Journal articles: 'Propaganda – History'

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Sproule, J. Michael. "Propaganda, history, and orthodoxy." Critical Studies in Mass Communication 15, no. 4 (December 1998): 457–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15295039809367062.

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Christiansen, W. N. "History and Propaganda in Astronomy." Publications of the Astronomical Society of Australia 8, no. 1 (1989): 96–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1323358000023018.

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‘History is Bunk’ said Henry Ford. He was exaggerating but it is well recognized that the connection between history and truth is tenuous. Even very recent history dependent on human memory is notoriously unreliable despite the intention of the historian to tell the truth.In radio astronomy we are fortunate in having a dedicated historian-astronomer by the name of Woody Sullivan who has spent years in interviewing and reinterviewing astronomers to find out the real facts about the early years of the subject. Because of Sullivan’s work (e.g. Sullivan 1988) and because so many of my former colleagues have written histories of the period I felt very doubtful about adding my piece to the saga when asked to do so. However, I did accept the invitation to do so after I had read a statement about radio astronomy written by our usually very well informed Minister for Science, Barry Jones (Jones 1987). This statement which I shall quote later is an example of what we may call popular history.

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Andrii Mahaletskyi. "THE MYTH OF THE GREAT PATRIOTIC WAR AS A TOOL OF RUSSIA’S PROPAGANDA INFLUENCE IN THE HYBRID WAR AGAINST UKRAINE." Intermarum history policy culture, no. 8 (December 30, 2020): 121–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.35433/history.11208.

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The purpose of this paper is to observe the formation of Russia’s myth of the Great Patriotic War as a tool of Russian propaganda influence and its uses in the Russo-Ukrainian war. The research methodology. The study applies the principles of historicism and objectivity that are essential for revealing historical events in the state policy sphere. The historic and genetic method is employed to determine the sources, development and uses of the myth of the Great Patriotic War as an element of the Russian Federation’s propaganda. The historical and systematic method sustains the analysis of socio-political processes in their interrelation and causal dependence. The scientific novelty of the paper. The research determines the preconditions for the formation of the myth of the Great Patriotic War, its development and subsequent use by the Russian Federation for propaganda purposes in the hybrid war against Ukraine. Conclusions. President Putin’s rise to power in Russia and his goal to assert Russian strength and power in the world, active imperial ambitions, and attempts to maintain control over the post-Soviet space, supported by military actions, necessitated the revival and active use of the myth of the Great Patriotic War. Mythologization of the events of the Second World War became an element of ideological struggle and propaganda activity in Ukraine and other post-Soviet countries. Armed actions against Ukraine were preceded by the formation of the “victorious people” attitude in the Russian society, with the myth of the Great Patriotic War being its integral part. Therefore, the Kremlin has managed not only to distract the population from internal problems, but also achieved massive support for Russiaʼs hostilities on the territories of other countries. By pursuing the policy of “appropriating” victory in the war, the Russian government thereby diminishes the contribution of both the allied states and the former Soviet republics to the defeat of Nazism.

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Mahaney, D. C. "Propaganda Posters." OAH Magazine of History 16, no. 3 (March 1, 2002): 41–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/maghis/16.3.41.

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Castel, Albert E. "Liddell Hartis Sherman : Propaganda as History." Journal of Military History 67, no. 2 (2003): 405–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jmh.2003.0107.

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Gardeström, Elin. "Propaganda as marketing." Journal of Historical Research in Marketing 10, no. 4 (November 19, 2018): 478–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jhrm-11-2017-0071.

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Purpose This study aims to analyze the use of two concepts, propaganda and advertisement, in two areas of Swedish society during the 1930s; first, their use by the advertisement business, and second, their use by the Swedish Cooperative Union and Wholesale Society. Design/methodology/approach By adopting a perspective of conceptual history, inspired by Reinhart Koselleck, the author is trying to pinpoint the meanings that were ascribed to these concepts in a 1930s context, the interdependency between these concepts and other keywords that were used in connection with them. Findings The study reveals how the ambiguous and synonymous use of these concepts served different purposes in the two fields of study. In the 1930s, propaganda was a key concept of communication and was used in manifold ways for selling goods and disseminating ideas. Propaganda was used to explain the newly introduced American marketing terminology. During the 1930s, the field of advertisement was trying to change what previously had been labeled as “idea propaganda” into “advertisement.” The ambiguous use of concepts made it possible for the Swedish Cooperative Union and Wholesale Society to combine advertisement for their produced goods with disseminating ideas of the cooperative ideology. The concepts of enlightenment (upplysning) and propaganda were crucial to hold together the ideological and commercial parts of the cooperative movement. Originality/value The interaction of meanings between commercial and political concepts is rarely researched in conceptual history or marketing history, which this article advocates to be an important field of study.

