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Hubert, P. J. "Party press and propaganda of the Left in Britain." Thesis, University of Leeds, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.383319.
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Gilbert, Mark. "Foreign policy and propaganda in the 'progressive' press 1936-45." Thesis, Swansea University, 1990. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.302873.
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St, John Burton III. "The trail of tension between public relations and journalism the unfinished business about using propaganda to move crowds /." online access from Digital Dissertation Consortium, 2005. http://libweb.cityu.edu.hk/cgi-bin/er/db/ddcdiss.pl?3185104.
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Gonzalez, Melissa Joy. "Media Propaganda: A Framing Analysis of Radio Broadcasts from U.S. to Cuba." Scholar Commons, 2013. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/4494.
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The purpose of this qualitative study is to analyze the dominant propaganda strategies that were reflected in an hour-long program of Radio Martì, a broadcast produced on behalf of Voice of America in the United States and aired to Cuba. Through propaganda techniques, a content analysis was used to determine which strategies were present in the commentator's coverage of the program, El Dia de la Prensa Libre on May 3rd, 2012. This study uncovered propaganda strategies, including testimonials, flag-waving, glittering generalities, appeal to prejudice, image manipulation, over-simplicity, assertion, and third party technique, that were utilized in an effort to present nuanced perspectives on the broadcasts transmitted on Radio Martì. The use of these strategies demonstrates that the program continues to use propaganda when broadcasting to Cuba after the conflict of interest incident with the United States and Radio Martì in 2006. Beyond the analysis of this broadcast, the results of this study cannot be generalized, but they can be viewed as an exemplar of the broadcast's stance on propaganda messages to Cuba on behalf of American journalists.
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Roodt, Jean-Pierre. "Investigating the manufacturing of consent and democratic resistance through legacy and new media, in relation to fracking." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/3665.
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This dissertation concerns the extent to which the propaganda model advanced by Noam Chomsky and Edward Herman in their Manufacturing Consent: The Political Economy of the Mass Media is still applicable to the current media ecosystem, where both legacy and new media converge, especially given the emergence of global democratic resistance both to the excesses of neoliberalism in general, and to the problems associated with shale gas mining through hydraulic fracturing (or fracking) in particular. In this regard, firstly, the tensions between the views of seminal propaganda theorists and of critical theorists opposed to propaganda will be thematized in relation to Chomsky and Herman’s propaganda model, through which they sought to account for the negative impact of neoliberalism on journalistic freedom. Secondly, the primary features of neoliberalism will be considered in relation to the advent of the Internet, which has helped spread laissez-faire capitalism globally, both through integrating financial markets and augmenting consumerism, and through facilitating new practises of consent engineering via digital forms of censorship and surveillance. Thirdly, the correlative emergence around the world of digital democratic resistance on the part of new social movements and through both new and legacy media means, to the excesses of neoliberalism in general, will be investigated. Fourthly, the corporate underpinning of fracking in the United States will be explored, along with the media strategy by which anti-fracking groups – following Vera Scroggins’s activism – have contested government endorsement of such resource extraction. Fifthly, the resonances/dissonances between the media strategies of the American anti-fracking movement and the South African anti-fracking movement – most notably the Treasure the Karoo Action Group (TKAG) – along with the different contexts out of which they emerged and their respective efficacy, will be examined. Finally, some potential deficits in the TKAG media strategy will be identified, and appropriate recommendations will be made.
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Adkins, Tonya Lynn. "Mountaintop removal an assessment of the propaganda model of the news media /." Huntington, WV : [Marshall University Libraries], 2003. http://www.marshall.edu/etd/descript.asp?ref=247.
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Anderson, Patrick. "The Algerian conflict (1954-1962) and the Northern Ireland conflict (1968-1974) in the British liberal press : a comparative analysis." Thesis, University of Ulster, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.365395.
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Lövgren, Daniel, and Tatiana Makarova. "Krig och fred -080808 : Freds-, krigsjournalistik och propaganda i mediernas rapportering om Georgienkriget: en komparativ studie av Sveriges, Rysslands och USA:s press." Thesis, Örebro University, School of Humanities, Education and Social Sciences, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-5550.
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Title: Krig och fred - 080808. Freds-, krigsjournalistik och propaganda i mediernas rapportering om Georgienkriget: en komparativ studie av Sveriges, Rysslands och USA:s press. (War and peace – 080808. Peace Journalism, War Journalism and Propaganda in the Media´s Reporting on the Georgia War: a Comparative Study of the Swedish, Russian and American Press.)
Authors: Daniel Lövgren & Tatiana Makarova
Tutor: Anna Roosvall
Course: Bachelor Thesis: Media and Communication, PR
Purpose: The purpose of this essay is to compare how the press in Sweden, Russia and the USA reported on the war in Georgia 2008. Focus is put on identifying the extent to which the reporting is governed by war journalism or peace journalism and, to which degree propaganda, that is one of the aspects of war journalism, is present in the different countries press.
Methodology: Quantitative content analysis and critical discourse analysis
Theoretical perspectives: The essay leans on the theoretical foundation of peace journalism and war journalism proposed by the Norwegian peace researcher Johan Galtung, further elaborated by the journalists Jake Lynch and Annabel McGoldrick. This essay also uses a theoretical framework on propaganda, among other the “Propaganda model” by Herman and Chomsky, the research of Kempf and Loustarinen and journalistic observations of Lynch and McGoldrick.
Conclusions: The study reveals both similarities and differences between the reporting on the Georgia war in the analyzed countries. The quantitative content analysis of 600 articles in nine different newspapers (three in each country) shows that it is the war journalistic framework that is dominating in all the three countries. The results also show that there is a difference between the support given to the parties involved in the war. In the USA and Sweden the majority of the articles are pro-Georgian and in Russia the majority of the articles take pro-South Ossetian/Russian stance. The critical discourse analysis of eight articles have shown similarities and differences in scale, design, content and the presence of propaganda. Indicators of propaganda in the analyzed material include a breakdown of the actors in the war to two opposing parties, a polarization between “us” and “them” where the first is humanized and the later demonized, a wide use of elite sources.
Keywords: Peace journalism, war journalism, propaganda, Georgia war, South Ossetia, Swedish press, Russian press, American press
The Caucasus Project
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Serena, Gaëlle. "D’encre et de sang. Politiques jésuites de l’écrit dans les premiers temps de la mission anglaise de 1580 à 1610." Thesis, Paris 4, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA040263/document.
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Cette étude interroge la place de l’écrit et des actes d’écriture lors de la première mission jésuite en Angleterre, de 1580 à 1610. Lettres, autobiographies et pamphlets s’inscrivent dans un programme mis en place par les supérieurs de l’ordre, visant à l’édification des catholiques anglais et au dénigrement du gouvernement d’Élisabeth auprès des peuples européens. À la fois outils de propagande et seuls moyens d’information possibles entre l’île et le continent, les écrits missionnaires permettent à leurs auteurs de donner corps à la communauté récusante clandestine, ainsi qu’à la mission elle-même. La circulation de ces textes, tant en Angleterre que sur le continent, trace ainsi les contours d’une communauté dont l’existence est étroitement liée à la production de l’écrit. Mais, si elle détournée, la trace peut devenir arrêt de mort, révélant l’identité de celui qui l’a produite aux yeux de l’intrus qui la déchiffre. Pourtant, les jésuites ne cessent d’écrire malgré le danger que cela représente. L’acte d’écriture semble alors dépasser la seule visée programmatique pour revêtir une dimension ontologique, permettant à l’auteur de dépasser le traumatisme de l’expérience immédiate et de renouer avec sa propre identité, mise en mal par l’exil, la prison ou la perspective de l’exécutionThe purpose of this study is to analyse the role of writing during the first English Jesuit mission, from 1580 to 1610. It shows that letters, pamphlets and autobiographies were part of a larger programme devised by the Superiors of the Company of Jesus. As both a means of propaganda and information between England and the continent, missionary writings helped to shape the Jesuit mission and the underground recusant community within which the Jesuits lived. The aim was to edify the English Catholics and to weaken Elizabeth’s government in the eyes of European Catholics. By circulating texts throughout the country and in the rest of Europe, the Jesuits shaped a community highly reliant on written material. But writing was also incredibly dangerous as it marked the author and those responsible for its circulation as irredeemably catholic. Yet, the Jesuits kept on writing regardless of the consequences. Indeed, writing was vital to those missionaries whose identity was daily denied and who had to face the gloomy prospect of death from their arrival onwards. The very act of writing allowed them to fight against the feeling of dispossession which was gradually taking hold of them
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Silva, Mônica Fontoura da. "As relações entre uma modalidade do gênero humorístico e a história política na Alemanha dos anos 30." Universidade de São Paulo, 2012. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8144/tde-02082012-142642/.
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O Estado nazista caracterizou-se não só pela violência física empregada contra o povo, mas também pela violência psicológica que procurou exercer sobre a sociedade pelo viés propagandístico, fosse ele iconográfico, escrito ou falado. Neste governo, a propaganda e a doutrinação desempenharam um papel fundamental para constituição, permanência e prática de sua política ditatorial, que culminou com a Segunda Guerra Mundial. A busca de meios eficazes de convencimento transformou-se em instrumento produtivo para dar veracidade às suas ideias e doutrinas, angariando assim novos partidários da causa. No sentido de detectar e analisar um desses meios de convencimento, a presente dissertação elegeu piadas publicadas em um jornal de grande circulação como objeto precípuo de seu estudo, visto que os chistes devem ser compreendidos não apenas como meros instrumentos de diversão, mas também como discursos carregados de sentidos, que podem ser utilizados como veículo de propaganda e manipulação. Partindo do pressuposto de que piadas, assim como outros textos discursivos, refletem um discurso que vai muito além do que ali está exposto, apontando para outros dizeres já cristalizados, nossa análise dos chistes utilizará o respaldo teórico-metodológico da Análise do Discurso francesa e discussões de Freud e Bergson sobre o humor, visando compreender como esse meio de comunicação de massa, de boa acolhida, pode ter atendido aos ideais nazistas. O fundamento da argumentação aqui exposta baseia-se na percepção de que a recepção de um discurso, de aspecto lúdico ou não, remete a sentimentos e a uma memória já previamente construída no âmbito social, indicando, desse modo, que os sentidos, que se materializam em um texto, trazem de forma latente em seu bojo discursos já-ditos alhures.The Nazi State was characterized not only for the devoted physical violence against the people, but also for the psychological violence that tried to exercise on the society for the propagandistic inclination as it was iconographic, written or spoken. In that government, the propaganda and the indoctrination they played took out a fundamental part for constitution, permanence and practice to its dictatorial politics that culminated with to World War II. The search of effective means of convincing became productive instrument to give truthfulness to their ideas and doctrines, recruiting this way that new supporting of the cause. In the sense of detecting and to analyse one of those convincing means, this dissertation has chosen jokes published in a newspaper of great circulation as foremost object of its study, because the jokes should be understood not only as mere instruments of amusement, but also as speeches loaded of senses that can be used as advertising and manipulation means. Starting the presupposition that jokes, as well as other discursive texts reflect a speech that overdoes what it is fairly exposed, it points out to other sayings which they have already crystallized. Our analysis of the jokes has used the theoretical-methodological backrest on French Discourse Analysis and the discussions of Freud and Bergson about the humor seeking to understand how that good welcome broadcasting could have assisted to the Nazi ideals. The ground of the argumentation hereinto exposed bases on the perception that the reception of a speech, of playful activity aspects or not postpones to feelings and to a memory previously built in the social extent, indicating however, that the senses that materialized themselves in a text, they bring elsewhere in a latent way in their salience already-said speeches.
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Salvetti, Xenia Miranda. "Imprensa e propaganda na São Paulo dos anos 20: quotidiano das mulheres empobrecidas." Universidade de São Paulo, 2011. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8138/tde-27092011-102542/.
