Academic literature on the topic 'Prohibition - Canada - Histoire'

Canada has recently concluded its prohibition on the recreational use of cannabis, which lasted for nearly a century. However, when cannabis was first criminalized in 1923, there was effectively no use of it in Canada at that time, and scholars have struggled to identify the specific reasons for which cannabis was added to the schedule of prohibited drugs. When situated within the drug discourse of the time, the lack of an explanation for criminalization becomes less surprising; the contemporary links between addiction, drug use, and racism likely transformed any prohibitive drug control measures into the kind of policy that did not require debate or analysis on the part of Parliament. Drugs and racial minorities were presented as connected threats to the integrity of the white Canadian population and to moral order, and moral reformers capitalized on this connection to support the criminalization of drugs. While the documentary source of the criminalization of cannabis remains unknown, these discursive conditions are of far greater import in understanding why cannabis was criminalized.

Canada has received praise and international attention for its departure from strict cannabis prohibition and the introduction of a legal regulatory framework for adult use. In addition to the perceived public health and public safety benefits associated with legalization, reducing the burden placed on the individuals criminalized for cannabis use served as an impetus for change. In comparison to many jurisdictions in the United States, however, Canadian legalization efforts have done less to address the harms that drug law enforcement has inflicted on individuals and communities. This article documents the racialized nature of drug prohibition in Canada and the US and compares the stated aims of legalization in in both jurisdictions. The article outlines the various reparative measures being proposed and implemented in America and contrasts those with the situation in Canada, arguing, furthermore that the absence of social justice measures in Canadian legalization is an extension of the systemic racism perpetuated under prohibition.

AbstractThe collection and preservation of insect specimens supply valuable information to entomologists. Collections are foundational to natural history, and paramount to the study of life history, systematics, and evolution. Rising concern over anthropogenic loss of biodiversity, including insect losses, has led to policies, strategies, and procedures being put in place in Canada to ensure the protection of wildlife species at risk. This document outlines necessary information to help researchers ensure that they are in compliance with Canadian legislation when carrying out research involving the collection of insects. We include an overview of the federal Species at Risk Act, and provincial and territorial legislation protecting at-risk wildlife, and how wildlife species in Canada ranked and are assessed as being at risk. We also discuss prohibitions outlined in the federal Species at Risk Act and penalties for violating these prohibitions; providing examples from case histories on convictions under the act.

Throughout the twentieth century and into the twenty-first century, economic interests and systemic racism ensured the prohibition of cannabis. Such socio-political implications resulted in the criminalization of innumerable consumers; the infringement on civil liberties, in this regard, has been considerable. To counteract such policing, the Liberal Party of Canada legalized cannabis on 17 October, 2018. Despite motivating factors like shrinking the black market and relieving the judicial system, no significant social reparations have been realized. Rather, the publicly traded sector of the cannabis industry was prioritized and has seen enormous upside leading up to and after legalization, with corporate cannabis companies growing domestically and internationally. In this sense, Canada’s legalization continues patterns of prohibition: sacrificing civil liberties for economic interests. This prioritization of capital also affects countries in which cannabis companies established subsidiaries and partnerships—such as in Germany, Jamaica, and Colombia—where despite continued prohibition, companies receive special privileges while citizens are subject to the law. Although regulations differ on a case-by-case basis, corporate motivations inform cannabis prohibition and legalization—market interests guide the international spread of legalization. This article approaches the implications of ongoing cannabis-prohibition, in contrast to its legalization in select geopolitical regions, to analyze the Kafkaesque nature of substance-control that is inherently tied to economic motivations, and which take precedence over social equity. In this sense, the regulation of plant-material works in tandem with regulation of society, by which a certain order is sought to be maintained for the sake of political power and economic profitability.

