written about it as a progressive school or about its leadership. Even less is known of the influence of the curriculum or the faculty on its graduates. Using archival material, this study examines the nature of the school’s curriculum and especially the leadership of its visionary curricular architect, Louis Newman, from his selection as principal in 1951 until 1963, when he left the school for an appointment to a national curriculum initiative. It specifically explores to what degree the overt and hidden curriculum followed the founders’ initial intent. Through the use of narrative inquiry methodology, the use of participant interviews and the examination of archival material such as personal letters and communication, the study also investigates the impact of those decisions on administration, parents, faculty and early graduates in an effort to understand the influence of the school on the community and especially its students’ identities.

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McDevitt, Max James. "The LaFollettes, Progressivism, and the Wisconsin Idea: The 1930s in the Badger State." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/579269.

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This paper investigates the political economy of the state of Wisconsin during the years of the Great Depression. In the existing literature, state responses to the economic downturn have been overshadowed by the changes happening in the federal government during the period. The paper is broken into nine sections. Section I is an introduction. Section II gives an overview of Wisconsin during the 1930s. Section III explores the LaFollette family and the growth of the Progressive Party in Wisconsin. Section IV is a detailed discussion of the Unemployment Reserves and Compensation Act of 1932, the first of its kind in the United States. Section V looks into the debate over income taxes versus property taxes. Section VI discusses Chapter 15 of the 1935 Session Laws. Section VII describes data categorization I did to fill a gap in federal records. Section VIII is an early empirical look at the drivers of state tax revenue during the 1930s. Section IX is a bibliography.

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McCollum, Daniel David. "But the Roots Remain: The Wisconsin Progressives in the Great Depression and Post-War Era." Thesis, North Dakota State University, 2012. https://hdl.handle.net/10365/26487.

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This work is concerned with the development of the Progressives, a political faction of the Republican Party which was active in Wisconsin during the first half of the 20th century, throughout the Great Depression, and the Post-War era. It was during this period that the Progressives broke with the Republican Party, formed the Progressive Party and gained control of the state from 1934 through 1938, before finally dissolving in 1946, with many members moving into the Democratic Party, where they rejuvenated that moribund state party. This work, furthermore, focuses on the those Progressive leaders who operated in Wisconsin?s northern counties, a region which had a long tradition of Progressivism, the influence they had upon the creation of the Progressive Party and the political realignment which followed its dissolution.

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Gordon, Tuula Orvokki. "Progressivism and the changing educational climate : a case study of a community college in Leicestershire." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 1985. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/10019577/.

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Cro, Ann B. "From Transcendentalism to Progressivism: The Making of an American Reformer, Abby Morton Diaz (1821-1904)." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2006. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/2187.

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Author and activist Abby Morton Diaz (1821-1904) was a member of the Brook Farm Transcendental community from 1842 until it folded in 1847. Although critics have long recognized that Brook Farm played a role in Diaz's intellectual preparation, they have not attempted to demonstrate its influence through a study of her writings. In this study I will examine in detail two of Diaz's novels and two long essays, with passing references to other works, that reveal how the utopian socialism practiced at Brook Farm influenced Diaz as a writer and reformer. In all her writings Diaz emphasized the importance of education for women so that they may successfully fulfill their roles as wives, mothers, and their children's first teachers. Her philosophy is reflected in the reform initiatives she supported: the Women's Educational and Industrial Union and the Nationalist Party.

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Sjödén, Madelene. "När verkligheten knackar på – släpper vi in den? : En kvantitativ undersökning i hur och varför geografilärare använder medier i sin undervisning." Thesis, Karlstads universitet, Institutionen för geografi, medier och kommunikation (from 2013), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kau:diva-85042.

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Geografiämnets komplexa sammansättning gör att det vidrör många aspekter av våra liv och för att detta ska avspeglas i geografiundervisningen måste särskild uppmärksamhet riktas mot livet utanför klassrummet och hur det kan plockas in i undervisningen. Denna studie syftar därför till att undersöka hur och varför geografilärare använder sig av medier i undervisningen. Genom en kvantitativ anonymiserad enkätundersökning för yrkesaktiva geografilärare, har författaren ämnat utforska de didaktiska och pedagogiska val geografilärare gör när de implementerar olika medier i undervisningen. Studien finner att geografilärare främst använder medier i samband med lärarledda moment och då för att förklara och synliggöra svårgripbara fenomen samt att motivera sina elever. Studien visar att elevdelaktighet och elevinflytande tas i beaktande i mycket liten utsträckning då medieanvändandet i undervisningen inte utgår ifrån elevernas egna medieanvändande. För att göra en reell koppling mellan klassrum och verklighet i geografiundervisningen rekommenderas därför att elevernas medieanvändning ska ligga till grund för kopplingen mellan klassrum och verklighet.
The complex composition of the geography subject makes it reach many aspects of our lives, for this to be reflected in geography teaching, special attention must be put on life outside of the classroom and how this can be incorporated in the teaching. The aim of this study is therefore to explore how and why geography teachers use media in their teaching. Through an anonymized quantitative survey with geography teachers, the author’s intentions were to explore the didactic and pedagogical choices made by teachers when using media in their teaching. The study found that geogra-phy teachers mainly use media as a tool in teacher-led activities to explain and make visible abstract phenomena and to motivate their students. The study also shows that student participation and student influence is rarely taken into consideration due to the media-related geography teaching not being based on the students’ own media usage. The author thus recommends student media usage be the foundation in media-usage geography teaching in order to make a palpable connection between classroom and reality.

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Longenecker, Carol L. "Progressivism and the mission field Church of the Brethren women missionaries in Shanxi, China, 1908-1951 /." Connect to this title online, 2007. http://etd.lib.clemson.edu/documents/1181668150/.

