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Hermansson, Markus. "Superhjältar och propaganda : Superhjältar och deras fiender ur ett propaganda perspektiv under andarvärldskriget." Thesis, Karlstads universitet, Institutionen för samhälls- och kulturvetenskap (from 2013), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kau:diva-84223.
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Lambert, James K. "REEL NAZIS a propaganda history." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2005. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc4954/.
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This thesis film is an overview of Nazi Germany, primarily told through the use of their own propaganda images, and structured in such a way as to make the viewer question what they think they know about the past, present, and future. This paper is a discussion of the process that went into making the film and some of the ideas connected to it that could not be brought out in the documentary.
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Gaunt, Sarah K. "English political propaganda, 1377-1485." Thesis, University of Huddersfield, 2018. http://eprints.hud.ac.uk/id/eprint/34644/.
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Previous historiography on propaganda has focused on particular themes or time periods; this thesis provides a comprehensive and inclusive analysis drawing on a multidisciplinary approach to encompass the period c.1377-1485. The main conclusion is that propaganda was more prevalent and involved a larger proportion of the polity than previously thought. A conceptual framework based upon certain criteria used in Jacques Ellul’s, Propaganda the Formation of Men’s Attitudes, has been adopted to help define and identify propaganda. One of the dominant themes is the prerequisite of communication to enable the propagandist to reach his audience and the opportunities available to do so. An examination of the various methods available, from official sources to rebel manifestoes, together with the physical communication network required demonstrates that there existed a nationwide environment where this was possible. The literary media used for propaganda include proclamations, poetry, letters, and bills. The political audience was broad in terms of understanding of literary and visual forms of communication and their ability to use the available mechanisms to convey their opinions. Whether it was a disgruntled magnate, merchant or yeoman farmer, there was a method of communication suited to their circumstances. Visual propaganda was particularly important in politically influencing an audience, particularly for a largely illiterate population. This is an area that is often overlooked in terms of political influence until the Tudor period. The use of the human body will be a particular focus along with the more traditional aspects of art, such as heraldry. The thesis considers the relationship between kings’ personality, policy and propaganda. What emerges is that the personality of the monarch was essentially more influential than the use of propaganda. Finally, incorporating the analysis of the previous chapters, the North, is examined as a regional example of the presence and impact of propaganda. The North was a subject of propaganda itself and there was a two-way flow of communication and propaganda between the North and Westminster revealing the political consciousness of the region and its role as an audience. The overall argument of the thesis is that communication within the late medieval polity was essential and extensive. Propaganda was frequently used through a variety of media that could reach the whole polity, whether literate or not and not only in times of crisis.
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Stanard, Matthew G. "Selling the tenth province Belgian colonial propaganda, 1908-1960 /." [Bloomington, Ind.] : Indiana University, 2006. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3215171.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, Dept. of History, 2006.Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 67-04, Section: A, page: 1490. Adviser: James D. Le Sueur. "Title from dissertation home page (viewed March 22, 2007)."
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ADAMS, JAYNIE ELIZABETH. "AMERICAN BEAUTY: A HISTORY IN ADVERTISMENTS AND PROPAGANDA, 1940-1945." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/612476.
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This honors thesis explores the intersection between total war and American female beauty--namely, how advertisers and the War Board used the female image to not only garner support for the war, but to reinforce certain moral standards in a time where women found more personal freedom in their everyday lives. Additionally, advertisers used the war machine to promote their own beauty products, creating a direct link between true Americanism and cosmetics--lipstick, especially. The work is broken into three principal parts: a brief history of cosmetics use in the US, the development of the connection between female beauty and patriotic duty during the Second World War and, finally, an analysis of advertisements and propaganda using the lens of beauty and patriotism. It focuses largely on single, middle class, white women--the focus of many of this images--but I have included discussions of women othered by these images, and the impact these images had on those othered women.
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Davies, Sarah J. "Propaganda and popular opinion in Soviet Russia, 1934-1941." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.260102.
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Wright, Katherine E. "The Ready Ones: American Children, World War II, and Propaganda." Miami University / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1430779836.
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Vaninskaya, Anna. "Romance, history and propaganda : William and the socialist community, 1880-1914." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.442895.
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Shaw, Tony. "British government propaganda and persuasion during the 1956 Suez crisis." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.357385.
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Peacey, Jason Tom. "Henry Parker and parliamentary propaganda in the English Civil Wars." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1994. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/272385.
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Peterson, Bryan E. ""Contra haereticos accingantur": The Union of Crusading and Anti-heresy Propaganda." UNF Digital Commons, 2018. https://digitalcommons.unf.edu/etd/808.
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This study assesses the intersection of crusading and heresy repression in the late twelfth and early thirteenth centuries. The event that encapsulates this intersection was the Albigensian Crusade, a two-decades long conflict that befell the south of France, or Occitania. The papacy, aligned with northern lords and other willing Christians, took up arms to defend the Church from the Cathar heresy’s corrupting influence. This conflict marked a new development in Christian acts of violence. While the Church had crusaded against many different enemies—even branding some as heretics—before 1209, the Church had never called a crusade for the explicit purpose of stamping out a heretical group. This study aims to answer two questions: how did the scope of crusade broaden to incorporate heretical groups and how did methods for countering heresy shift to include crusading? To answer these questions, this study analyzes two strands of ecclesiastical propaganda. Propaganda consisted of written works that functioned as tools to educate, inform, persuade, and inspire in others certain beliefs and actions. These were texts that defined, promoted, and celebrated the practice of crusading; and texts that defined, maligned, and condemned heresies and those adhering to them.
These two strands of propaganda began to intertwine in the late twelfth century, resulting in a modified anti-heresy discourse in which crusading against heretics became a theologically justifiable idea. This study argues that the call for crusade against the Occitan heretics was the end result of theological developments that began in the 1170s. What’s more, the institutionalization and codification of these strands of propaganda created the theological precedent for framing the Albigensian Crusade as a holy war, allowing the idea of crusading against heretics to take root in anti-heresy discourse in the years preceding Innocent III’s papacy and his call for crusade in southern France.
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Holloway, Thomas Walter. "Propaganda analysis and the Soviet intervention in Afghanistan." The Ohio State University, 1991. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1272462089.
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Zavatti, Francesco. "Writing History in a Propaganda Institute : Political Power and Network Dynamics in Communist Romania." Doctoral thesis, Södertörns högskola, Historia, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-29855.