In the nineteenth century, the tavern was an important institution in urban working-class life. Because of the social ills associated with alcohol abuse and public drinking, there were frequent attempts to lessen the tavern's importance or to eliminate it entirely. This paper examines several tavern-related issues that emerged in Toronto in the 1870s and 1880s. The Crooks Act, passed in 1876, employed powerful measures to deal with political and temperance questions simultaneously. The intersection of class, politics, temperance, and urban life led to a territorial solution to the liquor question. These issues were dealt with by the people of Toronto in 1877, when they declined to prohibit public drinking in the city via the Dunkin Act, a local option prohibition statute of the Province of Canada.

Why are certain foreign policy options considered taboo or simply kept off the agenda as necessarily unthinkable or self-destructive? And under what conditions can governments transcend such “policy frontiers”? This article seeks to answer these questions by examining the circumstances that brought about Canada's and Mexico's entry into the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA)—a move that constituted a surprising reversal of historic prohibitions on formalizing bilateral economic integration that had long been entrenched in these two nations' foreign policies. Policy frontiers develop as certain elements of the “national interest”—sovereignty, security, and identity—become equated with the legitimation of state elites. When these leaders defend the policy frontier (ostensibly to defend the nation), they are also defending their own political power. These barriers are constructed in a path-dependent fashion, through a critical juncture that first establishes the frontier, and then are maintained over time by institutional and ideological mechanisms of reproduction. For the frontier to be transcended, a critical juncture combining an exogenous shock with an internal legitimacy crisis must undermine, and then reconfigure, both mechanisms of reproduction. The origins of NAFTA in the Canadian and Mexican embrace of the once-forbidden bilateral free-trade option in 1985 and 1990, respectively, illustrate this dynamic, while the individual cases offer variations on the policy frontier model that can provide insights into the analysis of other cases of historically resisted foreign policy change.

Between 1920 and 1933, no issue in Canadian-American relations proved more contentious or more intractable than prohibition. While American enforcement authorities and diplomats repeatedly sought the assistance of the Dominion government to stop the flow of liquor across the border, not until 1933 did Canada acquiesce to American requests. In the meantime, Canadian brewers, distillers, rumrunners, and bootleggers were more than happy to assuage the parched throats of their American neighbors.;By examining the geographic, historical, political, economic, social, and cultural fabric of the bilateral relationship in the Pacific Northwest borderlands, this study takes a regional approach to explain the intractability of the prohibition problem. It seeks to explore the complex interaction and relationship between common Canadian and American citizens, such as the bootleggers, tourists and temperance workers, as well as local government officials who contribute to the more common, day-to-day Canadian-American relationship. It also seeks to explain why British Columbians generally advocated cooperation with the United States in advance of more eastern Canadians.;The answer is found in the unique relationship shared by Canadians and Americans in this region who, by geographic necessity, often had more in common with their counterparts north or south of the border than they did with their respective sovereignties to the east. Indeed, the central paradox of prohibition in the Pacific Northwest is that the very heritage that had enabled a smuggling economy prior to prohibition also advocated Canadian and American cooperation in the later enforcement against the illicit liquor traffic. After a particularly sensational hijacking and slaying of a Canadian rumrunning crew in 1924, and then again after royal commission investigating the Canadian Department of Customs and Excise discovered evidence of widespread corruption at the highest levels of the Dominion government, British Columbians began to recognize that, whatever the profits, enabling rumrunning no longer served Canada's best interests.