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O presente estudo do gênero e da cidade analisa os imaginários feminino e citadino divulgados pela publicidade e imprensa na São Paulo dos anos vinte, e como era o cotidiano vivido pelas mulheres pobres, como se articulavam, interagiam na cidade, se apercebiam da comunicação divulgada, reelaboravam e retornavam ao espaço público. A pesquisa investiga a publicidade presente em vários meios, como cartõespostais, bondes, bancos de praças, muros, periódicos, entre outros, junto ao desenvolvimento da imprensa iniciado no final do século XIX. Ambas, publicidade e imprensa passaram a ter um papel significativo na construção e divulgação do imaginário feminino. O estudo contempla a presença feminina dos setores empobrecidos e seus movimentos pelo perímetro central e cercanias, localizados entre o antigo centro e a cidade nova, evidenciando o espaço-matriz escolhido pela elite paulista como modelo da cidade moderna e sujeitos desejados. A investigação, ao abordar a comunicação realizada na cidade, e o perfil, o cotidiano das mulheres pobres, articulados ao processo de urbanização, teve sua metodologia desenvolvida em três fases: Fase I - A pesquisa sistemática nos registros dos atendimentos a mulheres em postos de saúde pública, vinculados ao Serviço de Segurança Pública nos anos de 1920, 1925, 1929 e 1931, resultando na formação de um banco de dados com 876 mulheres; Fase II - Levantamento sistemático, página a página, das publicidades que continham os endereços de seus estabelecimentos, publicadas nos periódicos de grande circulação, selecionados: A Cigarra, A Capital, nos anos de 1920, 1925, 1929 e 1930, resultando na primeira operação cartográfica sobre os estabelecimentos comerciais, serviços particulares de saúde, telefonia, redações de jornais, circunscritos ao perímetro central e num segundo momento, o expressivo número de moradias nos boletins de ocorrência das mulheres na região central, viabilizou uma segunda operação cartográfica contendo o comércio, outros serviços e a localização das moradias dessas mulheres; Fase III A preocupação com uma historiografia que não limitasse trabalho feminino ao segmento têxtil e serviços domésticos, levou a consulta às Listas Telefônicas no setor Indicador Profissional da Cidade de São Paulo, correspondendo aos anos 1923, 1925, 1928 e 1929, e aos relatórios anuais da Santa Casa de Misericórdia de São Paulo de 1901 a 1949. A pesquisa estendeu-se aos relatórios emitidos pela direção da Escola Profissional Feminina, concernentes às disciplinas oferecidas e aos novos cursos que passaram a fazer parte da instituição; também contemplou fotografias que apresentavam a publicidade no espaço público concomitante à presença feminina entre os grupos empobrecidos, os anúncios e reportagens de crimes passionais em bairros populares, noticiados no Jornal Fanfulla, afora a literatura fictícia e memorialista. Os dados levantados permitiram-nos avaliar o perfil destas mulheres: trabalhadoras domésticas, operárias fabris, costureiras, artesãs, meretrizes, parteiras de prática, amas-de-leite, manicures, entre outras, na busca e manutenção dos seus trabalhos, circulavam, realizavam itinerários pela cidade. Nestes movimentos elas se apercebiam da comunicação, da moda, dos comportamentos sociais, improvisavam alternativas de acesso ao propagado. Revelavam-se sábias urdideiras do conhecimento de sobreviver ao imprevisto, ao instável, de subverter, expandir-se ao imposto, ao limitado.The present essay about the gender and the city analyses the urban and female imaginary released by the ads and press in the city of Sao Paulo of the 20s and how the pauper women lived, how they behaved, interacted in the city and how they understood what was released, re-elaborated and returned it to the public space. The research looks into the advertisement that was inside several means of communication like, postcards, streets, benches, walls, newspapers, and others, along with the development of press that began at the end of the 19th century. Both of them had an important role in the building and releasing of the female imaginary. The study bestows the visibility and the movement of the poor women downtown and in the surroundings located between the old and the new town-main space chosen by the elite of São Paulo as the role model of the modern city and desired citizens. While the research reaches the communication made in the city and the profile of the poor women engaged in the process of urbanization, the methodology used was developed in three stages: Stage 1 the systematic research of records registered as police reports of women seen in Welfare Institutions accredited by the Public Safety Service in 1920,1925,1929 and 1930 that ended up in a data bank with 876 women; Stage 2 systematic research of page by page advertisements that had the addresses of the establishments published in the chosen periodicals of that time: A Cigarra, A Capital in 1920,1925,1929 and 1930 coming up with the first cartography of stores, private clinics, phoning services, newspaper agencies located downtown and, afterwards, the great number of houses downtown registered in the police reports leading to a second cartography with the stores and the houses of those women. Stage 3 In order not to have a history limited to the textile sector and housework the research looked up the Yellow Pages in the Professional section in Sao Paulo in 1923,1925,1928 and 1929 and the reports about the wet nurses in the Santa Casa de Misericordia from 1901 to 1949. The research was widen up using the reports written by the director of the Escola Profissional Feminina including the subjects taught and the new courses as well as the photographs that showed advertising in public places and the presence of poor women, ads and reports about passionate crimes in popular districts in the Fanfulla newspaper besides the ficticious and memorable literature. The collected data let us contemplate those womens profile: house workers, factory workers, dressmakers, whores, midwives with no certificates, wet nurses, manicures, and others looking for and maintaining their jobs, they walked around the city realizing communication, fashion, social behaviours and creating new alternatives for what was released. They showed they were wise enough to know how to survive to the unpredicted and unstable moments, expanding the limits and overturning what was imposed.
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Jannepally, Hariwardhan Reddy. "The 2008 Mumbai Attack and Press Nationalism: A Content Analysis of Coverage in the New York Times, Times of London, Dawn, and the Hindu." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1283534128.
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Calmettes, Xavier. "Médias, propagande et pouvoir politique à Cuba sous le régime du 10 mars (1952-1958)." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017USPCA030.
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L’un des sujets historiques latino-américains les plus abordés par la littérature scientifique, est celui de la révolution cubaine de 1959. Les réformes sociales, la projection internationale du nouveau régime havanais, la répression politique intérieure, l’opposition des États-Unis ont entraîné un vaste débat politique et intellectuel. Pour montrer l’échec ou la réussite de la nouvelle politique menée, les auteurs ont tenté de nombreuses comparaisons avec le gouvernement de Fulgencio Batista sans, pour autant, étudier attentivement ses mécanismes, ses contradictions internes, ses différences et ses similitudes avec les régimes voisins. De faux documents ont même été produits pour justifier la vision de l’un ou l’autre des camps.57 ans après l’entrée des révolutionnaires à La Havane, il convient de s’interroger sur ce que fut le régime du 10 mars. L’objet de cette thèse estde réussir à comprendre, à partir du plus large corpus possible et à travers la relation entre l’État et les médias, quelle était la nature du gouvernement de Fulgencio Batista. Il s’agit de replacer au centre de la compréhension les actions des acteurs politiques et médiatiquesOne of the Latin American historical subjects most approached by scientific literature is the Cuban Revolution of 1959. Social reforms, the international projection of the new Havanese regime, internal political repression, led to extensive political and intellectual debate. In order to show the failure or the success of the new policy, the authors have attempted many comparisons with the government of Fulgencio Batista without, however, carefully examining its mechanisms, internal contradictions, differences and similarities with neighboring regimes. False documents were even produced to justify the vision of one or the other of the camps.57 years after the revolutionaries entered Havana, it is necessary to question what the regime of March 10 was. The aim of this thesis is to understand the nature of the government of Fulgencio Batista through the relationship between the state and the media and to reposition it in the center of the understanding of the period the actions of political and media actors
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Poncioni, Consuegra Mérian Antonio. "Propagande et représentations sous l'ère rosiste [1835-1852]." Thesis, Paris 3, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA030024/document.
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Comment la propagande et la représentation, ces armes de la politique, viennent-elles influencer la mémoire des peuples et, donc, leur histoire ? Comment, dans le contexte spécifique de l’Argentine rosiste, le rapprochement de ce binôme a-t -il opéré pour que des espaces et des populations disparates parviennent, peu à peu, à se réunir et à se reconnaître dans des principes fédérateurs ? Ce travail se propose d’explorer les ressorts d’un pouvoir et d’un système construits autour d’un homme – despote éclairé pour d’aucuns – dans le cadre d’un vaste processus dont on constate rétrospectivement qu’il a facilité l’émergence d’un sentiment d’appartenance dont nous dirons qu’il fut d’appartenance, à défaut d’être national.A partir de Buenos Aires, sa province natale, Juan Manuel de Rosa a dicté pendant près de vingt-trois années le sort d’une population forte d’une histoire dépourvue de mémoire propre. Tel est le fait historique. Sa contribution, indéniable, à la construction tout à la fois nationale, politique et identitaire d’un pays en devenir est l'objet d'analyses radicalement opposées que, poussés par des raisons diverses et également opportunistes, des mémorialistes et des politiques ont présentées et que des historiens ont soutenu et soutiennent avec une vigueur parfois proche de la polémique. Rosas, restaurateur de la Loi et père de la nation argentine, tyran et fossoyeur de la République : c ’ est dans le tiraillement entre ces deux pôles que nous avons essayé de nous situer pour analyser, sans prendre parti , l’apport de l’homme aux fondations du grand édifice , l’Argentine moderne, parfaità la suite de Caseros par les grands penseurs romantiques et libéraux qui avaient tant combattu le « Restaurador de las Leyes »How do propaganda and representation, these two political weapons, influence people's memory and, thus, their history? How, in the specific context of Rosist Argentina, did the approximation of this binomial operate so that disparate spaces and populations were, little by little, brought together and could share in fine unifying principles? This work aims to explore the bases of a power and a system built around a man - for some, an enlightened despot - as part of a vast process, which in retrospect, proved critical for the emergence of a common, if not national, sense of belonging.From Buenos Aires, his home province, Juan Manuel de Rosas dictated f o r nearly twenty-three years the fate of a large population that had a history of its own but was deprived from a proper memory. This is a historical fact. Rosas’ undeniable contribution to a country’s national, political and identity build-up o f a country in motion inspired radically opposed analyses, which, moved by diverging and sometimes opportunistic reasons, memoirists and politicians have presented and historians have questioned and argued with force close sometimes to controversy. Rosas, the restorer of the Law and father of the Argentine nation, tyrant and destroyer of the Republic ; it is the tension between these two poles that we have tried to position ourselves in order to analyze, without taking sides , the contribution of this man to the foundations of a large building, modern Argentina, which was perfected, following Caseros, by the Romantic and Liberal thinkers who had fought so fiercely y the « Restaurador de las Leyes »
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Deppe, Kendra M. "The media and democracy in Russia." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2005. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/05Jun%5FDeppe.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2005.Thesis Advisor(s): Anne Clunan, Mikhail Tsypkin. Includes bibliographical references (p. 65-91). Also available online.
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Oliveira, Marco Aurélio Gomes de. "Imprensa espírita na cidade do Rio de Janeiro: propaganda, doutrina e jornalismo (1880 – 1950)." reponame:Repositório Institucional da UFF, 2014. https://appdesenv.uff.br/riuff/handle/1/442.
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A dissertação investiga a atuação de espíritas na imprensa, através da criação e manutenção de periódicos, por meio da publicação de artigos em série ou via manutenção de colunas fixas nos grandes jornais diários na cidade do Rio de Janeiro, entre 1880 e 1950. A pesquisa evidencia o envolvimento de indivíduos, grupos e instituições espíritas em diferentes projetos editoriais criados por espíritas, a disputa travada pela preferência dos adeptos do Espiritismo, procurando avaliar seus objetivos, articulações e alianças, assim como as motivações para a atuação espírita na imprensa.Analisa, também, suas expectativas e concepções de imprensa, bem como procura desvendar as tensões em torno da ocupação de cargos em periódicos e entidades representativas. A partir da imprensa, reconstitui diferentes concepções sobre a Doutrina Espírita, defendidas e vividas pelos sujeitos sociais naquele momento histórico, recuperando embates e conflitos que marcaram a busca pela hegemonia de uma leitura do Espiritismo. Por fim, explora desdobramentos da atuação de espíritas no jornalismo, principalmente a tentativa de organização de seus jornalistas e a reorientação nos projetos editorias e gráficos.
The dissertation investigates the roles of the Spiritualists in the press, through the creation and maintenance of journals, through the publication of articles in series or via maintenance of fixed columns in the major daily newspapers in the city of Rio de Janeiro, between 1880 and 1950. The research shows the involvement of individuals, groups and institutions in different spiritualists editorial projects created by spiritualists, the dispute waged by supporters preference of Spiritualism, try to evaluate your goals, joints and alliances, as well as the motivations for the spiritual activity in the press. It also analyzes your expectations and conceptions of the press, and attempts to uncover the tensions surrounding the occupation of positions in journals and representatives bodies. From the press, reconstitutes different conceptions of the Doctrine, advocated and practiced by the social subjects of that historical moment, recovering clashes and conflicts that marked the quest for hegemony from a reading of Spiritualisms. Finally, the performance explores ramifications of Spiritualists in journalism, especially the attempt to organize and reorientation of its journalists in editorial and graphic designs.
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Willcox, David R. "Propaganda, the British press and contemporary war : a comparative study of the Gulf War 1990-1991 and Kosovo conflict 1999." Thesis, University of Kent, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.410598.
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Deweweire, Ingrid. "Image de l'autre, image de soi : ressemblances et divergences thématiques entre la presse américaine et la presse britannique pendant la crise et la guerre du Golfe." Thesis, Pau, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PAUU1005/document.