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Meister, Jan B. "Antike und moderne Propaganda." Historische Zeitschrift 312, no. 3 (June 1, 2021): 587–613. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/hzhz-2021-0013.

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Zusammenfassung Die Propaganda des faschistischen Italiens setzte die Antike prominent in Szene. Diese Instrumentalisierung der Antike in moderner Propaganda hatte sehr konkrete Rückwirkungen auf das Bild, das man sich von der Antike machte. Teilweise direkt unter dem Eindruck faschistischer Propaganda begannen damals Altertumswissenschaftler, moderne Propaganda in der Antike zu erkennen: Antiken Texten und Monumenten wurde nun eine ganz andere Wirkungskraft und -absicht zugeschrieben als noch in den Jahrzehnten zuvor. Die zeitbedingten Anachronismen sind offenkundig, doch die faschistische Inszenierung der Antike offenbarte eine Wirkungsmöglichkeit antiker Monumente, die man so vorher nicht gesehen hatte und die nicht per se ‚falsch‘ ist. Dass dabei die römische Kaiserzeit im Vordergrund stand, ist bezeichnend: Die auffallende Omnipräsenz von Bildern, der Fokus der Repräsentation auf städtische Räume und die besonders ausgeprägte Zuspitzung dieser Repräsentation auf die Person des Herrschers ließen die römische Kaiserzeit innerhalb der Vormoderne für moderne Anachronismen besonders anschlussfähig erscheinen. Die Auseinandersetzung mit der modernen Übertragung des Propagandabegriffs auf die Antike zielt daher nicht bloß auf eine Offenlegung von Anachronismen, sondern kann als heuristisches Instrument den Blick für die Besonderheit der Antike innerhalb der Vormoderne schärfen.

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Vaughn, Stephen, Garth S. Jowett, and Victoria O'Donnell. "Propaganda and Persuasion." American Historical Review 94, no. 1 (February 1989): 102. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1862086.

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Culbert, David, Geoffrey Barnes, and Graham Shirley. "Prisoners of Propaganda." American Historical Review 95, no. 4 (October 1990): 1128. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2163487.

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Kingston, Paul J. "Gerontocracy, propaganda and Youth: Youth propaganda in France 1940-1942." French Cultural Studies 1, no. 3 (October 1990): 183–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/095715589000100302.

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Mažeikis, Gintautas. "EKSCENTRIŠKOJI EUROPA IR TIKĖJIMO PROPAGANDA. Apmąstymai apie XVII–XVIII a. Katalikų Bažnyčios tikėjimo propagandos kongregaciją ir jos veiklos įtaką europinei Lietuvos tapatybei." Religija ir kultūra 4 (January 1, 2007): 75–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/relig.2007.0.2799.