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Brabble, Jessica Marie. "Save the Babies: Progressive Women and the Fight for Child Welfare in the United States, 1912-1929." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/104021.

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This project examines two organizations--the Better Babies Bureau and the Children's Bureau--created by Progessive women in the early twentieth century to combat high infant mortality rates, improve prenatal and postnatal care, and better child welfare. The Better Babies Bureau, founded in 1913 by journalists from the Woman's Home Companion magazine, and the Children's Bureau, founded as a federal agency in 1912, used similar campaigns to raise awareness of these child welfare problems in the early 1900s; where they differed, however, is in their ultimate goals. The Children's Bureau sought to improve long-term medical care and infant mortality rates for women regardless of race or socioeconomic status; I analyze how they worked directly with midwives and health officials to provide better care for mothers and children. The Better Babies Bureau, in comparison, catered specifically to white women through prize-based contests and eugenics rhetoric. Through their better baby contests, they promoted the idea that disabilities and defects should be eliminated in children in order to create a better future. By the late 1910s, these two organizations were utilizing nationwide campaigns to appeal to mothers through either consumerism or health conferences. I argue that although the Better Babies Bureau made a greater cultural impact, the Children's Bureau made a longer lasting—and farther reaching—impact on infant mortality rates by making healthcare more accessible for both rural and urban women.
Master of Arts
In the early twentieth century, many Americans became concerned with the number of children dying before age one. This thesis examines two different organizations that were created in an attempt to reduce these infant mortality rates, improve prenatal and postnatal care, and better child welfare. These two organizations, the Children's Bureau and the Better Babies Bureau, were created and run by Progressive women who took vastly different approaches to raising awareness of these problems. The Children's Bureau worked directly with health and government officials to improve child welfare and healthcare. Meanwhile, the Better Babies Bureau utilized contests to convince mothers that defects and disabilities needed to be eliminated in their children. In this thesis, I argue that the Children's Bureau was ultimately far more effective by appealing to a wider audience, creating a plan for long-term medical care, and improving access to prenatal and postnatal care for women.

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Moore, Michael C. ""A bold, hopeful, tolerant, progressive way" : progressives in the Idaho legislature, 1908-1915 /." [Boise, Idaho] : Boise State University, 2009. http://scholarworks.boisestate.edu/td/68/.

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Raber, Jesse Benjamin. "Progressivism's Aesthetic Education: The Bildungsroman and the Struggle for the American School, 1890-1920." Thesis, Harvard University, 2014. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:11614.

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During the Progressive Era, literary writers such as Abraham Cahan, Willa Cather, and Charlotte Perkins Gilman engaged with ideas emerging from the newly consolidated educational profession about art's capacity to mediate between individual and social development. These ideas varied widely in their philosophical, pedagogical, and political implications, but all reinforced the authority of professional educators at the expense of democratically elected boards of education. Novels working through these ideas can be usefully theorized as Bildungsromane if the definition of the Bildungsroman is refined to be more sensitive to the wide range of educational philosophies that can inform it, and to the range of attitudes, from critical to worshipful, that it can assume toward these philosophies. This reimagining of the genre opens up the possibility that the Bildungsroman, and the Bildung idea more broadly, can have a more positive political valence than most scholars have acknowledged. In particular, a viable project of aesthetic education can be discerned in the philosophy of John Dewey, although it lacks a clear literary corollary.

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Torkelsen, Leif Alfred Torkelsen. "“Battles Were Not Fought In Lines”: Nationalism, Industrialism and Progressivism in the American Military Discourse, 1865-1918." The Ohio State University, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1525625249871525.

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Pettersson, Martin. "Grundfilosofiska ideér och pedagogisk verklighet : En jämförelse mellan behöriga och obehöriga lärare." Thesis, Högskolan Dalarna, Pedagogiskt arbete, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:du-3074.

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I min uppsatts så undersöker jag om det finns någon uppenbar pedagogisk skillnad mellan behöriga och obehöriga lärare. I undersökningen så deltog två outbildade och två utbildade lärare. Jag gör undersökningen genom grundfilosofiskt perspektiv. Jag börjar med att ge lite statistik på hur fördelningen har varit mellan behöriga och obehöriga lärare från 1990-talets början till en början in på 2000-talet. Redovisar sedan fyra grundfilosofier essentialism, perennialism, progressivism och rekonstruktionism. Efter detta redovisar jag mina intervjuer och filminspelningar samt tolkar och redovisar dessa. Jag kommer framtill att jag inte kan se någon uppenbar skillnad i min intolkning av de olika lärarna vare sig de är utbildade eller inte.

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Jenkins, Celia Margaret. "The professional middle class and the social origins of progressivism : a case study of the New Education Fellowship." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 1989. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/10006559/.

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Hegwood, Robert Alan. "Erasing the Space Between Japanese and American: Progressivism, Nationalism, and Japanese American Resettlement in Portland, Oregon, 1945-1948." PDXScholar, 2011. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/151.