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L’invasion du Koweït par les troupes irakiennes le 2 août 1990 déclenche une vaste opération militaire menée par Washington ainsi qu’une campagne médiatique intense. Cette étude s’attache à comparer la presse américaine avec la presse britannique pendant la crise et la guerre du Golfe. L’objectif principal est d’examiner le discours journalistique d’opinion tel qu’il est élaboré par les journaux appartenant à la presse dite de qualité et de décomposer la fabrication de ce discours. Il s’agit ainsi de s’interroger sur la nature des positions énonciatives des éditorialistes et des journalistes et en particulier sur la manière dont l’Autre – ennemi et alliés ‒ et Soi ‒ États-Unis et Royaume-Uni ‒ ont été décrits d’une part par les quotidiens américains, le New York Times et le Washington Post, et d’autre part par les quotidiens britanniques, le Times, le Guardian, et les journaux dominicaux, le Sunday Times et l’Observer, pendant la période considérée. La thèse se base sur une lecture comparative des éditoriaux, articles d’opinion et courriers envoyés par les lecteurs des journaux retenus afin de mettre en lumière les thèmes et référents en relation avec l’image de l’Autre et de Soi et de faire apparaître les différences et similitudes dans le traitement des informations entre les deux pressesThe invasion of Kuwait by Iraqi troops on 2 August 1990 triggered a large-scale military operation conducted by Washington as well as a huge media campaign. This study seeks to compare the American press with the British press during the crisis and the Gulf war. The main objective is to examine the journalistic discourse of opinion as developed by newspapers belonging to the so-called quality press and deconstruct the ways in which this discourse was developed. This raises questions about the language adopted by editorialists and journalists and in particular about the way in which the Other ‒ enemy and allies ‒ and the “Self” ‒ the USA and the UK ‒ were described by the American daily papers, the New York Times and the Washington Post and the British daily papers, the Times and the Guardian and the Sunday newspapers, the Sunday Times and the Observer during the crisis and the war. The thesis is based on a comparative study of editorials, opinion editorials and letters to the editor published in selected newspapers in order to highlight subjects and themes in connection with the image of the Other and the Self and show the differences and similarities in the processing of information in both the American and the British press
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Neves, Helena de Araujo. "O ensino privado em Pelotas na propaganda impressa: séculos XIX, XX, XXI." Universidade Federal de Pelotas, 2012. http://repositorio.ufpel.edu.br/handle/ri/1687.
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Previous issue date: 2012-03-30This thesis is situated within the history of education , linked to the line of Philosophy and History of the Graduate Program in Education of the Federal University of Pelotas Education . His aim was to investigate the trajectory of private education in Pelotas , a city located south of the Rio Grande do Sul, in the period from the late nineteenth century and the beginning of the XXI century. For this , we used as the primary source document printed from private primary and secondary schools , primary and secondary education advertisements, published in the press . The aim of this thesis is to prove that the private schools in Pelotas was hitherto consisting of three cycles . The first began in the second half of the nineteenth century , characterized by the education offered by an owner or by a group of teachers who organized education in a more sophisticated process than existing spare classes in the city . It was an eminently private phase, characterized by a clearly market capitalist system . The second cycle , highlighted by the hegemony of teaching faith that abolished the previous process. At that stage , there was a more effective organization , with tables arranged and trained to work in the teaching profession as a vocation . In addition , institutions with a solid management structure , specificity as " entrepreneurs " of the first cycle had not been created . In the third cycle , in turn , there was the return of the business of education , now based in a corporate capitalism that put to the test proposed an education along the lines offered by denominational - which required this capitalist stance. It was found then that some religious organizations have been unable to keep up with this market competition , resulting in the closure of an important confessional school of Pelotas and selling to another business of education . Based on the above , it was found also that the religious institutions shall introduce into pellets having the differential in secondary education which corroborated its hegemony throughout most of the twentieth century . Past hundred years, the high school was also the predominant actions of schools run by business education focus. This level of education that prepares students for access to higher education , did so with the schools run by entrepreneurs teaching consolidate its participation in the educational scenario identified in the third cycle . Now with regard to action of the institutions , it was found that while the schools run by education entrepreneurs offer modernity and constant concern with the results of their students , the management offered confessional tradition. It was identified , although private institutions found throughout the periodization self - regulated by dictating the use of advertisements and thus constituting the quality standard of the local private school. Thus , it was realized that the private school print advertising has established itself as a cultural practice of the nineteenth century becoming part of the educational marketing strategies of the XX and XXI centuries . This was therefore a potential source to obtain data on the trajectory of private education in pellets thus being witness to the constitution and legality of the sphere of education in the city.
Esta tese situa-se no âmbito da História da Educação, vinculada à linha de Filosofia e História da Educação do Programa de Pós-Graduação em Educação da universidade Federal de Pelotas. Seu objetivo foi pesquisar a trajetória do ensino privado em Pelotas, município localizado ao sul do Rio Grande do Sul, no período compreendido entre o final do século XIX e o principio do século XXI. Para isso, utilizou como principal fonte documental propagandas impressas das escolas privadas de ensino primário e secundário, fundamental e médio, divulgadas na imprensa. O intuito desta tese é o de comprovar que o ensino privado de Pelotas foi até então, constituído por três ciclos. O primeiro iniciou na segunda metade do século XIX, caracterizando-se pela educação ofertada por um proprietário ou por um grupo de docentes que organizaram a educação em um processo mais sofisticado do que as aulas avulsas existentes na cidade. Foi uma fase eminentemente privada, caracterizada por um sistema claramente capitalista mercantil. Já o segundo ciclo, destacou-se pela hegemonia do ensino confessional que extinguiu o processo anterior. Nessa fase, existiu uma organização mais efetiva, com quadros dispostos e treinados para atuar no magistério como vocação. Além disso, foram criadas instituições com uma estrutura solida de gestão, especificidade que os empresários do primeiro ciclo não tiveram. No terceiro ciclo, por sua vez, verificou-se a volta dos empresários da educação, agora baseados em um capitalismo empresarial, que colocou à prova a proposta de uma educação nos moldes ofertados pela confessionalidade o que exigiu desta uma postura capitalista. Verificou-se, então que algumas organizações religiosas não tiveram condições de acompanhar essa concorrência de mercado, resultando no fechamento de uma importante escola confessional de Pelotas e na venda de outra para empresários da educação. Com base no exposto, verificou-se, ainda, que as instituições confessionais instauram-se em Pelotas tendo no ensino secundário o diferencial que corroborou com a sua hegemonia durante quase todo o século XX. Passados cem anos, o ensino médio também foi o foco preponderante das ações das escolas geridas pelos empresários da educação. Esse nível de ensino, que prepara o aluno para o acesso ao ensino superior, fez portanto, com que as escolas geridas pelos empresários do ensino consolidassem a sua participação no cenário educacional identificado no terceiro ciclo. Já com relação a atuação das instituições, constatou-se que, enquanto as escolas administradas pelos empresários da educação oferecem modernidade e preocupação constante com os resultados de seus alunos, a gestão confessional ofertou tradição. Identificou-se, ainda que as instituições privadas encontradas ao longo de toda a periodização se auto-regulavam por meio do uso das propagandas ditando e constituindo, assim, o padrão de qualidade do ensino privado local. Dessa forma, percebeu-se que a propaganda impressa escolar privada se impôs como uma pratica cultural do século XIX tornando-se parte das estratégias de marketing educacional dos séculos XX e XXI. Essa foi, portanto, uma fonte potencial para se obter dados sobre a trajetória do ensino privado em pelotas sendo, assim, testemunha da constituição e da legalidade dessa esfera de ensino na cidade.
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Barel, Moisés Stefano. "ERNESTO GEISEL E A IMPRENSA DO BRASIL: A propaganda ideológica sobre o quarto Presidente do Regime Militar brasileiro (1964-1985), entre sua eleição e posse." Universidade Metodista de São Paulo, 2007. http://tede.metodista.br/jspui/handle/tede/770.
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Previous issue date: 2007-04-11Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior
At the beginning of 1970 s Brazil had a period of great economic growth and also of broad dissemination of Government actions through the existing means of communications until them to try to legitimate the Military Regime. The Country was ruled by a President who was a general Emílio Garrastazu Médici, whose administration was very well-know as the rigid years . In the middle of 1973 he decided that his successor in comand of the Republic would be a general Ernesto Geisel. The aim of this work is just to investigate the campaign of ideological propaganda performed by magazines like Manchete and Veja and by newspapers like O Estado de S. Paulo and Folha de S. Paulo to present to their readers the new President. At first, this work started through bibliographical surveys to let them know about that historic period and most of all, the documental analysis. Afterwards a study was accomplished with regard to the selected issues on magazines and newspapers above mentioned in order to find out evidences of ideological propaganda components which were performed to discover whether they acted or not as diffusers of official interests.
No início da década de 1970 o Brasil viveu um período de grande crescimento econômico e de ampla divulgação das ações governamentais através dos meios de comunicação para tentar legitimar o Regime Militar. O País era governado pelo general-presidente Emílio Garrastazu Médici (1969-1974), cuja gestão ficara conhecida como os anos de chumbo . Em meados de 1973 ele decide que seu sucessor no comando da República seria o general Ernesto Geisel. O objetivo deste trabalho é investigar a campanha de propaganda ideológica feita pelas revistas Manchete e Veja e pelos jornais O Estado de S. Paulo e Folha de S. Paulo para apresentar aos seus leitores o novo Presidente. O trabalho deu-se inicialmente por meio de pesquisas bibliográficas para compreensão daquele período histórico e de analises documentais. Posteriormente realizou-se o estudo das edições selecionadas dos periódicos acima citados para buscar neles evidências dos componentes da propaganda ideológica realizada e para descobrir se eles atuaram ou não como difusores dos interesses oficiais.
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Queler, Jefferson Jose. "Entre o mito e apropaganda politica : Janio Quadros e sua imagem publica (1959-1961)." [s.n.], 2008. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/281044.
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Orientador: Vavy Pacheco BorgesTese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
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Resumo: Pretendo, neste texto, analisar a construção da imagem pública de Jânio Quadros entre 1959 e 1961. Durante este período, ele disputou as eleições presidenciais brasileiras e governou o país até sua renúncia à Presidência. De acordo com a historiografia ¿ numa posição similar quando comparada a posições comumente veiculadas pela memória coletiva -, o personalismo dele poderia ser apontado como o principal fator para explicar sua força política, e a propaganda política ajudaria a construir seu prestígio de forma enganosa. Tal ponto de vista pressupõe que o eleitorado brasileiro era passivo e ingênuo, sendo facilmente manipulado por demagogos, o que é uma interpretação clássica para a política na América Latina como um todo, sob a capa do conceito de populismo. Tentando evitar essa perspectiva, sugiro como o espetáculo envolvendo a política naquelas circunstâncias também era formado por partes relevantes da população, isto é, membros de diferentes grupos sociais faziam propaganda por eles próprios, escrevendo e debatendo poesias, textos e músicas com temáticas políticas. Estes aspectos da campanha presidencial são estudados através de cartas então recebidas por Jânio Quadros de várias partes do Brasil e de diferentes grupos sociais, da mesma forma que através de discursos políticos, da imprensa e da propaganda oficial organizada pelo Movimento Popular Jânio Quadros. A análise destas fontes indica o quanto o mencionado líder estava atrelado a projetos políticos e como isso foi decisivo para atrair o apoio do eleitorado em geral, especialmente com a tradição da Democracia Cristã. Em outras palavras, seu personalismo parece apenas tê-lo promovido na medida em que ele era associado a propostas e práticas políticas, as quais foram objeto de discussão entre a população. E, uma vez que estas considerações põem algumas luzes na forma como Jânio Quadros era levado a sério pelo seu eleitorado, também tento mostrar o quão problemática é a perspectiva que defende ter ele renunciado à Presidência em razão de falta de equilíbrio psicológico, procurando sugerir que os projetos políticos implementados por ele talvez possam oferecer pistas para o esclarecimento das motivações de tal ato
Abstract: In this text I intend to analyse the construction of the public image of Jânio Quadros between 1959 and 1961. During this period he disputed the Brazilian presidential elections and ruled the country until his resignation to the presidency. According to the historiography - in a similar position when compared with positions commonly conveyed by the collective memory -, his personalism could be pointed out as the main factor to explain his political force, and political propaganda would help to build his prestige in a misleading way. Such point of view assumes that the Brazilian electorate was passive and naive, being easily manipulated by demagogues, which is a classical interpretation for politics in Latin America as a whole under the cover of the concept of populism. By trying to avoid this outlook, I suggest that the spectacle involving politics in those circunstances was also formed by relevant parts of the population, that is to say that members of different social groups made propaganda by themselves, writing and debating poetry, texts and songs with political themes. These aspects of the presidential campaign are studied through letters then received by Jânio Quadros from varied parts of Brazil and different social groups, as well as through political speechs, the press and the official propaganda organised by the Jânio Quadros Popular Movement. The analysis of these sources indicates how the mentioned leader was attached to political projects and how that was decisive to attract the support of the electorate in general, especially with the tradition of the Christian Democracy. In other words, his personalim just seems to have promoted him as he was associated with political proposals and practices, which were objects of discussion among the population. And since these considerations put some lights in the way Jânio Quadros was taken seriously by his electorate, I also try to show how problematic is the perspective that defends he resigned from presidency because lack of psychological equilibrium, searching to suggest that the political projects implemented by him may offer some clues about the motivations of such act
Doutorado
Politica, Memoria e Cidade
Doutor em História
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Rafeeq, Ali. "Covering Conflicts: the coverage of Iraq War II by The New Zealand Herald, The Dominion Post and The Press." Thesis, University of Canterbury. Mass Communication and Journalism, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/981.