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In 1990, the Institute for Historical and Socio-Political Studies of the Central Committee of the Romanian Communist Party was closed, since the Party was dissolved by the Romanian Revolution. Similar institutions had existed in all countries belonging to the Soviet bloc. This Institute was founded in 1951 under the name of the Party History Institute, and modelled on the Marx-Lenin-Engels Institute in Moscow. Since then, it served the Communist Party in producing thousands of books and journals on the history of the Party and of Romania, following Party orders. Previous research has portrayed the Institute as a loyal executioner of the Party’s will, negating the agency of its history-writers in influencing the duties of the Institute. However, the recent opening of the Institute’s archive has shown that a number of internal and previously obscured dynamics impacted on its activities. This book is dedicated to the study of the Party History Institute, of the history-writers employed there, and of the narratives they produced. By studying the history-writers and their host institution, this study re-contextualizes the historiography produced under Communist rule by analysing the actual conditions under which it was written: the interrelation between dynamics of control and the struggle for resources, power and positions play a fundamental role in this history. This is the first scholarly inquiry about a highly controversial institute that struggled in order to follow the constantly shifting Party narrative canon, while competing formaterial resources with rival Party and academic institutions. The main actors in this study are the history-writers: Party veterans, young propagandists and educated historians, in conflicting networks and groups, struggled in order to gain access to the limited resources and positions provided by the Party, and in order to survive the political changes imposed by the leadership. By doing so they succeed, on many occasions, to influence the activities of the Institute.
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Fudge, Thomas A. "Myth, heresy and propaganda in the radical Hussite movement, 1409-1437." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1992. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/272951.
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Baltacioglu-Brammer, Ayse. "Safavid Conversion Propaganda in Ottoman Anatolia and the Ottoman Reaction, 1440s-1630s." The Ohio State University, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1466582807.
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Thériault, Mark J. "Art as propaganda in Vichy France, 1940-1944." Thesis, McGill University, 2007. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=112592.
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The French government under Philippe Petain, based at Vichy, simultaneously collaborated with the Germans and promoted French patriotism. French artists and designers produced an abundance of posters, paintings, sculptures and other objets d'art, examples of which are included here, to promote the values of the "new order." Although Christian symbols were common, fascist symbols among the mass-produced images support the idea that the Vichy regime was not merely authoritarian, but parafascist.The fine arts were purged of "foreign" influences, yet the German Arno Breker was invited to exhibit his sculptures in Paris. In the spirit of national redressement, traditional French art was promoted; however, Modern art, which Hitler condemned as cultural Bolshevism, continued to be produced. With reference to the words of Petain, Hitler, French artists and art critics, and a variety of artworks, this thesis shows how art was used to propagate the ideology of the Vichy regime.
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Mayo-Bobee, Dinah. "Understanding the Essex Junto: Fear, Dissent, and Propaganda in the Early Republic." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2015. https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu-works/723.
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Historians have never formed a consensus over the Essex Junto. In fact, though often associated with New England Federalists, propagandists evoked the Junto long after the Federalist Party’s demise in 1824. This article chronicles uses of the term Essex Junto and its significance as it evolved from the early republic through the 1840s.
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Isbell, John. "Truth and propaganda : making sense of Stael's De 'Allemagne." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1990. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.276825.
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Botha, Nicolene. "Propaganda : 'n historiese kommunikasieproses van belang vir bestuurders van die media." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/51890.
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Thesis (MPhil)--University of Stellenbosch, 2000.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Although most journalists and media managers will deny that they are at all biased, few of the communication messages that are daily spread by the mass communication media, are neutral. Media people transfer their own political orientation, also that of the organisation that they work for, to their reports by means of their decisions of what news they will present and how they will present it. From the recent past it has become clear that there is a link between the government of the day and how the news is presented, as perceptions that have been created of certain events, have changed over time. Journalists have certain political convictions, but even if they try to be objective in spite of these, they are often insensitive to the fact that they are used by propagandists, who themselves have a thorough knowledge of the media. Sometimes journalists are knowingly and willingly involved in such attempts, and sometimes against their will. More often they are completely ignorant of the fact that they form part of a propaganda attempt, because they do not realise that they are being manipulated. In order to distinguish between "real" news and propaganda in the form of news, it is essential to have insight into the nature and origin of propaganda, but especially into the techniques that are commonly used. Initially, the word "propaganda" had a positive meaning, but during the First World War the word increasingly obtained a negative connotation. A century later, the word itself had become almost obsolete, except in reference to the information attempts of the opposition. "Own" campaigns are referred to in eufemistic terms such as "news management" and "public diplomacy". However, phenomena of propaganda did not disappear. In fact, with the progress in technology since the end of the nineteenth century, the number of communication channels available for the transfer of messages have multiplied. This created new means of spreading propaganda, especially since the invention of the transistor and later of television. With the changes in and improvements of mass communication media, the nature and extent of propaganda techniques also changed significantly. The techniques became more sophisticated and new methods of manipulation are continuously thought up, so much so that there are currently almost no limit to the ways in which propaganda messages are conveyed. When the uses of these techniques, as they are commonly found in media reports, are studied, it is possible to identify six broad catagories of propaganda. The first category is that where the nature of the contents is obvious, in other words, where no further information is required about an issue or a person in order to recognise the technique as propaganda. The second category represents pieces of propaganda where further information is required in order to recognise the use of the technique, like when somebody tells a lie. Thirdly, there are techniques that can only be recognised after a variety of propaganda pieces have been studied and the relation between the contents have been studied, such as when politicians play for time. The fourth technique is repetition. The fifth category of techniques is based on the nature of the arguments used by the propagandist, whether these are rational or non-rational. The last category is based on the intention of the propagandist, for example whether he wants to create fear or drive a wedge between groups. Knowledge of these different techniques provide a basis according to which journalists and media managers will be able to judge news events in order to determine the propagandistic intention thereof.