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This study examines the return of Japanese Americans to Portland, Oregon, following their mass incarceration by the United States Federal government between 1942 and 1945. This essay examines the motivations of both returning Japanese Americans and various groups within the white community with equal focus in the hopes of writing a history that provides agency to both groups. The return of Japanese Americans to Portland was an event with broader implications than a mere chapter in the history of Japanese Americans. The rise of the Japanese Exclusion League and other groups interested in preventing the return of Japanese Americans to Oregon had their roots partly in the Oregon progressive coalition of the 1930s known as the Oregon Commonwealth Federation (OCF). Unified behind the cause of public ownership of electricity distribution, racially exclusive progressives such as Oregon Governor Walter M. Pierce and civil rights progressives such as American Civil Liberties Union lawyer Gus J. Solomon sought to protect Oregon's producer class of farmers and workers from exploitation by Portland business interests. After the dissolution of the OCF in 1940 and the attack on Pearl Harbor, the two progressive factions took opposite sides on the issues of the rights of Japanese Americans. In 1945, anti-Japanese organizers across the state, including Pierce, American Legion officials, and Portland politicians called for the permanent exclusion of Japanese Americans. The racist rhetoric of these organizers drew the ire of the Portland Council of Churches, civic leaders, and War Relocation Authority officials, who formed the Portland Citizens Committee to Aid Relocation, the main white group to help returners find housing and employment. Their arguments for tolerance depended heavily on the story of Japanese American military service during World War II. Responding to the shape of debates within the white community, returning Japanese Americans community leaders, especially Toshi Kuge and George Azumano of the Portland Japanese American Citizen's League (JACL), used the rhetoric of military service to demonstrate their Americanness after World War II. The rhetoric of valorous military service provided the ideological center of both remerging Japanese American leadership organizations and connections between the Nikkei community and white civic leaders. After the reestablishment of Japanese American community organizations in Portland, Issei leaders lead a successful fundraising campaign to support a legal challenge to overturn the Oregon Alien Land Law and fund the Portland JACL. Subsequently, between 1946 and 1948, the Portland JACL served as liaisons between the Japanese American community and the white Portlanders interested in overturning laws that challenged Issei social and economic rights. Despite their efforts, Japanese Americans in the early postwar period, along with other Portland minority groups,faced significant discrimination in housing options, employment, and even blood supply. Their experience demonstrates both the power and limitations of arguments for racial tolerance in the early postwar period.

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Chouliaraki, Lilie. "Regulative practices and heteroglossia in one institutional setting : a case of a #progressivist' English classroom." Thesis, Lancaster University, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.296683.

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Pavuk, Alexander. "Progressively turning human origins discourse on its head science, religion, and liberal Catholic irony in the American public square, 1899-1939 /." Access to citation, abstract and download form provided by ProQuest Information and Learning Company; downloadable PDF file, 613 p, 2009. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1833621141&sid=6&Fmt=2&clientId=8331&RQT=309&VName=PQD.

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Dahl, Viveca. "Kunskap och bildning - samma överallt?" Thesis, Malmö högskola, Lärarutbildningen (LUT), 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-34107.

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Syftet med föreliggande uppsats har varit att undersöka om progressivismen, en reformpedagogik utvecklad ifrån John Deweys pedagogiska tankar, ligger som grund för den kunskapssyn som genomsyrar dagens svenska läroplan, Lpo 94. Jag har också undersökt huruvida det är samma kunskapssyn som kursplanen i svenskämnet och ett antal lokala arbetsplaner i svenskämnet i Lunds kommun grundas på.Jag har använt textanalys som kvalitativ metod där närläsning varit en del och en annan del varit att undersöka hur texterna kan tolkas i en omgivande verklighet. Mitt undersökningsmaterial har varit Lpo 94, kursplanen i svenska samt fyra lokala arbetsplaner i svenska på grundskolor i Lunds kommun.I uppsatsen framkommer att förarbetet, Skola för bildning är den text som anger vilken kunskapssyn som ligger som grund för läroplanstexten och att det är en kombination av konstruktivismen, progressivismen och Vygotskijs sociokulturella teori. Samma kunskapssyn återfinns i kursplanen men varken i läroplan eller kursplan står denna uttalad utan måste tolkas av läsaren. I de lokala arbetsplanerna har det inte gått att tolka någon enhetlig definition utan kunskapsdiskussionerna har varit mycket torftiga.Uppsatsens slutsats är det behövs betydligt mer utbildande insatser både till skolledare och till lärare för att samma kunskapssyn ska råda i styrdokumenten och ute i de lokala skolorna.

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Svensson, Björn, and Lars Hedin. "Grupprocesser - Hur lärare ser på ett socialt fenomen." Thesis, Malmö högskola, Lärarutbildningen (LUT), 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-30114.

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Syftet med undersökningen är att vi vill göra en historisk tillbakablick för att se om det finns en skillnad över tiden bland yrkesverksamma lärares kunskaper och erfarenheter om grupprocesser i skolan och vad som bidragit till att det eventuellt kan vara så. Detta gör vi genom att undersöka vilka erfarenheter och kunskaper yrkesverksamma lärare har om ämnet samt vad dessa har med sig från sin yrkesutbildning. Tillvägagångssättet har varit enkäter, intervjuer samt litteraturstudier för att se vad som påverkar lärarnas syn på grupprocesser. Det vi sett är att två kulturer påverkar lärarnas roll: en officiell kultur (progressivismen) och en inofficiell kultur (enligt uppfostringsdoktrinen). Intervjuerna visar tydligt att läraren i sin roll behöver kunskaper inom ämnet, men att de fått dessa utanför och före lärarutbildningen och inte genom den. Detta tyder på att om den inofficiella kulturen i skolan ska påverkas behöver lärarstudenterna ges en adekvat utbildning. Denna kan gå i linje med den officiella kulturen.
The purpose of our survey is to look back in time to see if there are a difference among teachers´ knowledge and experience about the group processes. This we do by an investigation of experience and knowledge teachers have about the subject as well as what their former education has given them. The procedure has been questionnaires, interviews and literature studies to see what affects teachers´ views on group processes. What we have seen is that two cultures affect teachers´ roles. One is an official (progressivism); the other is unofficial with aim on the doctrine of raising children. Interviews clearly show that a teacher in his or her role needs knowledge about the subject, but receives them outside and before their school of teachers´ education. This points towars that if the unofficial culture in school needs to be affected then the students in school of teachers´ education has to have an adequate education. This should go in the line of the official culture.

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Howlett, J. P. "Theorizing progressivism : an examination of the life and works of A.S. Neill and Susan Isaacs through the related contexts of intentionality." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.604675.