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The New Zealand news media have covered Iraq War II extensively, and from different perspectives, shaped by reporting restrictions, public opinion and editorial policies of the media organisations. This thesis studies New Zealand's three largest daily newspapers' coverage during the invasion phase of the war exploring their reliance on global news agencies such as Reuters, AFP and AP and on elite British and US newspapers. The research also aims to explore the newspapers' dependence on global news agencies and other content providers and the extent of US and Coalition domination of the news agenda. Global news media, including mainstream news agencies which mostly rely on government and military officials for information on military conflicts such as Iraq War II, become channels for propaganda and facilitate elite sources to set the agenda for national and global audiences. A content analysis of the three daily newspapers - The New Zealand Herald, The Dominion Post and The Press - reveals that the war coverage in New Zealand was framed by international news agencies, US and UK newspapers. And their reliance on US and Coalition official sources in the news construction meant that they became vehicles for propaganda. The mainstream New Zealand newspapers' coverage of Iraq War II is examined through the contexts of globalisation, news flows, media-source relations, news management and propaganda as these are the issues that have shaped the war journalism discourse in New Zealand. As there have not been many studies in New Zealand of news media coverage of wars, this research is an opportunity for studying mainstream newspapers of a country that is not a direct participant in the war. It gives the opportunity to compare reporting by newspapers in a country not directly involved in Iraq War II with that of countries that are directly involved. What emerges from this study is that the level of involvement in a war is no longer the most important factor in determining the direction of news media coverage. News values, globalisation, economic interdependence, news flows and propaganda are all highly significant factors affecting coverage. This thesis shows that the US military and government sources dominated the news agenda through various media management strategies. The findings of this research also demonstrate the dominance of the global news agencies and US and UK publications as main content providers in the war coverage. The implication of this is that the few Western media outlets are able to set the news agenda for news retailers such as New Zealand newspapers, and their readers.
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Sampson, Kelly. "The Emergence of a Free Press in Russia: An Analysis of the Media's Development from Instrument of Soviet Propaganda to Independent News Provider." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/291216.
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lundahl, catherine. "Irakkriget 030320 : En komparativ studie av svensk och amerikansk nyhetsrapportering." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för informatik och media, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-145764.
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Abstract Title: Irakkriget 030320 – en komparativ studie av svensk och amerikansk nyhetsrapportering. (Iraq war 030320 – a Comparative Study of Swedish and American Newsreport) Author: Catherine Lundahl Tutor: Christian Christensen Course: Media and Communication C – Bachelor Thesis University: Uppsala Universitet Keywords: Iraq war, framing, war journalism, propaganda, Swedish press, American press, democracy, totalitarianism, president Bush, president Hussein, the UN, victims. Aim The purpose with this essay is to compare the Swedish and American press during the 2003 Iraq war newsreport. Focus is put on the framework of news each country presents. Material/Methodology The essay represent a selection of articles during the week before the invasion 030313-030320 which delimited to a material of 20 newsarticles from each country. The essay represent a methodology based on the critical discourse analysis. Theoretical perspectives The essay leans on the theory of framing which is a common and well suitable theory for war journalism. The theory’s purpose has delimited to focus on the frameworks of the newsreport and not the frames affect of the public opinion. Conclusion The essay reveals both differences and similarities between the Swedish and American news frames. The most articulated similarity between the countries articles were the “evil” framing of president Saddam Hussein as well as the framing of the opposite relationship between democracy and totalitarianism. Indicators of propaganda reflected the most articulated differences between each country where the Swedish press neglected this kind of news framing. Other articulated differences reflected framing of president Bush as well as the civil Iraqi people as victims.
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McPartland, Caitlin Elizabeth. "The role of Rosie : propaganda and female home-front intervention during World War Two /." Full-text of dissertation on the Internet (703 KB), 2009. http://www.lib.jmu.edu/general/etd/2009/Honors/McPartland_Caitlin/mcpartce_honors_11-11-2009.pdf.
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Dias, Rafael de Almeida Serra. "Negociações de identidade: a revista Made in Japan - imprensa, globalização e cultura de comunicação - 1997-2007." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2011. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/12699.
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Previous issue date: 2011-10-19Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico
The aim of this work is to present an analysis of the magazine Made in Japan during one decade (1997 -2007). The magazine was published in Brazil and Japan entirely in Portuguese to nikkeis (descendents of japaneses from any generation, born in Brazil) and to dekasseguis (Brazilians that immigrated to Japan to work). This study aims to contribute to the history of present time as well as to present how dekasseguis in diaspora and nikkeis, offsprings of the Japanese diaspora in the 20th century, managed their identities in such globalized world. The press was studied in its form and content through the covers, sections and advertisements, questioning the impartiality of the journalism stated in the publication historicizing the choices and actions made by the magazine
O presente trabalho tem como objetivo investigar a revista Made in Japan nos anos de 1997-2007 que atuou no Brasil e no Japão, inteiramente em português destinada aos nikkeis (descendentes de japoneses de qualquer geração nascidos no Brasil) e dekasseguis (brasileiros que vão trabalhar no Japão). Ao realizar esta pesquisa buscou se contribuir com a história do tempo presente ao estudar como os dekasseguis em diáspora e os nikkeis frutos de uma diáspora japonesa do início do século XX se relacionaram com as negociações de identidade no mundo globalizado. Procurou-se um estudo da imprensa, abordando sua forma e conteúdo, por meio de suas capas, matérias, seções e propagandas questionando a imparcialidade jornalística afirmada pela publicação e buscando historicizar o sentido das escolhas e ações da revista
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Chiu, Ming-wah, and 趙明華. "Resistance, peace and war: the Central China Daily News, the South China Daily News and the Wang Jingwei Cliqueduring the Sino-Japanese War, 1937-1945." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2005. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B3624689X.
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Rank, Martin. "Die Blätter werden bunter. Zur Presselenkung in der DDR und ihrem Ende im Herbst 1989." Bachelor's thesis, Saechsische Landesbibliothek- Staats- und Universitaetsbibliothek Dresden, 2014. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:14-qucosa-135063.
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Chiu, Ming-wah. "Resistance, peace and war the Central China Daily News, the South China Daily News and the Wang Jingwei Clique during the Sino-Japanese War, 1937-1945 /." Click to view the E-thesis via HKUTO, 2005. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record/B3624689X.
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Coutard, Jérôme. "Des valeurs en guerre : presse, propagande et culture de guerre au Québec, 1914-1918." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape9/PQDD_0016/NQ47563.pdf.
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Roy-Orenes, Chloé. "Presse people et monarchie à l'époque de la transition espagnole : de 1975 à 1979 : la construction d'un roi à travers les revues ¡Hola! et Lecturas." Thesis, Bourgogne Franche-Comté, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020UBFCH003.
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Notre thèse se centre sur l’époque de la Transition démocratique en Espagne, et plus précisément sur la période qui débute en novembre 1975, par le décès du dictateur Franco et la proclamation du Roi Juan Carlos, jusqu’en mars 1979, lors des élections législatives.À partir de sa proclamation jusqu’à l’époque des élections législatives, le Roi Juan Carlos a bénéficié d’une importante couverture de la presse. Certes controversée, la figure du Roi a cependant joui de ce que nous pourrions qualifier d’immunité journalistique, durant la période de la Transition. L’intérêt de notre thèse est de montrer de quelle façon la presse, et plus particulièrement la presse people —en prenant deux exemples, ¡Hola! et Lecturas— a joué un rôle significatif dans l’influence de l’opinion publique, en érigeant, d’une certaine manière, la Monarchie au rang de modèle politique. C’est pour cela que notre travail porte, d’une part, sur la façon dont est dépeint le Roi dans son intimité familiale et, d’autre part, en tant qu’institution et pouvoir. De plus, la question est de savoir si les magazines suivent la ligne d’une Démocratie avec un Roi ou d’une Monarchie démocratique. Les points communs et les différences entre la Monarchie espagnole et les Monarchies étrangères retiennent également notre attention, sans oublier de porter un regard sur les hommes politiques auxquels la Couronne est associée, et de voir comment toutes ces relations servent les intérêts de celle-ci. Un des objectifs du Roi, à l’époque, est de donner l’image d’un Roi proche de son peuple, autrement dit du Roi de tous les Espagnols : notre étude s’attache donc à analyser l’évolution de cette image dans ces années où le monarque se lance dans une course à la légitimité démocratique et populaireMy thesis is focused on the Spanish Transition to Democracy, and more particularly on the period beginning in November 1975 with the death of the dictator Franco and then the proclamation of King Juan Carlos, and drawing to a close in March 1979, at the time of the legislative elections.From the proclamation of King Juan Carlos to the calling of the legislative elections, the King was much portrayed in the press. King Juan Carlos' legitimacy was contested even though he benefited from a journalistic immunity during the Transition. The purpose of my work is to show how the press, especially the tabloid press (taking ¡Hola! and Lecturas as two examples) played a key role in the public opinion, elevating in a way the Monarchy to a political model. Based on this first assumption, my research gives a close insight into how the King was depicted in his private life but also as an institutional and powerful figure.Another issue of my research is also to know whether the tabloids have represented a Democracy with a King or a democratic Monarchy. The similarities and the differences between the Spanish Monarchy and the foreign Monarchies also hold our attention, bearing in mind the relations between Spanish politicians and the Spanish Crown. One of the goals of the King was, at that time, to give the image of a King close to its people ―in others words being portrayed “King of all Spanish people”― hence the analysis of the evolution of the democratic when the King pursued a democratic and popular legitimacy
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Franco, Lincoln. "WASHINGTON LUIS: A PROPAGANDA POLÍTICA QUE LEVOU UM PAULISTA DE MACAÉ/RJ À PRESIDÊNCIA DA REPÚBLICA Um estudo sobre O Estado de S. Paulo e o Correio da Manhã (de dezembro de 1925 a março de 1926)." Universidade Metodista de São Paulo, 2008. http://tede.metodista.br/jspui/handle/tede/844.
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Previous issue date: 2008-04-14Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior
The purpose of the research is to find out how the political advertising from Washington Luís in the electoral process of 1925/1926, was arranged and also how the coverage of this process was made by the newspapers "O Estado de S. Paulo" and "Correio da Manhã". Using the methodology of historical research and concepts of political advertising, it will be analysed how "O Paulista de Macaé/RJ" built his political and personal career as weel as his indication to highest political position in the Republic.(AU)
O objetivo da pesquisa é sistematizar como foi articulada a propaganda política de Washington Luís no processo eleitoral de 1925/1926, como também verificar de que forma ocorreu a cobertura deste processo pelos jornais O Estado de S. Paulo e Correio da Manhã. Utilizando a metodologia de pesquisa histórica e conceitos de propaganda política, será analisado como o paulista de Macaé construiu sua trajetória política e pessoal até ser indicado ao mais alto cargo político da República.(AU)
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Tapscott, Elizabeth L. "Propaganda and persuasion in the early Scottish Reformation, c.1527-1557." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/4115.