Les résultats historiques des différents référendums et plébiscites tenus au Canada depuis la Confédération ont révélé de très grandes oppositions entre plusieurs provinces. Le Québec s’est particulièrement distingué du reste du pays lors de certains référendums. En effet, cette province francophone est la seule à s’être opposée majoritairement à la circonscription, à la prohibition, et à avoir voté à deux reprises pour se séparer du reste du Canada. Or, notre compréhension de l’origine des distinctions d’opinions entre les provinces canadiennes, et plus particulièrement celle du Québec, demeure encore floue aujourd’hui. Il est donc important de remonter dans le temps pour voir si celles-ci étaient présentes au début du 20e siècle, notamment en étudiant l’enjeu de santé publique lié à la prohibition. Ce mémoire s’intéresse donc à la relation entre plusieurs variables socio-démographiques et les résultats du vote lors de différents référendums. Des mouvements en faveur de la prohibition se sont formés au milieu du 19e siècle au Canada et aux États-Unis avec des succès inégaux. Le mouvement prohibitionniste canadien n’a jamais réussi à étendre son influence contrairement aux États-Unis, mais celui-ci a quand même réussi à s’introduire au niveau des municipalités à l’aide de la loi sur la tempérance (1878). Le référendum national (1898) fut révélateur d’une forte opposition à cette politique publique au Québec. Les origines de ces disparités régionales, entre le Québec et le reste du Canada, mais aussi au niveau des municipalités au Québec, demeurent inexpliquées aujourd’hui. Or, quels sont les facteurs qui expliquent ces différences ? La littérature sur la tempérance indique que la religion est le facteur explicatif principal de l’appui à la prohibition. D’autres facteurs existent comme l’origine ethnique, la proportion urbaine et rurale, la présence des groupes d’intérêt brassicoles ou le vote des femmes. Néanmoins, la littérature au Canada ne semble pas unanime sur le sujet. À partir d’une analyse de régressions linéaires des moindres carrés ordinaires (MCO) et de modèles linéaires généralisés (MLG) sur les données du recensement canadien (1901, 1921), les votes des référendums et du rapport annuel de la Commission des Liqueurs du Québec (1921-1922), il sera possible de déterminer les facteurs explicatifs de l’appui à la prohibition. Les attitudes des francophones et des catholiques en dehors du Québec seront analysées lors des référendums au Nouveau-Brunswick (1920) et en Nouvelle-Écosse (1920). Un lien avec les attitudes politiques sur la légalisation du cannabis nous pousse à croire que la distinction du Québec s’articule toujours dans sa vision de la santé publique.
The historical results of different referendums and plebiscites held in Canada since the Confederation revealed a high level of opposition between the provinces. Quebec particularly distinguishes itself from the rest of the country during these referendums. Indeed, this province was the only one to oppose conscription, the prohibition and to hold two referendums to secede from Canada. Our understanding of the origins of these differences in the Canadian provinces, and Quebec in particular, is still vague today. It is important to look back in time to see these distinctions at the beginning of the 20th century by studying the multiple issues linked to alcohol and prohibition. This thesis aims to explain the relationship between socio-demographic variables and prohibition plebiscite results. Temperance movements have been founded in the mid-19th centuries in Canada and the United States, with unequal success. Canadian temperance movements never really succeed to extend their influence nationwide, but it was successfully introduced in communities later by the Scott Act (1878). The national referendum of 1898 revealed a strong opposition to prohibition in Quebec. The origins of these regional disparities, between the province of Quebec and the rest of Canada, and at the community-based level in Quebec, has yet to be explained. Which factors account for these differences? In the following analysis, several different variables like ethnic origins, rural and urban proportion, and gender are used to explain the support or opposition toward prohibition. With the data analysis of the Canadian census (1901, 1921), the plebiscite results and the Quebec Liquor Commission annual report (1921-1922), ordinary least squares models (OLS) and generalized linear models (GLM) will be used to analyze multiple variables in support of prohibition. The attitudes of Catholics and French-speaking communities outside Quebec will be analyzed during the New Brunswick (1920) and Nova Scotia plebiscite (1920). A link with the actual political attitudes about the legalization of cannabis tends to show that these distinctions persist through time concerning public health issues in Quebec.