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This research is concerned with an investigation of progressive education, ostensibly through the writings of two of its major figures – A. S. Neill (1883-1973) and Susan Isaacs (1885-1948). The project seeks to go against traditional historical accounts relating to progressivism which have tended to see it as a linear homogenous entity with individual educators ‘speaking to one another’ across time with a shared sense of ideas and concepts. The debunking of these notions is carried out through the explication, importation and development of a three stage, tri-partite model encompassing biography, social and economic factors and linguistic analysis. This latter context is central to the study as it utilises the sort of approach advocated by Quentin Skinner, involving the recall of authorial intention, embedded in the texts of the authors. For Skinner, as for the project, there are two kinds of intention that need to be decoded: first, locutionary meaning which is how individual authors are utilising a particular term in relation to their contemporaries and second, illocutionary force which relates to what an author is doing in making a statement, for example issuing a warning or making a threat. It is this later concept particularly which betrays Skinner’s indebtedness to the philosopher J. L. Austin. This part of the analysis involves an extensive reading of the relevant contemporary archive. By comparing the differences inherent within the author’s lives and teaching experiences, their relationships to politics and new ideas and, especially, the different ways in which they use and manipulate language the project then begins to posit conclusions not merely relating to the authors themselves but progressive education more generally.

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Fortier, Paula A. "Behind the Banner of Patriotism: The New Orleans Chapter of the American Red Cross and Auxiliary Branches 6 and 11 (1914-1917)." ScholarWorks@UNO, 2010. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/1168.

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Socialite Laura Penrose and a group of wealthy businessmen founded the New Orleans Chapter of the American Red Cross in 1916. The Chapter expanded in 1917 with the addition of two black Auxiliary Branches chartered by nurses Louise Ross and Sarah Brown. Although Jim Crow dictated the division between the Chapter and its Branches within the mostly female organization, racial barriers did not prohibit them from uniting for the cause of national relief. The American Red Cross differed from other forms of biracial Progressivism by the very nature of public relief work for a national charity. American Red Cross relief work brought women into public spaces for the war effort and pushed biracial cooperation between women in the Jim Crow South in a more public and patriotic direction than earlier efforts at social reform. Black women, in particular, used the benefit of relief work to promote racial uplift and stake a claim on American citizenship despite the disenfranchisement of their men.

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Massart, Mordechai Ben. "A Rabbi in the Progressive Era: Rabbi Stephen S. Wise, Ph.D. and the Rise of Social Jewish Progressivism in Portland, Or, 1900-1906." PDXScholar, 2010. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/729.

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Rabbi Stephen S. Wise presents an excellent subject for the study of Jewish social progressivism in Portland in the early years of the twentieth-century. While Wise demonstrated a commitment to social justice before, during, and after his Portland years, it is during his ministry at congregation Beth Israel that he developed a full-fledged social program that was unique and remarkable by reaching out not only within his congregation but more importantly, by engaging the Christian community of Portland in interfaith activities. In so doing, Wise broke off from the traditional role expected of rabbis by bringing social causes to the fore over traditional Jewish observances. This thesis examines the years and contributions of Stephen Wise in Portland between 1900 and 1906. An overall study of the Jewish community in Portland is presented along with a general description of the condition of how both German and Eastern European Jews through their settlement, business occupation, and pace of assimilation came to envision their integration into the American mainstream. In order to fully appreciate Wise's commitment to social progressivism in Portland, this study will look to detail how Liberal Judaism, Ethical Culture, and the Social Gospel movement provided Wise with the means to combine his rabbinate with public advocacy in the prophetic tradition. The thesis then focuses on Wise's social activities and struggles against child labor, gambling, and prostitution with a special interest on the Chinese Exclusion Acts that struck the small but active Chinese community of Portland.

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Mauro, Robert M. "Hegel's influence on American political thought : an analysis of the American Progressive movement." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/MQ64173.pdf.

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Ward, Scott. "Fighting Over the Red, White, and Blue: The Industrial Workers of the World and Americanism in the Progressive Era." The Ohio State University, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1319134411.

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Nojima, Henrysson Kiyomi. "Kunskap och Skolans identitet i Sverige." Thesis, Malmö högskola, Lärarutbildningen (LUT), 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-27473.

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Syftet med mitt examensarbete är att utforska skolans identitet och kunskap genom att undersöka kunskapssynen hos progressivism respektive reformationskristendom. Jag har valt att använda mig av en hermeneutisk undersökningsmetod för mitt arbete för att kunna ge en helhetsbild av och förståelse för de två olika grundperspektiven. Eftersom hermeneutiken framhäver betydelsen av förståelse och tolkning, anser jag att denna metod passar för min undersökning. Genom att läsa utvald litteratur och artiklar, ämnar jag fördjupa min förståelse för synen på kunskap och tolka och analysera dagens lärandesituationer med den vunna förståelsen. Jag har kommit fram till att en av de stora skillnaderna i fråga om kunskapssynen mellan kristendom och progressivismen är att progressivismen fokuserar på kunskapens funktion, det vill säga att kunskapen ses som instrument medan i kristendomen kunskap har ett egenvärde. Jag har också studerat hur progressivismen stegvis har påverkat Sveriges skolpolitik och pedagogik. Vad som kan ses som negativa konsekvenser av progressivismen är att kunskapens innehåll och värde inte är så klart och positivt. Om kunskap inte betraktas som värdefull i sig, ses inte heller lärare och skola som något av större eller principiellt värde. Eftersom kunskap i första hand betraktas som instrument, blir följden att även lärare och skola betraktas som redskap.
The aim of my thesis is to explore the concept of knowledge and the essence of school in Sweden by examining how knowledge is regarded by progressivism and Reformation Christianity. I have chosen to use a hermeneutic research method for my work to be able to give the general pictures and comprehension of the two basic perspectives. Since the hermeneutic research method highlights the importance of understanding and interpretation, I think this method is suitable for my study. By reading a variety of selected books and articles to deepen my understanding on the issue and through interpreting and analyzing the current situations in schools, I have searched for the answer to my questions. I have found that one of the crucial differences in the views of knowledge between Christianity and progressivism is that progressivism focuses on knowledge as function, in other words, knowledge is treated as an instrument, while in Christianity knowledge has an intrinsic value. I have also studied how progressivism gradually has affected education policy and pedagogy in Sweden. What can be seen as a negative impact of progressivism is that the view of knowledge and its value is not so clear and positive. If knowledge, in the first place, is not considered as something valuable, teachers or school will not be seen as something with fundamental value either. Since knowledge is primarily seen as an instrument, the consequence is that even teachers and school are considered tools.