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The decades before the Scottish Reformation Parliament of 1560 witnessed the unprecedented use of a range of different media to disseminate the Protestant message and to shape beliefs and attitudes. By placing these works within their historical context, this thesis explores the ways in which various media – academic discourse, courtly entertainments, printed poetry, public performances, preaching and pedagogical tools – were employed by evangelical and Protestant reformers to persuade and/or educate different audiences within sixteenth-century Scottish society. The thematic approach examines not only how the reformist message was packaged, but how the movement itself and its persuasive agenda developed, revealing the ways in which it appealed to ever broader circles of Scottish society. In their efforts to bring about religious change, the reformers capitalised on a number of traditional media, while using different media to address different audiences. Hoping to initiate reform from within Church institutions, the reformers first addressed their appeals to the kingdom's educated elite. When their attempts at reasoned academic discourse met with resistance, they turned their attention to the monarch, James V, and the royal court. Reformers within the court utilised courtly entertainments intended to amuse the royal circle and to influence the young king to oversee the reformation of religion within his realm. When, following James's untimely death in 1542, the throne passed to his infant daughter, the reformers took advantage of the period of uncertainty that accompanied the minority. Through the relatively new technology of print, David Lindsay's poetry and English propaganda presented the reformist message to audiences beyond the kingdom's elite. Lindsay and other reformers also exploited the oral media of religious theatre in public spaces, while preaching was one of the most theologically significant, though under-researched, means of disseminating the reformist message. In addition to works intended to convert, the reformers also recognised the need for literature to edify the already converted. To this end, they produced pedagogical tools for use in individual and group devotions. Through the examination of these various media of persuasion, this study contributes to our understanding of the means by which reformed ideas were disseminated in Scotland, as well as the development of the reformist movement before 1560.
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Bulhões, Tatiana da Silva. ""Evidências esmagadoras dos seus atos" : fotografias e imprensa na construção da imagem pública da Ação Integralista Brasileira (1932- 1937)." Universidade Federal Fluminense, 2007. http://www.bdtd.ndc.uff.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=220.
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível SuperiorPensando a fotografia e a imprensa como práticas sociais e expressões de relações sociais e significados culturais, este trabalho analisa os usos e objetivos envolvidos na publicação de fotografias na imprensa carioca pela Ação Integralista Brasileira (AIB), um movimento político brasileiro de caráter autoritário, ao longo de sua existência legal, de 1933 a 1937. Neste sentido, o trabalho procura explicitar os sentidos e intenções da produção e divulgação de fotografias pela AIB, além da criação e o funcionamento de uma estrutura as secretarias de propaganda e Imprensa para a produção e divulgação de imagens e periódicos integralistas. Procurei avaliar a importância atribuída pela AIB à propaganda política e à imprensa, recuperando iniciativas criadas para implementar a edição e financiamento de jornais e revistas e, também, definir normas e padronizar procedimentos e linhas editoriais. Outra preocupação foi caracterizar as formas de fazer propaganda por meio de fotografias na imprensa integralista carioca, analisando a revista Anauê! E o jornal A offensiva, comparando as diversas formas de narrar acontecimentos, além de identificar as diferenças e semelhanças nas formas de contruir a memória sobre o integralismo e de seus inimigos. Por último, investiguei as alianças e articulações entre parcelas da imprensa carioca e a AIB analisando como as revistas A Noite lllustrada e fon-fon e o jornal Diário de Notícias, simpatizantes ao movimento, divulgavam seus textos e fotografias.
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Christelis, Desiree. "Country reputation management : identifying the drivers of South Africa’s reputation in German media." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/2384.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (MPhil (Journalism))--University of Stellenbosch, 2006.Although reputation management has historically been restricted to companies or other organisational entities, countries are also increasingly concerned with their reputation relative to other countries and have started to actively measure and manage that reputation1. Over the past years, the Republic of South Africa has begun to professionally streamline its own reputation management activities, specifically by establishing the International Marketing Committee (IMC) in August 2000. South African Tourism, the media division of the South African diplomatic sector and even South African Airways are other reputation management vehicles that have been working toward emanating a comprehensive marketing and communication message from South Africa to other countries. The basis of good reputation management is to first measure such reputation2. It is also important to know what aspects are the main drivers of such reputation. Using the content of specific German newspapers as data body, this study determines the drivers of South Africa’s media reputation in Germany. In order to accurately set the scene for an analysis of South Africa’s reputation, a thorough situation analysis on the country is conducted. This situation analysis forms the backbone for the methodology used further on to investigate the drivers of South Africa’s reputation in specific German media. To this end, a large part of the situation analysis looks at South Africa in terms of Germany and a study is conducted on the relationship between Germany and South Africa as well as the potential stakeholders of South Africa’s media reputation in Germany. It is also important to know what current efforts in terms of reputation management are. After studying the history of South Africa’s reputation management activities, members of today’s reputation management vehicles are interviewed and an overview of South African reputation management efforts currently active in Germany is provided. The reputation management activities of other countries are briefly explored and specifically the lessons from other countries’ efforts are highlighted. Subsequently, the reputational dimensions that positively or negatively drive South Africa’s reputation in specific German media are determined. To this end, a content analysis is conducted on the seven German national daily newspapers, Börsen- Zeitung, Die Welt, Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, Frankfurter Rundschau, Financial Times Deutschland, Handelsblatt and Süddeutsche Zeitung3 over a period of 20 months. The findings made culminate in suggestions for South Africa’s future reputation management activities in Germany.
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da, Costa Bodelón Marco Antonio. "La ideología nacionalsocialista a Ia luz de Ia intelectualidad fascista y contrarrevolucionaria española durante el Tercer Reich (1933-1945)." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/670437.
Full textAbstract:
El objetivo de esta tesis doctoral radica en analizar la trayectoria ideológica del nacionalsocialismo y su posible ascendencia en el pensamiento político durante la España republicana, la guerra civil y el Nuevo Estado hasta 1945. Para tales fines nos serviremos, principalmente, de la obra de una intelectualidad española en la que se encuadrará una amplia representación de la sociedad civil de la época que, desde los inicios de la recepción mediática del nazismo, defendió una posición antirrepublicana frente al orden constitucional a través de su incorporación en el bando conservador o en partidos de índole fascista hasta que la victoria de la España nacional y los primeros años del apogeo militar nazi durante la Segunda Guerra Mundial homogeneizaron el discurso hacia posturas totalitarias.
Otro de los propósitos que nos planteamos en este trabajo de investigación es priorizar, personalizar e individualizar, en definitiva, el protagonismo de los intelectuales que en muchas ocasiones ha quedado relegado a un mero papel de comparsa dentro de un análisis comparativo entre las políticas culturales e ideológicas de los dos países. Así pues, consideramos de vital importancia destacar la responsabilidad en todo lo que dejarían escrito así como su papel, ante la opinión pública, como receptores-intérpretes de la ideología nacionalsocialista en España.The objective of this doctoral thesis is to analyze the ideological trajectory of National Socialism and its possible origins in political thought during the Second Spanish Republic, the Civil War, and the New State until 1945. For such purposes, we will use, mainly, the work of a broad sector of Spanish intellectual society of the era who, from the beginning of the media´s portrayal of Nazism, defended a anti-Republican position in opposition to the constitutional order through its incorporation on the conservative side or in fascist parties up to the point when the victory of Nationalist Spain and the first years of Nazi military apogee during World War II homogenized public discourse towards totalitarian positions. Another of the purposes that we set out to achieve in this research work is to prioritize, personalize, and individualize, in short, the protagonism of certain intellectuals who have often been relegated to a merely secondary role within a comparative analysis between the cultural and ideological policies of the two countries. Thus, we consider it vitally important to highlight the responsibility in everything they would leave written as well as their role, before public opinion, as recipients-interpreters of the National Socialist ideology in Spain.
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Bergman, Leo. "Ukraїnas självständighet 1917 i svensk press 1917–1918." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Historiska institutionen, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-323861.
Full textAbstract:
This dissertation is a quantitative study with elements of qualitative analysis. The purpose of this quantitative study was to investigate WHAT was written about Ukraine's independence 1917 in Swedish press 1917–1918. The qualitative part of the survey was intended to answer the question if the newspaper's political attitude influenced the news reports during the chosen period. The exact periodization was determined to be between March 1, 1917 and June 30, 1918. This periodization was chosen because of the March Revolution in 1917, which triggered independence declarations in a number of countries oppressed by Moscow, who now saw their chance of freedom. June 1918 became the end of the investigation because it was just when the peace agreement between Ukraine and the Soviet Union was signed. The source material has been chosen to represent a multitude of ideological orientations. It was liberal, moderate, conservative, liberal and left-wing orientations. The source material consisted of newspaper articles from the following newspapers: Dagens Nyheter, Aftonbladet, Göteborgs Aftonblad, Svenska Dagbladet, Dalpilen, Kalmar Tidning and Norrskensflamman. Quantitative methodology was used on the source material. This method consisted of a reviewing of newspaper articles in searching of news reports from Ukraine or articles which had something to do with the events in Ukraine. Every newspaper was searched day after day. The crawled material was presented in two chapters representing different periods. The first chapter of the results presented the results from 1917, and more precisely from March to December 1917. The second chapter presented the results from 1918, but also from December 1917, that is, the result from December 1917 through June 1918. The whole result was then discussed in a separate chapter where the qualitative analysis was also discussed. The result of the quantitative analysis showed that it has been written relatively sparcely about Ukraine's independence although the volume of articles increased from December 1917 and even more in 1918. Sometimes there were articles on the first page. But for the most part, the articles with Ukraine issues were placed among other foreign articles. It was also found in the survey that it was the first World War that drew attention to the newspapers, even though the events in Petrograd and then in Ukraine took more space. This survey also showed that what was written about Ukraine's independence was also what appears in the reference literature. The news reports reported how Ukraine proclaimed independence in March 1917 and later on proclaimed an independent republic in November 1917 when the Bolsheviks conducted their coup d'état in Petrograd. The newspapers also wrote how the Russian Communists sent a declaration of war to Ukraine in December 1917 and about the war that followed. The articles also tell us how negotiations on Ukraine Peace went on in Brest-Litovsk, and how they ended up with alliance between Germany and Ukraine with the campaign against the communists. It was told how the German army marched into Ukraine to free it from the bolsheviks. Until May 1918 there were battles between the German-Ukrainian Army and the Communists. In June 1918 the peace agreement was signed and this survey’s investigation ended. The survey showed that it was written about Ukraine's independence in all newspapers. Dagens Nyheter had the most news articles linked to the survey. Although the number of articles was not subject for analysis in this survey. The qualitative analysis was based on using Höjelid's theoretical concepts "positive sound" and "negative sound" on the quantitative analysis material. The qualitative analysis’ result showed that it was almost impossible to see the differences between the newspapers because the articles were traded between the newspapers, i.e. the content was copied straight away. It should be noted that not all content was the subject of copying between the newspapers. Copying occurred to a greater extent, but there were still original articles derived from the respective newspaper. Most of the articles were also direct telegrams that were communicated abroad to the newspaper's editors. A lot of these telegrammic articles were sent with a purpose to mislead society. These angled articles were published without further examination in Swedish press. There were articles from, for example, Dagens Nyheter whose editors noted the "strange Petrograd reports" and informed about it for the purpose of enlightening the public. However, as most newspapers were occupied with World War I, as was shown in the source material, the newspaper editorial office was less interested in other foreign events. Therefore, such angled articles could be found in Swedish press on a larger scale.Denna avhandling är en kvantitativ studie med inslag av kvalitativ analys. Syftet med denna kvantitativa studien var att undersöka VAD som skrevs om Ukrajinas självständighet 1917 i svensk press 1917–1918. Den kvalitativa delen av undersökningen ämnade att besvara frågan om tidningens politiska hållningen påverkade nyhetsrapporteringen under den valda perioden. Den exakta periodiseringen fastställdes att vara mellan den 1 mars 1917 och den 30 juni 1918. Denna periodisering valdes på grund av marsrevolutionen 1917 som utlöste självständighets-förklaringar i en rad länder som var förtryckta av Moskovitien och som nu såg sin chans till frihet. Juni 1918 blev slutpunkten i undersökningen därför att det var just då som fredsavtalet mellan Ukrajina och Sovjet undertecknades. Källmaterialet har valts att representera en mångfald ideologiska inriktningar. Det var liberal, moderat, konservativ, frisinnad samt vänstersocial inriktningar. Källmaterialet bestod av tidningsartiklar från följande tidningar: Dagens Nyheter, Aftonbladet, Göteborgs Aftonblad, Svenska Dagbladet, Dalpilen, Kalmar tidning och Norrskensflamman. Det användes kvantitativ metod på källmaterialet som bestod i en genomsökning av tidningsartiklarna efter nyhetsrapporter från Ukrajina eller som hade något med händelserna i Ukrajina att göra. Varje tidning genomsöktes dag för dag. Det genomsökta materialet presenterades i två kapitel som representerade olika perioder. Det första resultatkapitlet presenterade resultatet från år 1917, och mer exakt från mars till december 1917. Det andra kapitlet presenterade resultatet från år 1918, men även från december 1917, det vill säga resultatet från och med december 1917 till och med juni 1918. Det hela resultatet diskuterades sedan i ett eget kapitel där även den kvalitativa analysen diskuterades. Resultatet från den kvantitativa analysen visade att det har skrivits relativt sparsmakat om Ukrajinas självständighet även om artikelmängden ökade från december 1917 och ännu mer under 1918. Ibland förekom det artiklar på första sidan. Men för det mesta placerades artiklarna med Ukrajina-frågor bland andra utlandsartiklar. Det framgick också i undersökningen att det var mest första världskriget som upptog tidningarnas uppmärksamhet, även om händelserna i Petrograd och sedan i Ukrajina tog allt mer plats allt eftersom. Denna undersökning visade också att det som skrevs om Ukrajinas självständighet var också det som förekommer i referenslitteraturen. Nyhetsrapporterna berättade hur Ukrajina utropat sin självständighet i mars 1917 tills landet proklamerat en oberoende republik i november 1917 när bolsjevikerna genomförde sin statskupp i Petrograd. Tidningarna skrev också hur de ryska kommunisterna skickade krigsförklaring till Ukrajina i december 1917 och om det kriget som följde efter det. Artiklarna berättar även om hur förhandlingarna för Ukrajinafreden gick till i Brest-Litovsk samt hur dessa avslutades med att Tyskland allierade sig med Ukrajina i kampen mot kommunisterna. Det berättades hur den tyska armén marscherade in i Ukrajina för att befria det från bolsjevikerna. Fram till maj 1918 pågick det strider mellan tysk-ukrajinska armén och kommunisterna. I juni 1918 undertecknades fredsavtalet och där slutade undersökningen. Undersökningen visade att det skrevs om Ukrajinas självständighet i samtliga tidningar. Dagens Nyheter hade flest nyhetsartiklar kopplade till undersökningen. Även om antalet artiklar ej var i syfte att analysera i denna undersökning. Den kvalitativa analysen gick ut på att använda Höjelids teoretiska begrepp ”positiv klang” och ”negativ klang” på den kvantitativa analysens resultatmaterial. Det kvalitativa resultatet visade att det var nästintill omöjligt att se skillnad mellan de olika tidningarna eftersom artiklarna traderades mellan tidningarna, det vill säga innehållet kopierades rakt av. Det bör påpekas att inte allt innehåll var ämne för kopiering mellan tidningarna. Kopieringen förekom i större utsträckning men det fanns ändå originella artiklar som härstammade från respektive tidning. De flesta av artiklarna var dessutom direkta telegram som kommunicerades i utlandet till tidningens redaktioner. En hel del av dessa telegraferade artiklar skickades med ett givet syfte att vilseleda samhällsopinionen. Dessa vinklade artiklar publicerades utan vidare granskning i svensk press. Det förekom artiklar från exempelvis Dagens Nyheter vars redaktion uppmärksammat de ”märkliga Petrogradrapporter” och informerat om det i möjligt syfte att upplysa allmänheten. Men eftersom de flesta tidningarna var upptagna med första världskriget, som det visades i källmaterialet, var tidningsredaktionerna mindre intresserade av andra utländska händelser. Därför kunde sådana vinklade artiklar förekomma i svensk press i en större omfattning.