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hoewel die meeste joernaliste en mediabestuurders salontken dat hulle enigsins bevooroordeeld is, is min van die kommunikasïeboodskappe wat daagliks deur die massamedia uitgedra word, neutraal. Medialui druk die stempel van hul eie politieke ingesteldheid, maar ook dié van die organisasie waarvoor hulle werk, op hul berigte af deur hul besluite oor watter nuus hulle gaan aanbied en hoe hulle dit gaan aanbied. Uit die onlangse verlede is dit duidelik dat daar 'n verband is tussen die regering van die dag en hoe die nuus aangebied word, aangesien persepsies wat oor gebeure geskep is, met verloop van tyd verander het. Joernaliste het sekere politieke oortuigings, maar al probeer hulle ten spyte daarvan objektief wees, is hulle dikwels onsensitief daarvoor dat hulle deur propagandiste, wat self 'n grondige kennis van die werking van die media het, gebruik word. Soms word joernaliste met hulle medewete en goedkeuring by sulke pogings betrek, en soms teen hulle sin. Meer dikwels vorm hulle egter onbewustelik deel van 'n belangegroep se propagandapoging, omdat hulle nie besef dat hulle gemanipuleer word nie. Om in staat te wees om "regte" nuus te onderskei van propaganda in die vorm van nuus, is dit noodsaaklik om insig te hê in die aard en oorsprong van propaganda, maar veral in die tegnieke wat algemeen gebruik word. Die woord "propaganda" het aanvanklik 'n positiewe betekenis gehad, maar tydens die Eerste Wêreldoorlog het dit toenemend 'n negatiewe konnotasie gekry. In Eeu later het die woord self grootliks in onbruik verval, behalwe waar daar na die opposisie se inligtingspogings verwys is. "Eie" veldtogte word in eufemistiese terme na verwys as "nuusbestuur" en "openbare diplomasie". Ten spyte hiervan het die verskynsel van propaganda nie verdwyn nie. In teendeel, met die vooruitgang in tegnologie sedert die einde van die negentiende eeu, het die kommunikasiekanale wat vir die oordrag van die boodskap beskikbaar was, veelvuldig toegeneem. Dit het nuwe moontlikhede van propagandavoering daargestel, veral sedert die uitvinding van die transistor en later ook televisie. Met die verandering en verbetering van massakommunikasiemedia het die aard en omvang van propagandategnieke ook merkbaar verander. Die tegnieke het meer gesofistikeerd geraak en nuwe metodes van manipulasie word voortdurend bedink, sodat daar vandag feitlik geen perke is aan die maniere waarop propaganda- boodskappe uitgedra word nie. Wanneer die gebruik van dié tegnieke, soos dit algemeen in mediaberigte voorkom, bestudeer word, is dit moontlik om ses breë kategorieë van propaganda te identifiseer. Die eerste kategorie is dié waar die aard van die inhoud vanself spreek, met ander woorde, waar geen verdere inligting oor 'n saak of persoon nodig is om 'n tegniek as propaganda te eien nie. Die tweede kategorie verteenwoordig propagandastukke waar bykomende inligting nodig is om die tegniek uit te ken, soos wanneer 'n leuen vertel word. Derdens is daar tegnieke wat slegs herken kan word nadat verskeie propagandastukke bestudeer is en die inhoud daarvan met mekaar in verband gebring is, soos wanneer politici vir tyd speel. Vierdens word daar van herhaling gebruik gemaak. Die vyfde kategorie van tegnieke is gegrond is op die aard van die argumente wat die propagandis gebruik, of dit byvoorbeeld rasioneel of nie-rasioneel is. Die laaste kategorie sluit tegnieke in wat gegrond is op die bedoeling van die propagandis, of hy byvoorbeeld vrees wil inboesem of groepe teen mekaar wilopmaak. Kennis van hierdie verskillende tegnieke bied 'n grondslag waarvolgens joernaliste en mediabestuurders nuusgebeure kan beoordeel ten einde die propaganda-bedoeling daarvan te bepaal.
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Hosterman, Alec Ry'n. "Toward a more unified conceptualization of propaganda." Virtual Press, 1997. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1061886.
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The word "propaganda" was coined by the Roman Catholic Church in 1622 when it established the "Sacra Congregatio de Propaganda Fide" in an effort to promote Christianity. In that era, propaganda was viewed simply as a means of spreading the Christian faith. However, 20th century conceptualizations of propaganda depict propaganda in various fashions. For example, some scholars view propaganda as a manipulative and deceptive campaign, as a means to achieve social control, and simply as a tool used to disseminate information.This study provides a foundation for creating a more unified conceptualization of propaganda. This appears particularly important given the resurgence of interest in propaganda research and recent technological innovations that provide for more widespread dissemination of propaganda. This study analyzes 20th century definitions of propaganda via the use of the constant comparative method of analysis. Through this method, key characteristics of these definitions are discerned, thereby providing scholars with a better understanding of the nature of propaganda and enhancing future propaganda research and theory construction.Department of Speech Communication
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Mayo-Bobee, Dinah. "Reviving the Essex Junto: Partisan Propaganda in the Era of Good Feelings." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2017. https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu-works/727.
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Cooper, J. P. D. "Propaganda, allegiance and sedition in the Tudor south-west, c. 1497-1570." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.302223.
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Rast, Mike. "Tactics, Politics, and Propaganda in the Irish War of Independence, 1917-1921." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2011. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/history_theses/46.
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This thesis examines the influences on and evolution of the Irish Republican Army‘s guerrilla war strategy between 1917 and 1921. Utilizing newspapers, government documents, and memoirs of participants, this study highlights the role of propaganda and political concerns in waging an insurgency. It argues that while tactical innovation took place in the field, IRA General Headquarters imposed policy and directed the conflict with a concern for the political results of military action. While implementing strategies necessary to effective conflict of the war, this Headquarters staff was unable to reconcile a disjointed and overburdened command structure, leading its disintegration after the conflict.
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Wang, Chongyuan, and 王重圆. "Taiwan's propaganda activities in the United States, 1971-1979." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2013. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B50605847.
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In the 1970s, Taiwan, officially known as the Republic of China (ROC),suffered a series of diplomatic setbacks. Nixon’s visit to Beijing in 1972 preluded the normalization between the United States (US) and the People’s Republic of China (PRC), as well as the estrangement between the Republic of China (ROC)and the US. A year before, Taiwan was forced to withdraw from the United Nations (UN). Many countries then ceased to cooperate with Taiwan and turned to the PRC. This made Taiwan the “Orphan of Asia”. To survive and prevent further isolation, Taiwan rallied support from the international community, especially the US, its old ally. It strengthened propaganda in the US and attempted to build a prosperous and democratic image of itself. It sought to appeal to the American public. This thesis investigates Taiwan’s propaganda activities in the US and explores how the Kuomintang (KMT) government built a favorable image of Taiwan during the 1970s.
The most notable propaganda organization of the ROC was the Government Information Office (GIO). The GIO’s overseas branch in New York, the Chinese Information Service, launched propaganda campaigns in the US through organizing political, economic and cultural activities. Although the GIO was centrally responsible for propaganda, the execution of the campaigns was a product of collaboration between various government organizations. This thesis analyzes the GIO’s responsibilities within this network of collaboration.
The thesis then explores the variety of Taiwan’s propaganda strategies. The KMT tried very hard to solicit support from different sectors in the US. They appealed to the general public by launching advertising campaigns, cultural exhibitions and art performances. Apart from the general public, they also targeted reporters, members of Congress and scholars by offering material benefits including free trips to Taiwan and academic funding. Several public relation firms were also hired to publicize Taiwan in the US media. Some of these publicity campaigns were even illegal.
The overseas Chinese formed a large constituent to the Taiwan government’s propaganda efforts. However, the overseas Chinese were not a singular group of people and recognizing this, the GIO tailored their campaigns accordingly. Taiwan wooed Chinatown leaders by giving them financial benefits and educated Chinatown residents through controlling the Chinese media and Chinese language schools. Meanwhile, the KMT threatened and punished Taiwan Independence Movement supporters in American universities. They also made attempts to re-educate these supporters and their families in and out of Taiwan. Through these activities, Taiwan hoped to create an illusion that the KMT supporters were not limited to people in Taiwan, but included the majority of Chinese around the world. By examining Taiwan’s propaganda organizations and strategies in the 1970s, the thesis aims to expand our knowledge of US-PRC-ROC relations in the 1970s, and show how Taiwan adapted to the changing international environment.published_or_final_version
History
Master
Master of Philosophy
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Alexander, Heather. "Recreating Richard III: The Power of Tudor Propaganda." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2016. https://dc.etsu.edu/honors/338.