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Christoffersson, Carin. "Resonera mera! : En studie om resonemangsförmågans kvantitativa och kvalitativa betydelse i samhällskunskap för år 4-6, från Lgr 62 till Lgr 11." Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Lärarutbildningen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-44453.

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Although the words reasoning or being able to reason appear 480 times in today's curriculum Lgr 11, there are no explanations and justifications why students should learn and be assessed based on the knowledge requirements in their ability to reason. This paper examines how this can be found, mainly in the syllabus in civics education for grades 4-6, and whether the relevance of reasoning has been similar in previous curricula from 1962 to the present day. With quantitative content analysis and qualitative text analysis, curricula in social studies and commentary material have been analysed. The analyses have been made based on the curriculum philosophies progressivism, essentialism and reconstructivism, as a theoretical framework and a possible way to explain the quantitative and qualitative results, and answer the purpose of the essay how the relevance has changed. Another purpose of the essay is to investigate how the change has been justified and whether a change in perception of knowledge can explain the varied occurrence of the ability to reason, or how important one have considered the ability to be. The results of the essay shows that the quantitative results are not entirely related to the qualitative ones. Although the words occur most times in Lgr 11, I find that the greatest relevance to reasoning is given in Lgr 80. One possible reason for this may be that Lgr 80 expresses a reconstructive view of knowledge where the learning process is in focus, rather than an essentialist view of knowledge as in Lgr 11, where the subject content is the most central.

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Planes, i. Ball Josep Albert. "Advocats, levites i insurgents. Societat, política i revolució al Pirineu Lleidatà. El cas de La Seu d’Urgell (1808-1875)." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/671293.