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Levin, Fanny. "Racisme et antisémitisme dans la presse italienne à l'époque fasciste (1922-1943) : entre propagande politique et journalistique." Thesis, Grenoble, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011GRENH019.
Full textAbstract:
Le problème du sort des Juifs en Italie est sans doute l'un des aspects les plus tragiques du totalitarisme fasciste. Depuis une vingtaine d'années, l'historiographie antisémite s'est grandement étoffée, s'attachant au fur et à mesure davantage aux caractères spécifiques du fascisme italien. L'étude entreprise dans cette thèse se place dans une perspective d'histoire politique et culturelle, puisqu'il s'agira de mettre à jour, à travers l'étude de la propagande, les caractéristiques du fascisme italien, afin de saisir la nature et la fonction du racisme et de l'antisémitisme en Italie. Les sources principales sur lesquelles se basent notre recherche sont trois quotidiens nationaux publiés à Milan. De par leur notoriété, mais surtout leur engagement quotidien à représenter les Juifs et les peuples colonisés comme une réalité stéréotypée et méprisable, ils furent en première ligne dans la dynamique de persécution. Laboratoire de la doctrine raciale, manuel pédagogique, terrain d'investigation sur la présence des Juifs en Italie, rouage de l'administration policière, ils ont largement contribué à l'élaboration d'une culture raciste et antisémite qui relançait le débat sur les valeurs de l'identité nationaleThe problem of the fate of the Jews in Italy is doubtless one of the most tragic aspects of the fascist totalitarianism. Since about twenty years, anti-Semitic historiography has greatly expanded, focusing on progressively more to the specific characteristics of Italian fascism. The study undertaken in this thesis is placed in a context of political and cultural history, since it will be to update, through the study of propaganda, the characteristics of Italian fascism to understand the nature and function of racism and anti-Semitism in Italy. The main sources on which to base our research are three national daily newspapers published in Milan. Of their celebrity, but also their daily commitment to represent the Jews and the colonized peoples as a stereotypical reality and despicable, they were at the forefront of the dynamics of persecution. Racial doctrine laboratory, teaching manual, field of investigation on the presence of Jews in Italy, train of the police administration, they have greatly contributed to the development of a culture of racism and anti-Semite who relaunched the debate on values of national identity
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Figueira, Cristina Aparecida Reis. "A trajetória de José Oiticica: o professor, o autor, o jornalista e o militante anarquista na educação brasileira." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2008. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/10669.
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Previous issue date: 2008-05-30Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior
This is a study of the trajectory and formation path of the cathedratic from Colégio Pedro II and anarchist militant José Rodrigues de Leite e Oiticica (1882-1957), educator involved in actions of social libertarian propaganda in newspapers, in free thought conferences, in the social theater as well as in educational projects that circulated in differentiated patterns in the history of Brazilian education. Author of useful intellectual production related to the studies of linguistics, literature, music, poetry, theater and also the anarchist ideology, whose expressiveness can be found in numerous articles for the anarchist press as well as for the great carioca press, in his didactic manuals, his plays, his sonnets and in his sociological essays. The research gathered elements José de Oiticica the intellectual production and his life path and had as objective to map his critics and prescriptions of the practices of the social propaganda for the rebuilding of his project for the libertarian education, of the social propaganda and his performance as a Portuguese teacher at the Colégio Pedro II, through the exam of his journalistic articles, books, booklets as well as classes manuscripts, active and passive correspondence and incursions in the historiographies of the working class and Brazilian education, in educational projects that circulated in different models above all in the period between the years 1905 and 1950. In the construction of the research was sought his sociability nets and relationships, a procedure that evidences one of the main purpose of the research, which is the one that subjects are constituted in the extent of the social practices, considering the relationships that they are involved in, of the actions that they promote which are inherited, all of them dynamics and contradictory. Starting from the interrogated evidence treated by E. P Thompson, we tried to build the research in observation the appropriate logic to the materials gathered in the research, in observation of the content sequence detected by the exam of primary sources, through the reconstitution of documents and the dialogue with the sources following their indication, tracks and signs under the inspiration of Carlo Ginzburg. Besides the treatment with the primary sources, the research accomplished oral interviews and also worked with his former student s texts and also with the militant s memory preserved in the historiography of the Brazilian working class. The rebuilding of the José Oiticica educational project is justified for the fact of bringing for the debate some of the principles that guided the experiences of the lived in the projects of the libertarian education, that in the wrong way of the reactionary pessimism and the naïve optimism, had the beginning of reflection, of the actions addressed to individual education projects, of small groups and maybe collective, and mainly for the fact of the research to be a contribution to the educational debate on the patterns of education considered won, particularly the related to projects of the anarchist education
Este é um estudo historiográfico de reconstituição da trajetória e do itinerário de formação do catedrático do Colégio Pedro II e militante anarquista José Rodrigues de Leite e Oiticica (1882-1957), educador envolvido tanto nas ações da propaganda social libertária em jornais, em conferências do livre pensamento, no teatro social, quanto nos projetos educacionais que circularam em padrões diferenciados na História da Educação Brasileira. Autor de uma profícua produção intelectual relacionada aos estudos da lingüística, da literatura, da música, da poesia, do teatro e do ideário anarquista, cuja expressividade pode ser encontrada em numerosos artigos para a imprensa anarquista e grande imprensa carioca, em seus manuais didáticos, em suas peças teatrais, em seus sonetos e em seus ensaios sociológicos. A pesquisa reuniu elementos da produção intelectual de José Oiticica e de sua trajetória de vida e teve como eixo mapear as suas críticas e prescrições de práticas das ações da propaganda social para a reconstituição de seu projeto para a educação libertária, da propaganda social e de sua atuação como professor de Português do Colégio Pedro II, por meio do exame de seus artigos jornalísticos, livros, opúsculos e manuscritos de aulas, correspondência ativa e passiva e incursões nas historiografias da classe operária e da educação brasileira, nos projetos educacionais que circularam em seus diferentes modelos, sobretudo entre os anos de 1905 e 1950. Na construção da pesquisa, procurou-se explicitar as suas redes de sociabilidade e relacionamentos, procedimento que evidencia um dos principais pressupostos de pesquisa, qual seja a de que os sujeitos se constituem no âmbito das práticas sociais, considerando-se as relações a que se vêm atados, as ações que promovem, as que são herdadas, todas elas dinâmicas e contraditórias. A partir da evidência interrogada e tratada por E. P Thompson, procurou-se construir a pesquisa, em observação à lógica adequada aos materiais reunidos em observação à seqüência de conteúdos detectada pelo exame das fontes primárias, por meio da reconstituição de documentos e do diálogo com as fontes, seguindo os seus indícios, pistas e sinais sob inspiração de Carlo Ginzburg. Além do tratamento das fontes primárias, a pesquisa realizou entrevistas orais e trabalhou também com textos memorialistas de seus ex-alunos e com a memória de militantes preservada na historiografia da classe operária brasileira. A reconstituição do projeto educacional de José Oiticica justifica-se pelo fato de trazer para o debate alguns princípios que orientaram a experiência do vivido nos projetos da educação libertária, que, na contramão do pessimismo reacionário e do otimismo ingênuo, tinha o princípio da reflexão, das ações direcionadas a projetos educacionais individuais, de pequenos grupos e quiçá coletivos, e, principalmente, pelo fato de a pesquisa ser uma contribuição para o debate educacional sobre os padrões de educação considerados vencidos, particularmente os relacionados aos projetos da educação anarquista
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Valerija, Balaž Art. "A BÁCSKAI MAGYAR SAJTÓ ÉS KÖNYVKIADÁSIRODALMI VETÜLETEI 1947–1952 KÖZÖTT(KNJIŽEVNOST U MAĐARSKOJ ŠTAMPI IIZDAVAČKOJ DELATNOSTI U BAČKOJ UPERIODU 1947–1952 GODINE)." Phd thesis, Univerzitet u Novom Sadu, Filozofski fakultet u Novom Sadu, 2016. http://www.cris.uns.ac.rs/record.jsf?recordId=100373&source=NDLTD&language=en.
Full textAbstract:
Korpus književnih tekstova, književna
produkcija štampe u periodu od šest godina, njen
prikaz u celini, iziskivao je jedan širi
istorijski i kulturnoistorijski osvrt na
prethodni period. S jedne strane, u velikim crtama
su predočeni počeci manjinske mađarske štampe na
ovim prostorima u međuratnom razdoblju ,a s druge
strane prikazano je osnivanje listova i časopisa u
novoj socijalisti-čkoj državi. Predmet proučavanja
su činili sledeći listovi: subotički Híd,
pokrenut maja 1934. kao društve-ni, književni i
kritički časopis, koji je ponovo pokrenut 1.
novembra 1945. Po ugledu na Slobodnu Vojvodinu,
24. decembra 1944. pokrenut je prvi mađarski
dnevni list Szabad Vajdaság, koji se od 27.
septembra 1945, objavljuje pod naslovom Magyar Szó.
Omladinski list Ifjuság Szava pojavio se 7. marta
1945, a od 17. marta 1951. objavljivan je kao Ifjuság.
Oktobra 1946. pokrenut je list za žene Vajdasági Dolgozó Nő koji posle šest brojeva menja naziv u
Dolgozó Nő. Pored ovih izlazila su još dva
nedeljnika: 5. aprila 1946. pokrenut je 7 Nap, a 13.
novembra 1947. radnički list Dolgozók.
Prva vojvođanska mađarska knjiga iz oblasti
književnosti , antologija Téglák és barázdák (Cigle
i brazde), pojavila se 1947. godine. Mada su knjige
na mađarskom jeziku izlazile već od 1945, one su
bile mahom društveno-političke brošure u
službi aktualne politike i vladajuće ideologije.