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Because it signified the violent transition from the Plantagenet to Tudor dynasty, the death of King Richard III at the Battle of Bosworth’s Field was a monumental event. After five centuries, his skeleton was rediscovered by an archaeological team at a site, formerly the location of the Greyfriars Priory Church. The presentation uses the forensic evidence to examine the extent to which the perceived image of Richard III is the result of Tudor propaganda.
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Wetzel, Julia L. "The Making of a Princeps: Imperial Virtues in Monumental Propaganda." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2020. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc1707382/.
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This thesis demonstrates key imperial virtues communicated on Roman Imperial triumphal monuments. A closer examination of monuments located in Rome reveals the presentation of personality traits such as military valor, piety, and mercy through symbolism, nature scenes, and personifications of abstract qualities. Each monument is dedicated to an emperor and exemplifies his virtues. The representation of imperial virtues conveys an emperor's worth to the public by communicating his better qualities. Architecture and coin evidence served as media to convey an emperor's qualities to the public and fostered general acceptance of his rule among the public. Valor (virtus), piety (pietas), and mercy (clementia) are each examined to demonstrate their importance, their multiple types of representations in architecture, and their presentation and reach on coins. Chapters 2 through 4 look at the symbolism and representation of military courage and honor. As a military virtue, valor is easiest to represent and point out through battle scenes, military symbols, and gods who assisted the emperor in war. Honor (honos), as a close association to valor is also a promotable trait. Chapters 5 through 7 look at the multiple representations of an emperor's piety. Piety, being the Roman empire's oldest virtue, can be seen through sacrificial scenes, mythological scenes, and symbols associated with these same gods and sacrifices. Chapter 8 looks at personifications of abstract qualities and natural phenomena and their role in Roman cosmology. Chapter 9 looks at the last virtue, mercy, which is demonstrated as the most valuable but also rare because it demands special skills and balance within a ruler. Mercy's rarity makes its symbolism and representational scenery smaller in comparison to the first two but still evident in architecture and coins. Possession of each trait awarded the possessor honor and divinity heaped on him, as discussed in Chapter 10. The Romans saw divinity as an honor which the senate awarded upon display of these superior virtues. Several arguments are considered and add different viewpoints to how divinity was acquired whether for the possession of these qualities or the actions that resulted from them. This analysis of symbolism and relevant divine scenes associated with imperial virtues demonstrate the emperor's superiority through possession of these virtues and show their subtle inclusion in imperial architecture.
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Rankin, Monica Ann. "!Mexico, la patria!: Modernity, national unity, and propaganda during World War II." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/280531.
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During the 1930s, Mexico was in the middle of a healing process after three decades of revolutionary turmoil and reform. The outbreak of revolution in 1910 had created friction between various interest groups such as the Church, the labor movement, peasants, industrialists, and politicians. In the following decades, divisions among those groups intensified as the country struggled to resolve revolutionary conflict and, in the process, looked for someone to blame. As World War II approached, divisive domestic conditions prompted Mexican government officials to develop their own internal wartime agenda. World War II became a major turning point in the legacy of the Mexican Revolution. It gave the country an opportunity, for the first time since the revolution, to unite against a common external enemy, and to militarize as a united nation against that enemy. The government-sponsored propaganda campaign became an important tool for reuniting Mexicans. The government took advantage of the unity achieved during World War II to promote a modernization and industrialization program during and after the war. A close examination of wartime propaganda reveals aggressive calls to unity mixed with a subtle promotion of modernity and industrialization. In contrast to outside propaganda produced primarily by the United States, the Mexican government's wartime messages used nationalist rhetoric and symbols to defend the country's internal interests during and after the war. U.S. propaganda promoted the idea of the "American Way of Life," a concept which glorified a middle-class consumer lifestyle, led by the United States. While U.S. wartime messages frequently provoked resentment among Mexicans, they also largely succeeded in creating a demand for the consumer goods advertised in the propaganda campaign. Avila Camacho used that demand to solidify popular support for his industrialization agenda. By the end of the war, divisive revolutionary factions that had dominated in the 1930s found themselves significantly weakened by the government's wartime measures. Through a combination of policy and propaganda, President Manuel Avila Camacho put together a wartime program that allowed him to unite the country against a common, external enemy and to pursue an aggressive industrialization program. Most importantly, World War II allowed him to justify his industrialization program as a new direction for the Mexican Revolution.
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Spicka, Mark E. "Selling the economic miracle : economic propaganda and political power in West Germany, 1949-1957 /." The Ohio State University, 2000. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1488196234910667.
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Neville, Pamela Ayers. "Richard Pynson, Kings Printer (1506-1529) : printing and propaganda in early Tudor England." Thesis, University of London, 1990. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.294267.
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Monama, Fankie Lucas. "Wartime propaganda in the Union of South Africa, 1939 - 1945." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/86202.
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Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2014.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: After the First World War (1914-1918) – the first “total war” in modern history, where whole populations, not just military forces, became participants in the war effort, the potential power of propaganda was realised, through the exploitation of mass communication media to manipulate public opinion. Alongside politico-diplomatic, economic and military manoeuvres, governments needed to mobilise the minds of their population to secure support, to mobilise them behind the war policy and to avoid discontent and dissension. This was particularly crucial to South Africa during the Second World War (1939-1945), especially as the country was threatened by deeply ingrained political tensions and internal divisions. The wartime Union, under General Jan Smuts, experienced an escalation of political extremism and militancy from radical sections of white Afrikaner nationalists who opposed the government’s war policy. Furthermore, some elements within even the Union Defence Force (UDF) displayed disloyal tendencies which threatened the morale of the armed forces. Thus, in response, the government waged a massive propaganda campaign during the war aimed at stimulating recruitment, at preserving national morale, at combating anti-war resistance and at minimising disruptions to the implementation of its war policy. To this end, the authorities exploited information avenues such as radio broadcasts, the press, films, mobile recruiting tours and military demonstrations for publicity and propaganda purposes. As propaganda delivery channels, radio, the press and films were potentially powerful. However, the strategy pursued by the authorities failed to maximise their full impact. The government also did not enjoy a media monopoly for the conduct of its war propaganda. The SABC continued operating independently and its airtime was not handed over to the authorities. Similarly, while the government relied on the support of sympathetic newspaper editors for