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La Seu d'Urgell és una població que s'inclou en una determinada formació social, Catalunya, els grups dirigents de la qual no tenen un Estat propi, ja que el Principat només era una regió perifèrica on el liberalisme havia impulsat un procés, no reeixit, de nacionalització espanyola. A més, la ciutat urgel·litana formava part d'allò que hom ha anomenat tradicionalment com la "Catalunya pobra", de base aclaparadorament agrària i ramadera, aliena als gran canvis derivats de la industrialització general del país durant bona part del segle XIX. Finalment, com a capital comarcal, la Seu d'Urgell és també representativa d'una determinada Catalunya, la pirinenca, que presencià un notable arrelament del liberalisme de matriu progressista. Aquest fet configurà una singular tradició política, amb un comportament electoral específic que es traduí en una oposició al cunerisme governamental. Això desmenteix, doncs, els tòpics, fins i tot prejudicis, que s'han bastit entorn de la ciutat, presentada sovint com una imatge de les forces conservadores, àdhuc de la reacció ultramontana. La trajectòria històrica de la Seu d'Urgell permet descobrir alhora un sentiment i una particular interpretació de l'ideari liberal, tot això construït sobre dos pilars bàsics: per un costat, la demanda d'una major autonomia municipal per tal d'encarar els problemes quotidians, un fet força visible, per exemple, durant les conjuntures revolucionàries; d'altre, l'elaboració d'un discurs reivindicatiu, àmpliament compartit per la població, que tenia com a fita la defensa d'una major vertebració i equitat territorial en consonància amb el progrés material que semblava anunciar el desenvolupament capitalista. Aquest discurs, en certa forma, prengué una renovada embranzida quan la Seu d'Urgell fou proposada com a capital d'una hipotètica cinquena província catalana poc després de finalitzada la Primera Guerra Carlista (1833-1840), un reconeixement que hauria de contribuir a superar la marginació de les terres urgel·litanes. En certa forma, l'aposta per l'opció liberal comença a perfilar-se durant la Guerra del Francès (1808-1814), un fet que, malgrat la seva cruesa, va permetre el desvetllament d'unes energies ciutadanes en el moment que la ciutat s'erigí en un focus important de la resistència antinapoleònica en acollir la Junta corregimental. Durant el regnat de Ferran VII (1814-1833), assistim a l'eclosió del nucli liberal local, liderat pel bloc dels lletrats, que, com a homes d'ordre i experts en lleis, tenien responsabilitats municipals i actuaven com a intermediaris d'un Estat que era vist com una realitat llunyana, recaptatòria i repressiva. Paral·lelament, cal destacar el paper de l'Església, sobretot amb el bisbe Josep Caixal i Estradé, impulsor d'una modernitat des de l'antiliberalisme que tingué com a fites la llei de la Nova Reforma de la veïna Andorra i la construcció del nou Seminari conciliar.
Los principales retos para abordar un estudio como el presente se encuadran en dos niveles complementarios de análisis. Por un lado, la Seu d'Urgell es una población que se incluye en una determinada formación social, Cataluña, cuyos grupos dominantes carecen de un Estado propio, ya que el Principado era solamente una región periférica, un país sucursal de España, donde el liberalismo había iniciado un proceso de nacionalización española que se reveló débil. Además, la ciudad forma parte de las denominadas ""terres de Ponent"", el área leridana por excelencia, que define a grandes rasgos lo que tradicionalmente se ha llamado la ""Catalunya pobra"", de base eminentemente agraria y ganadera y, por lo tanto, ajena a las grandes transformaciones experimentadas por el proceso de la industrialización del país. Por otro lado, como capital comarcal del Alto Urgel, la ciudad también es representativa de una determinada Cataluña, la Cataluña pirenaica, que apenas ha merecido la atención adecuada por parte de la moderna historiografía catalana, la cual presenció un notable arraigo de las opciones políticas progresistas que desmienten el pretendido conservadurismo de la montaña catalana. Así pues, detrás de la complejidad de contenidos que encierra la implantación del liberalismo en Cataluña, el caso aquí estudiado pretende aportar algo más de luz y contribuir al conocimiento de un determinado modelo o significado en la organización política y social a la zona pirenaica. Al mismo tiempo, hemos sido conscientes de la pervivencia de algunos tópicos que han situado propiamente el conocimiento histórico de la Seu d'Urgell en una especie de nebulosidad. Tales tópicos son producto de determinados prejuicios aparecidos en el mismo momento que la Seu d'Urgell se ha visto asociada a una imagen levítica y ultramontana, sobre todo a partir del episodio de la Regencia de Urgel (1822) o de la personalidad del obispo José Caixal Estradé, paradigma de la nueva Cruzada antilberal que asumió sin complejos una parte destacada del clero español y catalán durante el largo pontificado de Pío IX. Los hechos estudiados ponen de manifiesto que el grupo dirigente de la ciudad, liderado por los letrados, apostó por la opción liberal durante la Guerra de la Independencia, cuando la Seu d'Urgell se convirtió en capital corregimental para el bando ""patriota"" en sustitución de la villa de Puigcerdá. Este hecho contribuyó a despertar unas energías ciudadanas que se tradujeron, más adelante, en unas reivindicaciones de mayor autonomia municipal, el anhelo para convertirse en capital de una hipotética quinta provincia catalana y en un comportamiento electoral que abrazó las opciones progresistas (Salvador Maluquer, Josep Ignasi de Llorens) frente a las intromisiones del cunerismo oficial. En el fondo esto encontramos un discurso de ""cambio"" sobre la base de una mayor equidad o vertebración territorial, compatible con el progreso material que parecía inaugurar el desarrollo capitalista.
La Seu d'Urgell is a population that is included in a certain social formation, Catalonia, whose leading groups lack their own State, since the Principality is only a peripherial region where liberalism had promoted a very limited process of nationalization. In addition, the city was part of the ""poor Catalonia"", predominantly agrarian and livestock-based, where the radical changes of industrialization went rather unnoticed for much of the 19th century. Finally, as a regional capital, la Seu d'Urgell is also representative city of a certain Catalonia, the Pyrenees, which witnessed a notable roots of liberalism with a progressive matrix. This fact determined a singular political tradition, with a specific electoral behavoir, opposed to governmental cunerismo. All this denies, then, the clichés, and even the prejudices, that created a conservative image of the population, even favorable to Carlism. The historical trajectory of the Seu d'Urgell allows us to discover a feeling and a particular interpretation of the liberal ideology on two basic pillars: the demand for greater municipal autonomy and the elaboration of a protest speech in defense of a greater territorial structure and equity. In a way, the commitmend to the liberal option began to be seen during the War of Independence (1808-1814), which allowed the awakening of citizen energies when the city became an active focus anti-Napoleonic resistance, as opposed to Puigcerdà, the old corregimental capital. During the reign of Fernando VII (1814-1833) we witnessed a true emergence of the urban liberal nucleus, headed by a mesocracy led by lawyers. The role of the latter, as men of order, acquires a special role due to the absence of the State with in relation to issue concerning the public interest. On the other hand, we must mention the role of the Church led by Bishop Josep Caixal Estradé, promoting another way of understanding modernity, either by promoting the political reform of neighboring Andorra, or by building a large Council seminary.

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Brandin, Hannah. "Kunskap för framtiden? : En kvalitativ undersökning om tidigare gymnasieelevers upplevelser av religionsundervisningen i gymnasieskolan." Thesis, Högskolan i Halmstad, Akademin för lärande, humaniora och samhälle, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hh:diva-39204.

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Denna uppsats undersöker i vilken utsträckning tidigare gymnasieelever upplever att religionsundervisningen i den svenska gymnasieskolan har varit förberedande för ett liv i samhället efter avslutade studier. Vidare undersöker uppsatsen även tidigare gymnasieelevers upplevelser av religionsundervisningen som betydelsefull och bristfällig. För att erhålla ett resultat har fyra semistrukturerade intervjuer med tidigare gymnasieelever som läst religionskunskap 1 & 2 utefter Gy 11 gjorts. För att visa på i vilken utsträckning religionsundervisningen har varit förberedande för informanterna har insamlat material analyserats utifrån en flerdimensionell utbildningsfilosofisk karta vilken anger hur lärarens spektrum av urval och innehåll är inordnat i flera spänningsfält av huruvida undervisningen ska syfta till att förvalta en tradition, ett kulturarv, eller om den istället ska syfta framåt och förbereda för framtiden. Undersökningen visar att religionsundervisningen i stor utsträckning har varit förberedande för ett liv i samhället efter avslutade studier för informanterna och att det innehåll och de undervisningsmetoder som informanterna upplevde vara bristfälliga i hög grad går att koppla till en åstundan efter en undervisning där diskussion, samtal, projekt- och temaarbeten, konfliktfyllda frågor, grupparbeten och problemlösning är centrala aktiviteter. Vidare visade undersökningen på en åstundan efter problembaserad, reflekterande, samtidsrelevant och problemlösande undervisning där elevernas erfarenheter och intressen är i fokus.

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Romagossa, Nicole. "Albert Baldwin Wood, the Screw Pump, and the Modernization of New Orleans." ScholarWorks@UNO, 2010. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/1245.