U vrlo važna izdanja posle 1945. spadaju narodni
kalendari koji su štampani uvek krajem godine za
narednu godinu, a donosili su obilje književnih
priloga: pesme, novele, pripovetke i to u vreme
kada jedva da je bilo objavljenih mađarskih
književnih tekstova vojvođanskih pisaca. Ove
periodične publikacije su objavljivane u vrlo
velikom tiražu, (npr. Narodni kalendar za 1948. u
75000 primeraka), a često su imale i drugo izdanje,
što znači da su dospeli do širokih slojeva
čitalačke publike. U korpus tekstova uključeni su
i svi književni tekstovi iz kalendara do 1952.
godine.
U vidu priloga, sastavni deo disertacije
čine Bibliografija književnih priloga u
periodici i Bibliografija posebnih izdanja. Pored
toga, urađen je i Biografski leksikon pisaca koji se
spominju u radu.
Rezultali istraživanja i proučavanja ukazuju
na to da je u periodu 1947-1952 najvažnija
pokretačka snaga bila politika i propaganda, i da
je od njih zavisila uređivačka koncepcija listova i
časopisa. Naime, što je bilo više problema u
politici i spoljnoj politici, sve je bilo manje
književnih priloga u listovima. Politička
propaganda je bila skoro najvažnija, jer je
određivala tematiku književnog teksta, da li ona
odgovara očekivanoj ili preporučenoj temi. Od
stranih pisaca najviše su se objavljivani ruski, i
skoro u svakom članku ili kritičkom osvrtu preporučivala se ruska literatura kao uzor koji treba slediti. Znakovi promene modu se primetiti tokom 1951-1952. godine.U poslednje dve godine proučavanog perioda mnogo
je više književnih priloga u listovaima, teme su
raznovrsnije i čini se da je književnost manje
izložena dnevnoj politici, ali ona još uvek deluje
iz pozadine kao i ranije, a mnogi pisci još uvek su
zatočeni na Golom otoku.
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Bensalem, Boutaïna. "La presse française et l'espace marocain 1822-1912." Thesis, Bordeaux 3, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017BOR30054.
Full textAbstract:
Au début du XIXe siècle, la presse française connaissait peu le Maroc, certes ce dernier avait un traité de paix avec la France et un mouvement commercial existait entre les deux pays, mais ce n’est qu’à partir de la conquête d’Alger en 1830, que les quotidiens de Paris vont s’intéresser particulièrement à cet espace avec lequel désormais la France partageait des frontières. Ces dernières ouvertes et mouvantes seront la source de beaucoup de froissements entres les deux pays. La donne sécuritaire influencera ainsi le regard des journaux sur l’espace marocain. Ce dernier de plus en plus présent dans les éditions des grandes feuilles françaises intéressait les journalistes, académiciens et hommes politiques français de l’époque. Inconstant et turbulent, il dérangeait et fascinait à la fois. Observant l’espace marocain à travers la presse française, cette thèse nous éclaire sur l’évolution des relations franco-marocaines à partir du XIXe siècle jusqu’à la signature du protectorat en 1912. Elle explore la place qu’occupait le Maroc dans les relations internationales de l’époque. Les tensions entre Paris et le makhzen se répercutaient sur leurs relations avec les autres puissances d’Europe influent ainsi la dynamique qui liait les Etats dans leur environnement méditerranéen et surtout continentalIn early 19th Century, the French press was not particularly familiar with the Moroccan empire, despite old economic and diplomatic relations between France and Morocco. It is only after the colonization of Algeria that the French newspapers became interested in the old empire. France newly shared borders with Morocco created many tensions and speculations. The press started then to report concerns about the impact Morocco might have on the security of the new French colony. Journalists, men state and scholars turned their eyes toward this new turbulent neighbour. The old empire fascinated as much as it troubled and concerned them. The object of this thesis is to give us an insight into the Moroccan and French relations during the 19th century until 1912 through the particular perspective of the French press. It focuses on tensions and dynamics between the two countries and how they shaped the current international relations at both the Mediterranean and European levels
42
Sun, Jiangeng. "Un journalisme d’immersion limité et contraint : étude de la pratique des correspondants français en Chine." Thesis, Rennes 1, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015REN1G020.
Full textAbstract:
Dans un contexte de « mondialisation », les échanges entre cultures différentes favorisent une meilleure compréhension mutuelle entre les peuples du monde. Les correspondants de presse étrangers constituent des acteurs clés dans ce processus de médiation culturelle transnationale. Leur travail journalistique permet en effet à un public national de mieux connaître la culture dans laquelle ces correspondants sont immergés. Et par là contribuer à la compréhension culturelle entre le pays d’origine des correspondants et leur pays d’accueil. Notre recherche s’intéresse aux pratiques journalistiques des correspondants de presse français en Chine. Cet exemple permet de mettre en lumière des logiques de travail et des dispositifs de contrôle qui contraignent, directement ou indirectement, le travail de production de l’information. Nourries de nos enquêtes de terrain et d’approches théoriques, nos analyses permettent de montrer que les journalistes français présents en Chine constituent un microcosme social, à la fois relativement fermé sur lui-même et isolé de la société chinoise. Il s’agit le plus souvent de journalistes professionnels à la fois très diplômés et très expérimentés. Toutefois, en Chine, ils ne peuvent jamais exercer un « journalisme d’immersion » malgré leur présence sur place sur des durées relativement longues. Leur faible maîtrise du chinois opérationnel empêche une bonne partie des journalistes français de communiquer directement avec des Chinois. Ensuite, les conditions de réalisation de reportages subissent souvent des contraintes liées à la politique chinoise de régulation des journalistes étrangers en Chine. Enfin, leur accès aux sources d’information pèse également de manière décisive sur la production de l’information sur placeIn a context of globalisation, cultural exchanges foster and increase a mutual understanding between peoples and cultures, all around the world. Foreign correspondents are key players in the transnational process of cultural mediation. Indeed, their journalistic work helps a national audience to achieve a better understanding of the culture in which these correspondents are immersed, and thereby contributes to cultural understanding between their home country and the host country. Our research focuses on the journalistic practices of French correspondents in China, and highlights the logics of work and the control devices that influence, directly or indirectly, the production of information and, generally speaking, the journalistic practice of foreign correspondents. Based on our field studies and theoretical approaches, our analysis aims at demonstrating that French journalists in China constitute a social microcosm, relatively closed on itself and isolated from the Chinese society. They are often professionals both highly qualified and very experienced. However, they can never really have recourse to the method of "immersion journalism" despite long periods of presence in China. Lots of French journalists cannot directly communicate with the Chinese population, because of their insufficient knowledge of the everyday language. Then their working conditions often face constraints of the Chinese's regulation policy towards foreign journalists. Finally, their limited access to information sources also has a major impact on the process of information production in China
43
Mahony, Ben David, and University of Lethbridge Faculty of Arts and Science. ""Disinformation and smear" : the use of state propaganda and mulitary force to suppress aboriginal title at the 1995 Gustafsen Lake standoff." Thesis, Lethbridge, Alta. : University of Lethbridge, Faculty of Arts and Science, 2001, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10133/189.
Full textAbstract:
In the summer of 1995, eighteen protesters came into armed conflict with over 400 RCMP officers and soldiers in central British Columbia. The conflict escalated into one of the costliest police operations in Canadian history. Many accounts of Aboriginal aggression provided by the RCMP are not consistent with evidence disclosed at the trial of the protesters. Moreover, the substance of the legal arguments at the heart of the Ts' Peten Defenders' resistance received little attention or serous analysis by state officials, police or the media. The RCMP constructed the Ts' Peten Defenders as terrorists and downplayed the use of state force that included military weaponry, land explosives and police snipers, who received orders to shoot to kill. Serious questions remain about the role of the RCMP, who acted as the enforement arm of state policies designed to constrain the effort to internationalize the Aboriginal title question.iii, 225, [44] leaves : ill. ; 28 cm.
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Sánchez, Resalt Ana María. "La Propaganda "cultural" soviética en la Segunda Guerra Mundial: los casos del Comité para los Asuntos de las Artes y Literatúrnaya Gazeta." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/398143.
Full textAbstract:
Esta Tesis trata sobre la propaganda soviética durante la Gran Guerra Patriótica, en concreto sobre el modo en el que prensa y arte fueron puestos al servicio de la propaganda en este periodo. Para determinar cómo sociedad y sistema fueron “rehechos” por la propaganda “cultural”, hemos analizado documentos del Comité para los Asuntos de las Artes y el periódico cultural Literatúrnaya Gazeta. Partiendo de la consideración de la propaganda como herramienta para la construcción del imaginario (de clase) del pueblo soviético, en nuestro análisis hemos buscado referencias al papel del artista como “soldado” y a elementos presoviéticos recuperados en los discursos institucional y periodístico, con el objetivo de concretar las principales características del ciudadano soviético y su enemigo tal y como fueron descritas durante la Segunda Guerra Mundial. Asimismo, nos detendremos en mostrar cómo el arte fue institucionalizado y cómo las instituciones culturales trabajaron para establecer el único tipo de arte posible (tanto en contenido como en forma) en la URSS durante la Gran Guerra Patriótica.Aquesta Tesi tracta sobre la propaganda soviètica durant la Gran Guerra Patriòtica, en concret sobre la manera en que la premsa i l’art van ser posats al servei de la propaganda en aquest període. Per a determinar com la societat i sistema van ser “refets” per la propaganda “cultural”, hem analitzat documents del Comitè per els Assumptes de les Arts i el diari cultural Literatúrnaya Gazeta. Partint de la consideració de la propaganda com a eina per a la construcció de l’imaginari (de classe) del poble soviètic, en la nostra anàlisi hem buscat referències al paper de l’artista com “soldat” i a elements presoviètics recuperats en els discursos institucional i periodístic, amb l’objectiu de concretar les principals característiques del ciutadà soviètic i el seu enemic tal com van ser descrites durant la Segona Guerra Mundial. Així mateix, ens detindrem a mostrar com l’art va ser institucionalitzat i com les institucions culturals van treballar per establir l’únic tipus d’art possible (tant en contingut com en forma) en la URSS durant la Gran Guerra Patriòtica.
This Thesis is on Soviet propaganda during the Great Patriotic War, and specifically the way that journalism and art were turned into propaganda. In order to examine how the Soviet system and society were “remade” through the arts by war under Stalin, we have analyzed documents from the Committee of Arts Affairs and the cultural newspaper Literaturnaya Gazeta. The main premise of this research is to do with propaganda as a means for the construction of (class) imaginaries among the Soviet people. To that end, we have looked for references in the media and institutional discourse to: the role of the artist as a “soldier” or “warrior”; aspect of Russian culture from pre-Soviet elements; and the defining characteristics of the Soviet people and its enemies as described in Literaturnaya Gazeta during WWII. Furthermore, we have have tried to build an understanding of the ways in which art was institutionalized during the war, and of how state cultural institutions worked to establish the only permissible type of art (in both content and form).
45
Persson, Albin, and Manfred Nyberg. "Aleksej Navalnyj - liberal frihetskämpe eller nationalistisk populist?" Thesis, Umeå universitet, Institutionen för kultur- och medievetenskaper, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-185100.
Full textAbstract:
For about a decade, the Russian opposition politician Aleksej Navalnyj has been a topic in the Swedish news media. Particularly since the end of august 2020, when suspected of having been poisoned with the neurotoxin novitjok. Often described as a freedom fighter in the Swedish press, Navalnyj, however, has a quite varied background in both liberal and nationalist groups. Since the poisoning, however, questions have been raised about Navalnyjs past, who he actually is, and what he wants to achieve. Yet, he tends to be described as a freedom fighter in most texts. In this essay we aim to examine not the narrative of Navalnyjs fight against Vladimir Putin's Russia, but how he is framed in the Swedish news press. To do so, we combine a quantitative digital text analysis with a qualitative frame analysis. By applying a theoretical framework based on acknowledged media theories such as framing and priming theory combined with earlier studies on the topic, we find that Navalnyj tends to be framed as a kind of antithesis to the Russian regime and Putin. Also, it seems the conflict is not limited to the borders of Russia, nor to the Russian people. The European Union is reported to take interest in the conflict, for example, taking Navalnyjs side. A logical explanation may be found in the view on Russia in the Swedish society, which is employed as a frame in the media and hence gets reproduced into society.
46
Costa, i. Fernàndez Lluís 1959. "La Dictadura de Primo de Rivera a Girona : premsa i societat (1923-1930)." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Girona, 1994. http://www.tdx.cat/TDX-0322111-170748.