its propaganda campaign, newspapers themselves sometimes ignored censorship regulations and published material which was unhelpful to the national war effort. Meanwhile, the opposition press also contested the propaganda terrain by waging anti-war campaigns. Films were the weakest link due to limited government control, production obstacles and an English language dominance which alienated the majority of white Afrikaans speakers. Another problem was persistent rivalry among various official and semiofficial propaganda agencies and a lack of clarity over a common propaganda policy. When it came to recruitment, government propaganda achieved particularly limited success. Despite patriotic appeals for volunteer enlistment, the shortage of manpower remained a persistent problem throughout the war. Alongside this, social and economic problems such as food and housing shortages also had a negative impact on public morale. The positive reach of propaganda efforts within the military, especially education, information and social welfare services, was also limited in that they were unable to dispel dissatisfaction resulting from poor service conditions, military policies, and the growing influence of war weariness. Towards the end of hostilities, there was a perceptible decline in troop discipline and morale. In general, therefore, the Union government’s overall war publicity and propaganda effort failed to produce a solid sense of national war cohesion or war unity. Although the country remained stable and was able to sustain war participation, it could not be said that South Africa’s leadership was able to persuade inhabitants – whether white or black - to participate in the Second World War as a war to be embraced as a people’s war.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die Eerste Wêreldoorlog (1914-1918), die eerste “totale oorlog” in kontemporêre geskiedenis waartydens nie net militêre magte nie, maar hele gemeenskappe by die oorlogspoging betrek is, het die potensiaal van propaganda om die openbare mening met behulp van die massamedia te manipuleer, tuisgebring. Naas polities-diplomatiese, ekonomiese en militêre maneuvrering, moes regerings ook die gesindheid van die bevolking beïnvloed om hulle agter die oorlogspoging te skaar en twis en tweedrag te vermy. Gesindheidsbeïnvloeding was vir die Unieregering van kardinale belang gedurende die Tweede Wêreldoorlog (1939-1945), aangesien Suid-Afrika onder diepgaande politieke verdeeldheid en interne spanning oor die oorlogskwessie gebuk gegaan het. Die Smuts-bewind het hewige politieke druk en militante weerstand ervaar van Afrikanernasionaliste wat teen die regering se oorlogsbeleid gekant was. Ontevrede elemente in die Unieverdedigingsmag (UVM) het insgelyks dislojale neigings openbaar, wat die moraal van die gewapende magte ondermyn het. Die regering het gevolglik gedurende die oorlog ’n omvattende propagandaveldtog van stapel gestuur om weerstand teen sy oorlogspoging te beveg, ontwrigting in die implementering van die oorlogsbeleid tot ’n minimum te beperk, die werwing van soldate te bevorder en die nasionale moraal hoog te hou. Die Smuts-regering het ’n verskeidenheid van instrumente, waaronder radio-uitsendings, die gedrukte media, rolprente, mobiele werwingsveldtogte en miltêre demonstrasies, vir hul reklame- en propagandaveldtogte ingespan. Die regering se propagandastrategieë het egter nie dié kragtige instrumente optimaal uitgebuit om maksimum trefkrag te verseker nie. Daarby het die regering ook nie ’n monopolie oor alle mediaplatvorms vir geniet om hul propagandaveldtogte te bedryf nie. Die SAUK het onafhanklik gefunksioneer en min lugtyd aan die regering afgestaan om radio-uitsendings vir publisiteit en propagande te benut. Die regering het voorts sterk op koerantredakteurs gesteun om hul propagandaveldtog te bevorder, maar redakteurs het soms sensuurregulasies geïgnoreer en artikels geplaas wat regeringsbeleid ondermyn het. Die opposisiepers het uiteraard ook die regeringspropaganda met anti-oorlogpropaganda beveg. Rolprente was die swakste skakel in die regering se reklame- en propagandastelsels vanweë hul swak beheer daaroor, ’n gebrek aan tegniese vaardigheid, die hoë koste van rolprentproduksies, asook die oorheersing van die bedryf deur die Engelse taal, wat die meerderheid Afrikaanssprekendes die harnas ingejaag het. ’n Verdere probleem was die voortdurende wedywering tussen die verskillende amptelike en halfamptelike propaganda-agentskappe. Dit was veral die gebrek aan ’n duidelike propaganda-beleid wat tot oorvleueling en mededinging gelei het. Wat werwingspropaganda betref, het die regering beperkte sukses behaal. Naas ’n beroep op pligsbesef, eer en glorie, het die regering oor geen hefkrag beskik om werwing te bevorder nie. ’n Gebrek aan mannekrag het derhalwe die UVM dwarsdeur die oorlog gekortwiek in weerwil van die regering se omvattende reklame- en propagandaprogramme. Teen 1945 het slegs sowat 330 000 uit die Unie se bevolking van nagenoeg tien miljoen vir vrywillige krygsdiens aangemeld. Sosio-ekonomiese uitdagings soos ’n gebrek aan voedselvoorrade en behuising het ook negatief op die openbare en burgerlike moraal ingewerk. Interne propaganda in die UVM, veral deur middel van die opvoedings-, informasie- en welsynsdienste, het ook beperkte sukses behaal as gevolg van ontevredenheid met militêre beleid, swak diensvoorwaardes en oorlogsmoegheid. Dié ontevredenheid het moraal en dissipline ondermyn en teen die einde van die oorlog tot uitdagende gedrag en oproer onder die troepe gelei. Oor die algemeen genome, was die Unie-regering se totale reklame- en propagandapoging dus oneffektief. Alhoewel die hele die stelsel nie in duie gestort het nie en Unie se oorlogspoging sonder groot ontwrigting voortgegaan het, het oorlogsmoegheid, oneffektiewe beleide en die invloed van sosio-ekonomiese probleme uiteindelik tot openbare en militêre ontnugtering gelei.
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葉啟燿 and Kai-yiu Kelvin Ip. "Leftist propaganda in the Hong Kong 1967 riots." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10722/193386.
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This thesis focuses on the leftist propaganda in the Hong Kong 1967 riots. It shows how the local leftists launched a propaganda campaign to persuade citizens to join the anti-government confrontation. After critically examining leftist propaganda materials, the thesis analyzes different arguments of the propagandists. The leftists’ propaganda failed to persuade the masses to follow them. To explain their failure, the thesis compares the aims of leftist propaganda before and during 1967. Given the different aims, the thesis argues that the inconsistency of the propaganda caused the leftists to lose support. When the leftists used violent actions to “struggle” against the colonial government, their radical actions were described by citizens as “terrorist attacks” and the leftists became “troublemakers”. Thus, the thesis also argues that the leftists’ threat to law and order drove Hong Kong citizens to stay out of the riots. After the anti-government movement became radical, the Hong Kong government took firm actions against the local communists. The police force raided leftist trade unions and arrested leftist leaders. These actions caused the breakdown of the leftist propaganda mechanism. The thesis analyzes the decision-making processes of the Hong Kong government, and argues that it was the leftists’ radical actions that caused the government’s firm actions, and thus the failure of the leftist propaganda, and the anti-government campaign were self-inflicted.published_or_final_version
History
Master
Master of Philosophy
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Hope, Claire. "Cold War Educational Propaganda and Instructional Films, 1945-1965." VCU Scholars Compass, 2011. http://scholarscompass.vcu.edu/etd/2416.
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This thesis will examine the response of educators to the use of the American public school system for ideological management during the early Cold War period. Through an assessment of instructional films, this work will show that the objectives of educational propaganda fell into three main categories: to promote Americanism as the national ideology, to deter students from communism or communist sympathy, and to link the potential for nuclear warfare to ideological lassitude. It will be argued that although the majority of educators accepted these goals, as films became increasingly extreme in their presentations, a critical minority revealed discontent with the use of the school for the purposes of indoctrination. By the mid-1960s, a number of factors would result in the dismantling of the Cold War consensus and a reinvigoration of the critical perspective in education.