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Albert Baldwin Wood and his screw pumps modernized New Orleans by bringing flood-free streets and cleaner water to the city while providing the potential for growth by pumping swamp lands dry. While Wood was never part of the local Progressive movement, his work with the pumps fit with Progressive initiatives for modernization. At first, the screw pumps removed rain water from the streets. Then New Orleans expanded the drainage to include sewerage removal and water purification. The pumps successfully drained thousands of acres of land once considered uninhabitable swamp land. This additional land extended New Orleans city limits but also aided in the acceleration of residential segregation. Cities from around the world used the designs for the screw pump and consulted Wood for advice on drainage systems.

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Seager, Michael Allen. "Placing civilization progressive colonialism in health & education from America to the Philippines, 1899-1920 /." Diss., [Riverside, Calif.] : University of California, Riverside, 2009. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?index=3&did=1957340901&SrchMode=5&Fmt=2&retrieveGroup=0&VInst=PROD&VType=PQD&RQT=309&VName=PQD&TS=1269450997&clientId=48051.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, Riverside, 2009.
Includes abstract. Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Title from first page of PDF file (viewed March 24, 2010). Includes bibliographical references (p. 440-461). Also issued in print.

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Grove, Jama McMurtery. "Uneasy Waters: The Night Riders at Reelfoot Lake, Tennessee, 1908." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2012. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/1496.

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On October 19, 1908, night riders at Reelfoot Lake, Tennessee kidnapped and murdered Captain Quentin Rankin, an attorney and shareholder in the West Tennessee Land Company. The murder made national news, with coverage emphasizing the night riders' demand for fishing rights. In response, Governor Malcolm Patterson called out the militia to suppress the uprising and advocated for state acquisition of the lake as a means to prevent further violence. In the accepted historical narrative, the uprising at Reelfoot Lake represents an example of rural resistance to the threat that modernization posed to traditional access rights but ignores much of the violence that proceeded Rankin's murder. When contextualized within local conditions and Tennessee's political climate, the night riders' crimes reveal a targeted attack on the exploding cotton economy in which the lake became the arena where farmers contested the agricultural, social, and political changes that accompanied this new economic system.

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Kamel, Rachael. "Thinking Beyond Identity, Nationalism, and Empire." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2016. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/373744.

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Religion
Ph.D.
This project explores how and why an Americanized form of Zionism became an effective movement in American Jewish life. In the quest for a just and lasting resolution of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, most scholarly attention has been focused on the state (and people) of Israel and the people of Palestine, and their efforts to resolve the conflict that has held them in its grip over the past century. As a result, we have focused too little attention on the role of support for U.S. nationalism in the American Jewish community in sustaining the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. I argue likewise that a critical juncture in this process occurred in the early twentieth century, as the United States emerged as an international power. American Jewish support for Zionism overlaps in many ways with Progressivism. Many of the early leaders of Americanized Zionism, such as Horace M. Kallen and Justice Louis Brandeis, began their careers as Progressive reformers and brought their ideas about social and political action with them into the Zionist movement. Brandeis in particular played a critical role in making Zionism acceptable to American Jews, in no small part by asserting that the Zionism he advocated was required no commitment to emigration. As this Americanized version of Zionism has become normalized in American Jewish life, the principle of Jewish sovereignty has become widely understood among American Jews to be an essential guarantor of Jewish safety. To understand the roots and implications of this stance, I explore the genealogy of the idea of sovereignty, as well as the binary opposition of “Arabs” and “Jews” in Euro-American thought. Americanized Zionism, I conclude, is less a product of Jewish ethnicity or religion than enactment of a commitment to U.S. nationalism as a fundamental aspect of American Jewish identity.
Temple University--Theses

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Lundmark, Fredrik. "Skolans syfte mellan 1965 & 1994 : En problematisering av synen på gymnasieskolan utifrån ett utbildningsfilosofiskt perspektiv." Thesis, Umeå University, Historical Studies, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-1186.

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Arbetet bygger på ett ifrågasättande av synen på gymnasieskolans olika delar mellan åren 1965 och 1994 som idémässigt enhetliga med ett gemensamt syfte och utveckling. Uppsatsens syfte är att problematisera denna syn utifrån ett utbildningsfilosofiskt perspektiv. Syftet konkretiseras genom två frågeställningar, den första frågeställningen behandlar vilka idéer som uttrycks i skolans kursplaner, till vilken utbildningsfilosofi idéerna kan kopplas och hur de förändras under den undersöka tidsperioden. Den andra frågan behandlar vilka likheter och skillnader i utbildningsfilosofisk grund som finns mellan de olika ämnenas kursplaner under tidsperioden. Källmaterialet bearbetas genom textanalys i form av idéanalys för att på så sätt utvinna de idéer som utrycks. Därefter används idealtyper för att kategorisera idéerna till dess utbildningsfilosofiska grund. Slutligen görs en jämförande analys för att analysera likheter och skillnader mellan de undersökta ämnenas kursplaner. Resultatet av analyserna visar på att det finns vissa gemensamma drag gällande utbildningsfilosofisk grund och utveckling under den behandlade tidsperioden, men att skillnaderna är fler än likheterna. En av de slutsatser man kan dra av resultatet är att gymnasieskolan under tidsperioden mellan åren 1965 och 1994 hade ett splittrat syfte. De olika ämnena byggde inte på samma utbildningsfilosofiska grund och därmed syftande ämnena till att påverka eleven på olika sätt.

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Baiamonte, Victoria D. "New Orleans, the New South, and the Fight for the Panama Exposition." ScholarWorks@UNO, 2011. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/1299.