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Straipsnis remiasi nuostata, kad propaganda yra ne tik manipuliacijos, bet ir motyvacijos, subjekto formavimo, kultūrinių tapatybių saugos priemonė ir užtikrina ne tik valdančiųjų klasių, religijų, bet ir civilizacinį tęstinumą. Dažniausiai propaganda, siekdama formuoti sau palankų subjektą, jo tapatybę, remiasi edukacine veikla, kuri geriausiai ilgalaikiu požiūriu atitinka propagandos siekius. Būtent tokia prasme straipsnyje nagrinėjama Sacra Congregatio de Propaganda Fide tikslai, jų sąsajos su jėzuitų ordinu ir jo veikla XVIII a. Lietuvoje steigiant misijas, mokyklas, kolegijas, universitetą. Kartu, remiantis R. Brague prielaida apie tai, kad Europos tapatybė buvo formuojama jos paribiuose, kur aiškiausiai apibrėžiami kultūriniai, religiniai, ideologiniai skirtumai, parodoma, kad jėzuitų ordinas formavo LDK gyventojų europietišką tapatybę, kuri buvo nuosekliai naikinama po 1795 metų paskutinio Lietuvos–Lenkijos valstybės padalijimo. Straipsnyje pastebima, kad XVII–XVIII amžiaus Vatikano propagandos doktrina rėmėsi iš esmės renesansinės kilmės nuostatomis, apie tai, kad krikščioniškasis lavinimas, susietas su oratoriniais menais ir kalbiniu įkvėpimu, geriausiu būdu tarnauja evangelizacijai, tačiau kartu pastebima, kad jėzuitai, siekdami savo tikslų, turėjo nuolatos vykdyti ir aktyvią pasaulietinę ir tarp ordinų politinę veiklą.Pagrindiniai žodžiai: propaganda, evangelizacija, edukacija, oratorystė, europietiškas tapatumas, jėzuitai, propagandos subjektas.ECCENTRIC EUROPE AND PROPAGANDA OF FAITHConsiderations about Sacra Congregatio de propaganda fide and its influence on the European identity of Lithuania in XVII–XVIII centuriesGintautas Mažeikis SummaryThe main thesis about common European identity is based on the maintaining of R. Brague that identities are formed on the borders. The main power for forming self consciousness of local people as Europeans was propaganda. Propaganda is considered as systemic, rational, long-term persuasions of thinking and self evaluation of people. Propaganda seeks to construct the discourse or propaganda subject and legitimate its suggestion and behavior. The Vatican institution of propaganda was formed by popes Gregory XIII and Gregory XV. Finally Congregatio de propaganda fide was established in 1622. The firsts principles of propaganda idea were directly related to the Renaissance Studia humanitatis. P. Neri and his Congregatio oratorium continued Florence’s Christian humanism and ecstatic rhetoric of G. Sovanarola. Neri also continued some ideas of L. Valla about rhetoric manifestation of the truth. Gregory XIII supported movement and ideas of Neri. From the other side he was a patron of Society of Jesus and he established first propaganda commission for the providing of Catholic faith on the borders of European world. Gregory XIII initiated propaganda through spreading of Jesuit’s and other Christian order’s missions, colleges, universities. The propaganda and Jesuits influence on Grand Duck of Lithuania is compared with Jesuits activities in the North America. Lithuanians were very pagans in the rural spheres in this time. The protestant movement was influenced in the cities. The Vatican Episcope’s power was not popular between Lithuanian noblemen and the influence of Protestant Livonia was significance. From the civilization point of view Russian or Eurasian pressing was felt all time and many of Grand Duke of Lithuania lands were Slavs. The article seeks to show how did Jesuits form the network of education, how they competed with other Catholic orders, how they make new discipline and communities of local people. Jesuits became very important power for forming European subject on the borders of Europe in the XVII and XVIII centuries. They created new religious, scientific, political, national discourses and educational networks necessary for interpellation of subject of European civilization. Thought Russian Imperia tried to build new identities and world feeling, new educational system and propaganda after occupation of Lithuania in 1795 the European identity of Lithuanians survived on the archeological level, history of education and myths.Keywords: propaganda, evangelization, education, rhetoric, European identity, Jesuits, Catholic orders, subject of propaganda.

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12

Scott, Roger D. "Malalas, The Secret History, and Justinian's Propaganda." Dumbarton Oaks Papers 39 (1985): 99. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1291517.

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13

Andriescu Garcia, Anca. "Inventing the Enemy. When Propaganda Becomes History." Acta Universitatis Sapientiae, Philologica 5, no. 1 (July 1, 2013): 59–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ausp-2014-0005.

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Abstract Umberto Eco’s latest novel. The Prague Cemetery, has a complicated metatextual plot in which, as the writer himself stated, he attempts to create the most repugnant of all literary characters, in other words, some sort of “perfect loather" who detests everyone, including himself. I will discuss the various stereotypes of otherness, the way these stereotypical images interact, and how the author weaves the prejudices related to almost every European nationality, but mostly to the Jews, into the image of the “supreme enemy," an image divested of any ornament and so presumptuous that it becomes almost dense. Moreover, in relation to the image I mentioned above. I analyse the mechanisms language uses as a vehicle of deception especially when it describes what is familiar in propagandist texts. I also focus on the different fictional filters applied to real historical events (and texts) in order to entice the reader into trying to decipher a complex and factitious labyrinth in which the barrier between truth and fiction no longer matters, it is purely accidental, and has only one purpose-to generate conspiracies.