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Dreeze, Jonathon Randall. "Stalin's Empire: Soviet Propaganda in Kazakhstan, 1929-1953." The Ohio State University, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu158757030976164.
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Rodrigues, Gabriel Kenzo. "Não há cura sem anúncio: ciência, medicina e propaganda (São Paulo, 1930-1939)." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2015. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/12875.
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This paper seeks to analyze the transition from a cure consumption model which embraced not only a scientific model viewed as obsolete, but also all kinds of popular cures to a new model recognized as scientific by official knowledge, which was closely linked not only to the latest discoveries in the pharmaceutical field, but to the new forms of production stemming from the Second Industrial Revolution, which in turn walked hand in hand with the international monopoly capitalism of the first half of the twentieth century. The approach adopted to understand the specificity of this period sought to link the development of this cure model to elements not limited to official documentation. Accordingly, this paper intends to analyze the trajectory of how this model of cure, which today is hegemonic, extended into different social instances and transcended its mere chemical or biological efficacy. The large amount of pharmaceutical advertising present in the daily media, came up as documentation capable of clarifying how this transition took place. It allowed us to gain insight into an aspect that is little explored in the history of science, namely: how a scientific model with hegemonic intentions operates to take root in the everyday life of society while using prosaic elements to establish communication with its audience. Using what already existed and, at the same time, instituting the new, the ads clearly show the subtleties of society of that time regarding the sick body, which did not show through on official documentation, such as medical treatises, medical reports, diagnoses, etc. The sick body in this case appears in its social dimension, showing what is lost in social terms as such: a worker who is unable to produce, the syphilitic who will only get married after his convalescence, a woman who fails to find a husband due to esthetic issues caused by poor health, etc. All these elements are skillfully used by the advertising agencies which, while seeking to maximize the profits of their commissioning laboratories, end up also creating a space where different worldview representations and cure models contend
O trabalho busca analisar o momento de transição de um modelo de consumo de cura que abrigava não apenas uma corrente científica considerada ultrapassada, como também todos os tipos de curas populares para um novo modelo reconhecido como científico pelos saberes oficiais, que estava intimamente atrelado não apenas às últimas descobertas no campo farmacêutico, como às novas modalidades de produção decorrentes da Segunda Revolução Industrial, que caminharam contíguas ao capitalismo monopolista internacional da primeira metade do século XX. Para compreender a especificidade deste momento, foi adotada uma postura que buscou relacionar o desenvolvimento deste modelo de cura com elementos que não se encontrassem apenas no âmbito circunscrito da documentação institucional. Assim, o trabalho pretende analisar o percurso de como o espaço da cura, que nos dias atuais é hegemônica, se alargou em diferentes instâncias sociais, para além da comprovação da sua eficácia químico-biológica. Os anúncios farmacêuticos, presentes em grande quantidade nos periódicos, surgiram então como uma documentação capaz de esclarecer como ocorreu esta transição. A partir deles, tornou-se possível adentrar em uma esfera pouco explorada na história da ciência, a saber, como o modelo científico que se pretende hegemônico opera para se firmar no cotidiano da sociedade, utilizando elementos prosaicos para estabelecer uma comunicação com os seus receptores. Utilizando o já existente e, ao mesmo tempo, instituindo o novo, os anúncios mostram claramente as sutilezas da sociedade da época referentes ao corpo doente que não apareceriam nos documentos oficiais, sejam estes tratados médicos, laudos, diagnósticos, etc. O corpo doente aparece então na sua dimensão social, evidenciando o que este perde em termos propriamente sociais: o trabalhador impossibilitado de produzir, o sifilítico que não poderá se casar até convalescer, a mulher que não conseguirá um marido por conta das questões estéticas advindas da falta de saúde etc. Todos estes são elementos habilmente utilizados pelas agências publicitárias, que ao buscar aumentar o lucro dos laboratórios contratantes acabam criando igualmente um espaço de disputa de representações de visões e modelos de cura
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Wigley, Andrew Paul. "Marketing Cold War tourism in the Belgian Congo : a study in colonial propaganda 1945-1960." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/95925.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2014.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study focuses on the nascent colonial tourist sector of the Belgian Congo from 1945 until independence in 1960. Empire in Africa was the last remaining vestige of might for the depleted European imperial powers following the Second World War. That might, however, was largely illusory, especially for Belgium, which had been both defeated and occupied by Germany. Post-war Belgium placed much value on its colonial role in the Belgian Congo, promoting and marketing its imperial mission to domestic and international audiences alike. Such efforts allowed Belgium to justify a system that was under fire from the new superpowers of the United States of America (USA) and the Soviet Union. This thesis makes the case that the Belgian authorities recognised the opportunity to harness the ‘new’ economic activity of tourism to help deliver pro-colonial propaganda, particularly to the USA which had a growing affluent class and where successive administrations were keen to encourage overseas travel. In building a tourism sector post the Second World War, efforts in diversifying the economy were secondary to the objective of using the marketing of tourism to actively position and promote Belgium’s long-term involvement in the Congo.
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Army, Priscilla W. "Background music : National Socialist propaganda and the reinforcement of German virtue." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/59514.
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Thesis (S.B.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Humanities, Arts, and Social Sciences [SHASS], History Section, June 2010.Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (p. 66-69).
This thesis examines the implementation of official propaganda issued by the National Socialist regime during the years following Adolf Hitler's rise to power in 1933 up through 1945. By analyzing two very different mediums of propaganda used by the National Socialist party, film and advertising in a middle-class German periodical, I compare subtle and overt propaganda methods, as well as the differing approaches the Reich Ministry for Propaganda took when targeting varying audiences. My first chapter is an in depth analysis of the German Film industry under the Third Reich. I looked at three Nazi propaganda films: Triumph des Willens (1934), a film created in order to establish Hitler's role as the leader of the Third Reich, der ewige Jude (1940), a crude, documentary style, anti-Semitic film, and Jud Siij3 (1940), a feature length entertainment film. A comparison of the content of these films and their respective box office results point out the strengths and weaknesses of different approaches to propaganda films. In my second chapter I explore women's advertisements in the popular German periodical die Gartenlaube. By looking at the evolving depiction of women in advertisements for products such as Nivea-Creme and Nur Blond (a women's hair product), and the imagery of women on the covers of the magazine, I attempt to show the ways in which the National Socialist party attempted to connect the standards of beauty to political and ideological goals, thereby redefining them. The political and ideological propaganda of the party was the "background music" to everyday life, regardless of whether its German viewers were political supporters of the Nazi Party. I argue that the goal of the Reich Ministry for Propaganda and Public Enlightenment was never to transform or mold the minds of the masses, but to reiterate and reinforce pervasive beliefs and to encourage passive acceptance of, or even just minimize opposition to, Nazi ideology and legislation.
by Priscilla W. Army.