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For various reasons, the city of New Orleans has often been ignored in discussions of the New South movement. New Orleans politicians joined the movement during the Progressive Era, much later than other Southern municipal leaders. In becoming a New South city, the Crescent City was launched onto the international trade scene. By an examination of city leaders' efforts to gain federal rights to host an exposition in celebration of the Panama Canal, this study argues New Orleans not only became a New South city, but an international trade entrepôt. Though the exposition efforts failed, the efforts of the city to cultivate its business and hospitality potential served the city well.

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Lindgren, Eric A. "Understanding the effects of Progressive Era electoral reforms on city elections : the San Francisco Board of Supervisors' races /." view abstract or download file of text, 2006. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1192192321&sid=2&Fmt=2&clientId=11238&RQT=309&VName=PQD.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Oregon, 2006.
Typescript. Includes vita and abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 145-149). Also available for download via the World Wide Web; free to University of Oregon users.

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Combs, Sara Trowbridge. "Race Reform in the Early Twentieth Century South: The Life and Work of Willis Duke Weatherford." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2004. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/953.

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Willis Duke Weatherford, a liberal pioneer in Southern race reform, argued that the ethics of Christianity obligated Southerners to address the social and economic problems faced by blacks in the early twentieth century. His strategy for improving race relations centred on educating Southerners and promoting economic uplift for blacks. Weatherford advocated race reform through the Young Men's Christian Association, the Southern Sociological Congress, and other voluntary organizations. He published books, taught courses, preached sermons, organized conferences, and raised funds from Northern philanthropists. Through an analysis of Weatherford's published writings and of his papers archived at the Southern Historical Collection, the present study provides a biographical profile of Weatherford's life and career, examines the development of Weatherford's racial views in the social and political context of his time, describes Weatherford's program of race education developed for college students, and discusses an interracial conference held at the Blue Ridge Assembly in 1917.

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Stormats, Karen. "Flipp i tal och handling : En fallstudie om undervisningsmetoden flipp i tre gymnasielärares tal och handling." Licentiate thesis, Karlstads universitet, Institutionen för pedagogiska studier (from 2013), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kau:diva-74666.

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Flipped Classroom (flipp) is described in both school and scientific contexts as a new teaching method where the individual pupil and her active learning is placed at the center and where lesson time to a greater extent is used for discussion and laboratory work, while information gathering takes place outside lesson time via ICT. Flipp has in recent years become widely spread in Sweden, which is why it is interesting to investigate flipp in a Swedish context. This has so far been made to a very limited extent. This study aims to deepen the understanding of flipp as a teaching method as the method appears in the speech and actions of upper secondary school teachers who claim they use flipp when they teach. The study addresses three general issues. First, teachers' purposes with flipp are explored, second, the roles that emerge in flipped teaching is investigated and third, individualization in teaching where flipp is applied. The study is a case study based on interviews and observations with three upper secondary school teachers who flip their teaching. The study is based on social constructivist theory formation and Dewey's progressivist philosophy of education is the discussion partner in this study. Previous research suggests that in the development of flip, inspiration was drawn from pedagogical ideas from the early 1900s, which makes it advisable to discuss possible points of contact between flipp as expressed in the case study, and progressivism. Previous research presents flipp as a method for creating flexibility and individualization as well as a method that helps the teacher and students spend more time together for laboratory work and discussions. The teachers express that flipping helps the students to become active during lessons. Observations, however, show that there are significant problems with the students not preparing for the lesson to the extent that was expected, which will have negative consequences for the opportunities to work and discuss during lessons as intended. The study thus shows evidence that there is a discrepancy between the image that the teachers produce and the image of the flip that has been observed.
Denna licentiatuppsats handlar om hur gymnasielärare som flippar uppfattar och tillämpar undervisningsmetoden. I studien undersöks vilka syften lärarna har med att flippa, vilka roller lärare och elever har när man flippar och i vilken mån flipp kan bidra till att individualisera undervisningen. Tre verksamma gymnasielärare har deltagit i studien och de har intervjuats och observerats vid flera tillfällen. Flipp beskrivs av lärarna som har deltagit i studien som en undervisningsmetod som kan bidra till att de kan göra undervisningen mera individualiserad och flexibel. Studien visar även att den omdisponering av tid, som flipp syftar till, innebär att lärare ger elever ansvar för att på egen hand arbeta med grundläggande kunskapsinhämtning, vilket i kombination med andra bärande element i flipp, kan missgynna elever som av olika anledningar har svårigheter i skolan. Karen Stormats är verksam som lärarutbildare vid Högskolan Dalarna. Hon har tidigare erfarenhet av undervisning i historia och samhällskunskap på gymnasiet. Under tiden som forskarstuderande har Karen ingått i forskarskolan Skolnära, ett samarbete mellan Pedagogisk utveckling Dalarna (PUD), Högskolan Dalarna och Karlstads universitet.

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Abrams, Nels. "The Making of Audubon Park: Competing Ideologies for Public Space." ScholarWorks@UNO, 2010. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/1241.

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The emergence of Progressivism at the beginning of the twentieth century influenced many aspects of American society. One of those aspects was urban parks. In the latter half of the nineteenth century Frederick Law Olmsted led a nationwide implementation of "Victorian" parks. These parks featured broad expanses of turf, waterways, and trees. Olmsted and the other Victorian park leaders designed the parks to cultivate Victorian values of self-restraint and independence among the citizenry. With the rise of Progressivism the ideals of the middle class changed. Led by Theodore Roosevelt, millions of Americans embraced the "strenuous life" and its emphasis on strength and leadership. Consequently, parks changed. The new Progressive park design favored athletic facilities over places for repose. Audubon Park in New Orleans was built just as this change was occurring, and therefore provides us an opportunity to study this moment in American history in detail.

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Swisher, Andrew Ryan. ""WAR IS THE ULTIMATE RATIONALITY": The Place of Oliver Wendell Holmes, Jr. in the American Founding Tradition." Ohio Dominican University / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=odu1449232593.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Progressivisme'

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