Full textAbstract:
Existeix una acusada tendència en el món historiogràfic a presentar la dictadura de Primo de Rivera com un règim polític monolític i uniforme, amb un únic discurs, sense a penes escletxes. La hipòtesi central de la nostra investigació es fonamenta en la idea que la realitat fou molt distinta, ja que dins el mateix Directori cohabitaren plantejaments substancialment diferents, que provocaren discrepàncies serioses en el si del règim. L'esmentada hipòtesi la intentem demostrar partint de l'anàlisi d'un aspecte concret, però molt important, de la Dictadura que és el que fa referència al propòsit de Primo de Rivera, al nostre entendre fracassat, de fonamentar gran part del seu projecte polític en el fet de desenvolupar una intensa tasca propagandística quehavia de servir per transmetre una bona imatge del règim i per inculcar ideologia. El marc territorial investigat és el format per les comarques gironines, on convergeixen tres factors decisius que aporten elements que ajuden a explicar el fracàs del projecte de Primo de Rivera. El primer de caràcter més general, però igualment constatable en l'àmbit gironí, és el relatiu a la mateixa política de premsa del dictador, que es caracteritza per la seva poca definició i per la seva pèssima aplicació. Els dos següents, més específics, incideixen en l'existència de diferents maneres d'entendre la reforma de l'Estat dins el primoriverisme, i en les lluites intestines i localistes entre bàndols ambiciosos de poder.
There is a marked trend in the historical world to present the dictatorship of Primo de Rivera as a monolithic and uniform political system, with a single speech, barely cracks. The central hypothesis of our research is based on the idea that the reality was very different because in the same directory substantially different approach coexisted, which caused serious disagreements within the regime. We attempt to demonstrate the above hypothesis on the basis of the analysis of a very important specific aspect of the dictatorship that makes reference to the purpose of Primo de Rivera, failed in our opinion, to substantiate much of its political project in developping an intense propaganda, that was supposed to transmit a good image of the regime and to instill ideology. The geographical area investigated is Girona region, where three crucial converging factors help to explain the failure of the project Primo de Rivera. The first one, more general, but also verifiable in the Girona area, is the dictator's press polici, which is characterized by its short definition and its terrible application. The two following, more specific, impact on the existence of different ways of understanding the State reform within primoriverism, and the localist infighting between ambitious factions eager for power.
47
Dabrosz-, Drewnowska Paulina. "Le Grand-Duché de Varsovie vu par les Français - le visage du Grand-Duché de Varsovie dans les documents français de ce temps." Thesis, Paris 4, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA040024.
Full textAbstract:
La thèse montre des opinions et avis de Français de l’époque sur le Duché de Varsovie présentés dans les différentes sources françaises des années 1807-1813, tout comme, la correspondance politique et militaire officielle, des mémoires et souvenirs des militaires français, et enfin des journaux parisiens, de la littérature, de la poésie et des pièces théâtrales. La première partie montre comment l’état polonais était vu par les diplomates français séjournant dans le Duché. Elle présente l’image politique assez critique de l’état, de ses institutions, des hommes de pouvoir, du gouvernement, des sentiments du peuple et des opinions des habitants du pays concernant les Français, les nouvelles résolutions politiques et juridiques. Dans la deuxième partie, les descriptions et de nombreux mémoires et souvenirs des militaires fournissent une image critique du pauvre pays polonais, de la vie quotidienne très différente de ses habitants, leurs coutumes. La troisième partie montre Duché de Varsovie par l’intermédiaire de la presse quotidienne, des ouvrages historiques publiés à l’époque en France, des romans et de la poésie, les pièces de théâtre. Cette image du Duché influencée par la propagande napoléonienne montre l’état allié bien gouverné, et l’image positive des PolonaisThe thesis furnishes the opinions of Frenchmen at that time about Duchy of Warsaw presented in different French sources of the period 1807- 1813 such as political and military official letters, memories of military Frenchmen, Parisian press, literature, poetry and theater playwrights. First part of the work shows how the polish country was seen by French diplomats who had been staying in Duchy of Warsaw in that period. The author focuses first on the political image of the country which is rather critical, secondly on the institutions, thirdly on the men in power, then on the government, on the people’s attitudes and the opinions of the inhabitants of the country about Frenchmen, and finally on the new political and legal solutions. In the second part of the work, there many descriptions, as well as memories of military men which form together an critical view of the poor polish country, different lifestyles and customs of its inhabitants. In that part, we can find as well geographical information about the climate and various and vivid descriptions of polish towns and polish countryside. In the third part, we come across the image as it was seen in everyday press, historical books edited at that period in France, fictions, poetry and plays. We find out that the image of Duchy of Warsaw, strongly influenced by the Napoleonic propaganda is positive. It comes out that the polish allied country was well governed
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Rego, Daniela Domingues Leão. "Imagem e política = estudo sobre o Cine Jornal Brasileiro (1940-1942)." [s.n.], 2007. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/284914.
Full textAbstract:
Orientador: Marcius Cesar Soares FreireDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto dee Artes
Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-17T04:46:10Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Rego_DanielaDominguesLeao_M.pdf: 933664 bytes, checksum: 4e4d086c267680f3bd8928005227dd0f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007
Resumo: O objetivo desta dissertação é fazer uma análise das características imagéticas e sonoras que marcaram o Cine Jornal Brasileiro, realizado pelo Departamento de Imprensa e Propaganda (DIP) do Estado Novo, entre 1939 e 1942. Desta forma, pretende-se focar, dentro da multiplicidade de temas que o objeto fílmico contém, um assunto que pareceu predominante nos filmes no momento em questão: a militarização do corpo1. Este tema deverá agregar outros assuntos presentes e interligálos. Na verdade, a proposta de uma temática única torna a idéia de uma unidade nacional, propagada pelo Estado Novo, mais coerente. Por isso, o tema do corpo sugere a idéia de nação posta pelo estadonovista e também agrega ideologias que estavam em voga naquele contexto histórico. Para esta última, deve-se atribuir a influência estética, mesmo que indireta, de filmes, não necessariamente do mesmo tipo, produzidos por outras nações de cunho autoritário. Estas nações esperavam, de certa forma, sua regeneração ou sua "correção", através da ordem e da disciplina. Para tanto, os princípios disciplinares que compunham a instituição militar eram os mais eficientes. Ou seja, a força, a disciplina, a higiene e a audácia, que estavam embutidas no pensamento militar, deveriam servir de exemplo para a "correção" de uma sociedade "doente". Por isso, um Estado ordeiro só poderia se constituir pela disciplina militarizada da sociedade. E é neste âmbito que o corpo em "atividade física" representou, no campo imagético, a união entre o Estado e sociedade
Abstract: The aim of this dissertation is to make an analysis of the image and sonorous characteristics, which marked Cine Jornal Brasileiro, a jornal produced by the Department of the Press and Propaganda (Departamento de Imprensa e Propaganda - DIP) of the New State (Estado Novo) between 1939 till 1942. In this way, it is intended to focus, taking into account the multiplicity of subjects that the filmic object content, a subject that seemed predominant in the films at the moment in question, the militarization of the body.[1] This theme should add other subjects that are present and connect them. In Truth, the proposal of a one kind of thematic turns the idea of a national unity, propagated by the New State, more coherent. By that, the theme (subject) of the body suggests the idea of a nation proposed by the New State and also communicate ideologies that were in vogue in that historical context. For this idea, the aesthetic influence of the films, must be attributed, even if indirect and not necessarily of the same type, produced for other nations of authoritarian matrix. These nations wish, of a certain form, its regeneration or its correction through the order and discipline. For this, the principles to discipline that composed the military institution were most efficient. That is, the force, the discipline, the hygiene and the audacity that was inlaid in the military thought should be the example for the correction of a "sick" society. Therefore, an organized State only could be consisted by the militarized discipline of the society. And it is in this scope that the body, in "physical activity", represents in the image field the union between the State and society
Mestrado
Mestre em Multimeios
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Lopes, Aristeu Elisandro Machado. "A república e seus símbolos : a imprensa ilustrada e o ideário republicano. Rio de Janeiro, 1868-1903." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/23233.
Full textAbstract:
Cette Thèse de Doctorat en Histoire a l’objectif primordial d’analyser comment l’idéaire républicain a été traité dans les pages d’humour des périodiques illustrés qui circulaient au Rio de Janeiro au XIXe siècle. La presse illustrée a eu un large développement au Brésil Empire, tout en circulant à côté de journaux quotidiens et littéraires. Les sujets les plus divers de la vie de la Cour ont été divulgués par ces journaux comme, par exemple, les activités politiques, l’un des thèmes préférés. La propagande républicaine, inaugurée en 1870 au Rio de Janeiro, n’est pas passée inaperçue et, partie intégrante de la politique de l’époque, a bientôt commencé à figurer dans les illustrations et textes des articles des journaux. L’analyse de la symbologie républicaine, diffusée surtout à partir de la Révolution Française et de la République instituée en 1792, adaptée aux périodiques brésiliens, est le but présent dans tous les chapitres de la thèse. L’allégorie féminine de la République a été l’élément le plus employé par les caricaturistes quand il s’agissait des questions républicaines, à côté du bonnet phrygien, l’emblème caractéristique des idéaux républicains. Tout d’abord, le travail a été dirigé aux périodiques qui ont accompagné les activités républicaines tout au long de leur campagne jusqu’à la Proclamation de la République en 1889. Par la suite, l’analyse a été orientée à vérifier comment la symbologie a été utilisée pour traiter non plus la campagne en faveur d’un nouveau régime mais, oui, dans l’intérêt du gouvernement républicain au Brésil. Il a été possible d’observer que depuis les années 1870, quand l’idéaire républicain a commencé à faire partie de la vie politique brésilienne, jusqu’à la première décennie républicaine aux années 1890, les symboles ont été utilisés par les artistes dans leurs productions pour démontrer que l’idéaire républicain a été constamment traité, en soulignant l’importance donnée par les périodiques à l’analyse de l’histoire politique au Brésil.Esta Tese de Doutorado em História tem por objetivo primordial analisar como o ideário republicano foi tratado nas páginas de humor de periódicos ilustrados que circularam no Rio de Janeiro no século XIX. A imprensa ilustrada teve um amplo desenvolvimento no Brasil Império circulando ao lado de jornais diários e literários. Os mais diversos assuntos da vida da Corte foram noticiados por esses jornais, entre eles, as atividades políticas foram um dos temas mais comentados. A propaganda republicana inaugurada em 1870 no Rio de Janeiro não passou despercebida e, como parte da política do tempo, logo passou a figurar nas ilustrações e nos textos dos artigos dos jornais. A análise da simbologia republicana difundida, sobretudo, a partir da Revolução Francesa e da República instituída em 1792, e adaptada nos periódicos brasileiros é o objetivo que perpassa todos os capítulos da tese. A alegoria feminina da República foi o elemento mais empregado pelos caricaturistas ao tratar das questões republicanas ao lado do barrete frígio, emblema característico dos ideais republicanos. No primeiro momento, o trabalho foi direcionado aos periódicos que acompanharam as atividades republicanas ao longo de sua campanha até a Proclamação da República em 1889. No instante seguinte, a análise foi dirigida a averiguar como a simbologia foi aproveitada para tratar não mais da campanha em prol de um novo regime político e sim do governo republicano no Brasil. Foi possível verificar que desde os anos 1870, quando o ideário republicano começou a fazer parte da vida política brasileira, até a primeira década republicana,nos anos 1890, os símbolos foram usados pelos artistas em suas produções demonstrando que o ideário republicano foi constantemente tratado, evidenciando a importância dos periódicos à análise da história política no Brasil.
This Doctoral Thesis aims to analyse how the republican ideas were depicted on pages of illustrated periodicals in Rio de Janeiro in the XIXth Century. Illustrated press had a significant development in Imperial Brazil, along with daily newspapers and literary publications. The most diverse issues of life in Court were published in these publications, and political activities were the favorite ones. Republican propaganda begun in 1870 in Rio de Janeiro, was noticed as well, and became part of articles in the newspapers. The analysis of republican symbols spread after French Revolution and Republic founded in 1792, and adapted to Brazilian periodicals, is the purpose which pervades all chapters of this work. The female allegory of Republic was the most employed element by cartoonists when depicted republican issues besides phrygian cap, the main symbol of republican ideals. In the first place, this work addresses the periodicals which followed republican acts during the campaign to the Proclamation of Republic in 1889. Next, the anslysis of symbols turns from the campaign for a new regime to the way they were employed to address republican government in Brazil. It was possible to find that since the 1870’s, when republican ideas became part of Brazilian politics, to the first republican decade in the 1890’s, artists used symbols, showing that republican ideas had been constantly dealt with. Their works prove that periodicals were a valid source for the study of political history in Brazil.
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Wauters, Eric. "Une presse de province pendant la Révolution française journaux et journalistes normands (1785-1800) /." Paris : Ed. du C.T.H.S, 1993. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/28575280.html.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (doctoral)--Université de Rouen, 1990.At head of title: Ministère de l'Education nationale et de la culture. Commission d'histoire de la Révolution française. Includes bibliographical references (p. [441]-474).