S.B.
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Leadingham, Norma Compton. "Propaganda and Poetry during the Great War." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2008. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/1966.
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During the Great War, poetry played a more significant role in the war effort than articles and pamphlets. A campaign of extraordinary language filled with abstract and spiritualized words and phrases concealed the realities of the War. Archaic language and lofty phrases hid the horrible truth of modern mechanical warfare. The majority and most recognized and admired poets, including those who served on the front and knew firsthand the horrors of trench warfare, not only supported the war effort, but also encouraged its continuation. For the majority of the poets, the rejection of the war was a postwar phenomenon. From the trenches, leading Great War poets; Owen, Sassoon, Graves, Sitwell, and others, learned that the War was neither Agincourt, nor the playing fields of ancient public schools, nor the supreme test of valor but, instead, the modern industrial world in miniature, surely, the modern world at its most horrifying.
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Vickberg, Maria. "In Der Fuehrer’s Face : Hur populärkultur kan nyttjas för politisk propaganda." Thesis, Linnaeus University, School of Cultural Sciences, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-4031.
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Thomas, D. G. "History, commitment and propaganda in the Spanish novel of the Spanish Civil War 1936-1966." Thesis, University of Exeter, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.374924.
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Ryan, Kathleen M. ""When flags flew high" : propaganda, memory, and oral history for World War II female veterans /." Connect to title online (Scholars' Bank) Connect to title online (ProQuest), 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/8332.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Oregon, 2008.Typescript. Includes vita and abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 377-400). Also available online in Scholars' Bank; and in ProQuest, free to University of Oregon users.
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Brown, Trudi. "History, propaganda and violence : a comparison of the literature of Ireland and Quebec since 1958." Thèse, Université de Sherbrooke, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/11143/10111.
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L'histoire, la propagande et la violence" est une étude de la relation entre ces aspects de la littérature dans les écrits irlandais et québécois depuis 1960. Ce qui suit n'est qu'un sommaire des idées qui se trouvent dans la thèse et ne doit pas être considéré comme étant une discussion complète ou une preuve. Le Québec et l'Irlande partagent certaines réalités historiques: une conquête par les anglais, un choc de culture et de langue et des problèmes inhérents. Cette thèse tente à démontrer, à travers une étude comparative des problèmes sociaux et historiques (la possession de la terre, l'organisation sociale des classes, les conflits de langue et de race, les problèmes de relation de travail et de syndicalisation, les attitudes envers la conscription, la famine, etc.) qu'au Québec, les solutions politiques ont été trouvées plus vite, et ce, de façon systématique, tandis qu'en Irlande l'imposition de la force militaire était plus souvent "la solution" de choix. Donc la violence comme solution aux problèmes socio-politiques est devenue plus acceptée pour l'Irlande que pour le Québec. Les littératures des deux régions reflètent cette différence. Après 1960 les écrivains réagissent fortement aux problèmes socio-politiques. Tout en respectant la spécificité historique de leur pays, ils offrent leurs propres critiques et leurs solutions. Certains réagissent à la violence; d'autres semblent l'inspirer, surtout au Québec. Pour ce faire, ils se servent des techniques de propagande. La propagande, par sa nature, essaie de devenir invisible, d'être le standard accepté par la société. Les auteurs s'en servent comme contenu dans leurs oeuvres: slogans, harangues, symboles, images et thèmes. La propagande influence et devient même l'essence du style de l'auteur: "clap trap", comparaisons, "listes de trois", etc. Enfin, la propagande peut informer le choix du genre littéraire, de la forme et de la structure. En Irlande les auteurs, comme leurs collègues québécois, se servent des modèles "pédagogiques" et de "jeux" comme structure de leurs romans, mais avec un objectif différent. Ils veulent détruire la mythologie de la violence. Ils essaient de détruire l'image du héros. Ils attaquent les symboles et les slogans de ceux qui prêchent la violence. Mais ils ne réussissent pas à détruire certaines images dans la conscience collective, par exemple l'image du sang comme lien familial, et ne peuvent pas empêcher la violence de continuer. Les Irlandais sont aussi plus aptes à se servir du roman historique pour commenter le présent de façon indirecte. Et ils réussissent mieux à définir une image de "l'autre", du stéréotype anglo-irlandais, que les auteurs québécois ne réussissent à peindre un portrait du "maudit anglais". Chose surprenante, c'est au Québec que l'on trouve les allégories religieuses, l'idée du "salut" dans l'indépendance politique. Est-ce parce qu'en fait, les irlandais ont vécu l'enfer d'une guerre civile après l'indépendance? […]
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Henck, Nicholas John. "Images of Constantius II : ho philanthorpos Vasileus and Imperial propaganda in the mid-fourth century A.D." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.285053.
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Regan, Paul John. "The construction of patriotic sentiment in the sixteenth-century Low Countries : cartography, Calvinism and rebel propaganda." Thesis, University of Southampton, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.296141.
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Bhattachary, Sanjoy. "A necessary weapon of war : state policies towards propaganda and information in eastern India, 1939-45." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.244050.
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This thesis studies official policies of propaganda at different levels of the colonial administration in Assam, Bengal, Bihar, Orissa and the eastern United Provinces during the Second World War. By contrast to the available research, it treats 'propaganda' as a complex political strategy, whereby information and a variety of material benefits were disseminated, always biased towards a particular viewpoint, with the purpose of mobilising support for specific ideological campaigns, for example the publicity launched against the Indian National Congress between 1942 and 1944. Attention is given to the objectives of policy, the structures used to disseminate official propaganda, the limitations imposed on these efforts by the available technology, the audiences targeted, the themes advertised, and the impact of these activities on wartime and post-war politics. Contrary to earlier work on the topic, this thesis argues that colonial policy aimed not merely to suppress information inimical to that released by the state, but also to collect intelligence about the morale of specific audiences, their responses to the various nationalisms being articulated at the time, and the themes which needed to be addressed at particular junctures of the conflict. The thesis concludes that evidence of propaganda policies permiL<; generalisations about the nature of the colonial state in the 1940s. It suggests that the authorities failed to mobilise support for unpopular wartime policies amongst the civilian population and thus increasingly depended on the use of force; and that this failure contributed, in large measure, to the dissolution of the Indian Empire in 1947.
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Kerr, Andrew. "Heroes and enemies : American Second World War comics and propaganda." Thesis, University of Lincoln, 2016. http://eprints.lincoln.ac.uk/27880/.