Au début des années 1920, la ville de Montréal se retrouve dans une situation assez unique. À l’époque, les États-Unis et toutes les provinces canadiennes à l’exception du Québec ont adopté la prohibition de la vente d’alcool. Mais même au Québec, environ la moitié de la population de la province est alors touchée par des prohibitions locales (votées au niveau municipal), des prohibitions qui ont largement perduré tout au long de la période à l’étude. Durant cette ère de prohibition de l’alcool nord-américaine, Montréal est la plus grande ville, et une des seules sur le continent non régie par une loi sur la prohibition. C’est aussi celle qui dispose des lois les plus libérales envers l’alcool des deux côtés du 49ème parallèle grâce à la création de la Commission des Liqueurs de Québec (CLQ), le premier système de contrôle gouvernemental de l’alcool en Amérique du Nord. C’est dans ce contexte que Montréal devient une rare oasis dans un continent assoiffé et le plus grand cobaye du modèle de contrôle gouvernemental de l’alcool. Ce mémoire examine les impacts de cette conjoncture sur le développement de cette ville, de son industrie touristique, de sa vie nocturne et de sa réputation. En premier lieu, le mémoire présente une mise en contexte de la situation aux États-Unis, au Canada et au Québec afin de faire ressortir le caractère unique de Montréal pendant cette période. En deuxième lieu, l’essor du tourisme dit « de liqueur » et de la vie nocturne montréalaise, à la fois légale et illicite, est exploré. En dernier lieu, le mémoire met au jour l’impact que cette conjoncture a eu sur la construction de la réputation de la ville à travers l’examen des écrits des anti- et pro-prohibitionnistes qui ont chacun propagé des visions idéalisées et démonisées de cette ville « bien arrosée », ainsi que des documents associés à l’essor du tourisme, tels que les chansons, les guides touristiques et les récits de voyage, qui, pour leur part, ont présenté un image plus romancée de la métropole et associée à un refuge festif de la prohibition. Malgré leurs différences, ces trois visions de Montréal l’ont néanmoins associée à la liberté, que ce soit une liberté ordonnée, dangereuse ou bien émancipatrice. Ainsi, à partir de l’expérience de la prohibition et du tourisme de liqueur, Montréal devient connue comme une ville « ouverte », dans ses acceptions à la fois positives et négatives.
At the beginning of the 1920s, the city of Montreal found itself in a rather unique situation. At the time, the United States and every Canadian province with the exception of Quebec had adopted prohibition of alcohol. Yet even in Quebec, about half of the population of the province was under local prohibitions (voted at the municipal level) since the beginning of the 20th century, prohibitions which persisted for the most part throughout the period under study. During this era of prohibition of alcohol in North America, Montreal was the largest city, and one of the only on the continent, not under prohibition. It was also the city living under the most liberal alcohol laws on both sides of 49th parallel thanks to the creation of the Quebec Liquor Commission (QLC), the first system of government control of alcohol in North America. Thus, Montreal became a rare oasis in a continent left parched by prohibition and the largest guinea pig of the government control model. This thesis examines the impacts of this conjuncture on the development of the city, specifically of its tourism industry, its nightlife, and its reputation. The thesis begins with a contextualization of prohibition in the United States, in Canada and in Quebec in order to reveal the uniqueness of Montréal during this period. Next, the rapid expansion of « liquor tourism » as well as the city’s nightlife, both legal and illicit, are explored. Lastly, this thesis explores the impact that this conjuncture had on the construction of the city’s reputation throughout the writings of anti- and pro-prohibitionists, who propagated both idealised and demonised views of the city, as well as the documents associated with the tourism boom, such as songs, tourist guides and travel writing, which presented a more romanticized vision of the city as a festive refuge from prohibition. Despite their differences, these three visions all associated Montreal with liberty, whether it is one that is well managed by the government, dangerous and out of control, or emancipating. Thus, through the era of prohibition and the phenomenon of liquor tourism, Montreal came to be known as an “open” city, in both a positive and a negative sense.

Despite abundant research on the topic of temperance and prohibition in North America, very little has been written about the relationship between music and alcohol regulation during the late-nineteenth and early-twentieth centuries. Both pro-drink (wet) cultures and anti-drink (dry) cultures amassed several hundred songs in support of their cause. This study compares these songs within the geographical context of Canada and northern North America during the years leading up to prohibition. It assesses both wet and dry songs’ relative success at attaching their causes to hegemonic ideologies, social groups, technologies, and modes of organization. It concludes that, during the period in question, dry music was more adept in each of these respects. This study contributes to current scholarship by demonstrating that wet and dry cultures in North America cannot be completely understood without also studying their music.