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During the Second World War, American comic books were put to use for the war effort as carriers of propaganda. This thesis explores the propaganda in comics that were published with the cooperation of government and military institutions such as the Office of War Information and the United States Marine Corps. The propaganda contained within titles published in tandem with government institutions was primarily communicated through the interplay of the characters of the hero and the enemy or villain. Grouping these characters into recurrent types according to their characterisation allows for close reading of their particular propaganda function. This thesis establishes a connection between the Office of War Information, The Dell Publishing Company, Parents’ Magazine Press and Street and Smith Publications, carrying forward the work of Paul Hirsch (2014). Each of these publishers produced comics that included war related propaganda, as did the Office of War Information itself. Added to this sample are the war comics produced by Vincent Sullivan, the editor of Magazine Enterprises and its subsidiaries, that were published with the cooperation of the US Marine Corps and other military institutions. In addition, a sample of the comics of William Eisner are included in order to demonstrate that the same groupings of hero and enemy occur in fictional comic narratives as well as those that purport to be non-fictional. Similar to Joe Simon and Jack Kirby’s famous creation of Captain America, Eisner produced Uncle Sam in response to the rising patriotic fervour in 1941 as the country increasingly debated and prepared for war. Eisner was later enlisted to produce comics for the Pentagon on war related issues. There is also a discussion of Milton Caniff’s contribution to the US military publication Pocket Guide To China and the Office of War Information publication The Life of Franklin D. Roosevelt, 32nd President of the United States (1943). 6 As a counterpoint to the propaganda function of each type of hero and enemy contained within the commercially published sample, this thesis analyses a selection of unpublished, soldier-illustrated comics from the Second World War thanks to privileged access to the Veterans History Project (2013) at the Library of Congress. These unpublished artefacts demonstrate that the comics medium allowed space for alternative voices to express their reaction to the conflict, resisting the wider propaganda narrative exhibited by the commercial sample and reacting to the loss of individuality and authoritarian structure of the military, while stylistically demonstrating the soldiers’ affinity for comics such as George Baker’s Sad Sack and anti-heroes such as Bill Mauldin’s ‘Willie and Joe’. In this way these soldier-illustrated comics presented a democratic counter-point to the lack of democracy within the armed forces (Alpers, 2003, 158) and exhibit a form of patriotism focused on the ‘grassroots’ elements of American everyday life and culture as opposed to the jingoistic and ideological patriotism of the commercial comics. Methodologically, application of close reading to the content of comics’ narratives, on the level of a particular panel, story, advertisement, or other content, reveals comics to be significant historical sources that offer insight into the propaganda embedded in the popular culture of the period. Critical discourse analysis is applied to the rhetorical elements of the comics in order to explore how many of them served to marganilise particular groups, identifying them as the ‘enemy’ in contrast with the ‘hero’ (Brundage, 2008). Similarly, a semiotic approach informed by the work of Roland Barthes (1973; 1987) is undertaken in order to understand the significance of both visual and rhetorical elements of the texts. Alongside this approach is the methodological assumption of the ‘implied reader’ advocated by Wolfgang Iser’s (1978) that allows the analysis the virtual scope to discuss an idealised reader’s potential response to each text. This notion of the ‘implied reader’ is counterbalanced by a consideration of Stuart Hall’s (1980, 1997) three potential decoding positions in tandem with a consideration of the wider historical context. 7 Once the groups of hero and enemy are identified, subsets of both groups are developed according to their characterisation and the attributes they display. This is done in order to facilitate analysis of the ideology communicated by each of these character types. Identifying the function of each type of hero and enemy makes a new contribution to the wider field of propaganda studies. This contribution encourages a greater understanding of the role played by comics during the Second World War in encouraging ideological propaganda as well as allowing for resistance to it.
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Smith, Michael Peter Charles. "From Torbay to Cambridge: William III, George Washington, and the use of Propaganda in Revolution." W&M ScholarWorks, 2009. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539626599.
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Proudfoot, Douglas Scott. "Images of social division in the propaganda of the Parisian Holy League, 1585-1594." Thesis, McGill University, 1995. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=23354.
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The Parisian Holy League, an insurgent movement in conflict with both royal government and the social elites, expounded, in spite of itself, a conservative, nobiliary social ideology. According to the pamphlets published by the League, the essence of nobility was virtue, and human society was organised in conformity with a divinely-ordained, hierarchical tripartite model. Nevertheless, in rejecting the racial ideas of certain noblemen, and in striving to apply the traditional nobiliary ideology, the Leaguers charged that ideology with a radical and anti-noble purport.
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Carawan, James T. (James Terry). "Populism and the Poll Tax: the Politics and Propaganda of Suffrage Restriction in North Texas, 1892-1904." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1997. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278757/.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis challenges the traditional interpretation of the history of Populism in America through the use of an intensive regional study. Using precinct-level returns, this thesis proves that, contrary to the conclusions of more general studies, voters from predominately Populist areas in North Texas did not support the poll tax amendment that passed in November 1902. The Populists within this region demonstrated their frustration and distrust of the political process by leaving the polls in higher percentages than other voters between 1896 and 1902. The Populists that did participate in 1902 reentered the Democratic Party but did not support the poll tax, which was a major plank within the Democratic platform. This thesis also proves that the poll tax had a significant effect in reducing the electorate in North Texas.
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Rieche, Alexandra Hughes. "The political manipulation of history : the 750th anniversary celebrations in East and West Berlin in 1987." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670294.
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Porter, Austin. "Paper bullets: the Office Of War Information and American World War II print propaganda." Thesis, Boston University, 2013. https://hdl.handle.net/2144/34333.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (Ph.D.)--Boston UniversityThis dissertation analyzes American World War II propaganda generated by the Office of War Information (OWI), the nation's primary propaganda agency from 1942 to 1945. The visual rhetoric of printed OWI propaganda, including posters, brochures, newspaper graphics, and magazine illustrations, demonstrated affinities with advertising and modern art and exhibited an increasingly conservative tone as the war progressed. While politically progressive bureaucrats initially molded the OWI's graphic agenda, research reveals how politicians suppressed graphics that displayed the war's violence, racial integration, and progressive gender roles in favor of images resembling commercial advertisements. To articulate the manner in which issues of American self-representation evolved during the war, this study examines the graphic work of artists and designers such as Charles Alston, Thomas Hart Benton, Charles Coiner, Ben Shahn, and Norman Rockwell. The investigation unfolds across four chapters. The first chapter examines the institutional origins of American World War II propaganda by exploring the shifting content of New Deal promotional efforts during the 1930s and early 1940s. This analysis is critical, as government agencies used propaganda not only to support economic recovery during the Great Depression, but also to prepare Americans for war before the Japanese attacked Pearl Harbor. The second chapter analyzes the ways OWI increasingly suppressed depictions of violence as the war progressed. While the agency distributed traumatic images of Axis hostility early in the war, such work was later deemed "too aggressive" by former advertising executives turned federal bureaucrats who preferred more friendly, appealing graphics. The third chapter focuses on propaganda intended for African Americans, whose support for the war was divided due to racist Jim Crow legislation. This section analyzes OWI efforts to address the nation's largest racial minority through posters, brochures, and newspaper graphics. The fourth chapter examines the OWI's efforts to influence middle-class white women, a demographic of consumers whose influence grew as the war progressed. This includes an examination of the OWI's role in modifying the "Rosie the Riveter" mythology in contemporary advertising to encourage women to pursue jobs outside of factory work.