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Wilson, Richard Ashby. "Propaganda and History in International Criminal Trials." Journal of International Criminal Justice 14, no. 3 (June 8, 2016): 519–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jicj/mqw026.

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KELLY, Thomas. "Persian Propaganda." Iranica Antiqua 38 (January 1, 2003): 173–219. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/ia.38.0.139.

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Tytarenko, Dmytro. "NS-Propaganda im Militärverwaltungsgebiet der Ukraine." Jahrbücher für Geschichte Osteuropas 66, no. 4 (2018): 620. http://dx.doi.org/10.25162/jgo-2018-0019.

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Mager, Mathis. "Zwischen Propaganda, Kreuzzugsaufruf und Völkerbeschreibung." Saeculum 60, no. 1 (June 2010): 61–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.7788/saeculum.2010.60.1.61.

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Dixon, C. S. "Printing, Propaganda, and Martin Luther." German History 14, no. 1 (January 1, 1996): 86–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gh/14.1.86.

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PEACEY, JASON. "Cromwellian England: A Propaganda State?" History 91, no. 302 (April 2006): 176–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-229x.2006.00362.x.

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Smith, Charles D. "Confronting Reality, Not Beltway Propaganda." Diplomatic History 44, no. 5 (July 15, 2020): 906–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/dh/dhaa058.

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Delany, Sheila. "Bokenham's Claudian as Yorkist propaganda." Journal of Medieval History 22, no. 1 (January 1996): 83–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0304-4181(96)00006-1.

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Nichols, Ann Eljenholm, and Allan Ellenius. "Iconography, Propaganda, and Legitimation." Sixteenth Century Journal 31, no. 2 (2000): 573. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2671691.

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Jackson, Richard A., and Allan Ellenius. "Iconography, Propaganda, and Legitimation." American Historical Review 106, no. 2 (April 2001): 632. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2651732.

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Hills, Helen. "Too Much Propaganda." Oxford Art Journal 29, no. 3 (October 1, 2006): 446–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxartj/kcl023.

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Malesic, Marjan. "Massmedia, Propaganda and Nationalism." Res Publica 39, no. 2 (June 30, 1997): 245–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v39i2.18590.

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This article assesses the relationship between propaganda and nationalism as an ideology in the Serbian massmedia. Serious analysis of contemporary propaganda is a complex discipline, primarily because of the use of the mass media. The issue is further complicated by the fact that the introduction of ever new technologies results in new channels of public media, which demand specific and new methods of propaganda and manipulation. In the study of propaganda in Serbian media as it affects the war in Bosnia Herzegovina, the following elements were found to be of particular interest : propaganda and ideology (propaganda and nationalism, propaganda and religion, propaganda and reinterpretation of history); the use of language for propaganda purposes; the context of propaganda; propaganda organization and propagandists; the public; the level of source criticism; and the iconography.

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Albatyr, Ilesken. "Recognition and propaganda of Kazakh history in press." Nowa Polityka Wschodnia 8, no. 1 (June 30, 2015): 90–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/npw2015106.

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Liñán, Miguel Vázquez. "History as a propaganda tool in Putin’s Russia." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 43, no. 2 (May 10, 2010): 167–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2010.03.001.

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This paper analyzes the propaganda campaign orchestrated by the Russian authorities with the aim of promoting a version of the country’s history for political purposes. This version puts the accent on the exceptionality of Russian historical development, and is Geared to endowing the figure of Vladimir Putin – seen as the person who has succeeded in carrying out a number of national projects that have been frequently abandoned throughout Russian history. The analysis presented here centres on two channels used in the campaign: school textbooks and the film industry.

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Bucur, Maria. "Francesco Zavatti, Writing History in a Propaganda Institute." European History Quarterly 47, no. 3 (July 2017): 603–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691417711663av.

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Welch, David. "Manufacturing a Consensus: Nazi Propaganda and the Building of a ‘National Community’ (Volksgemeinschaft)." Contemporary European History 2, no. 1 (March 1993): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s096077730000028x.

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The point has to be made at once that any attempt to quantify public reaction to Nazi propaganda is fraught with difficulties. Accurate measurement of the effectiveness of Nazi propaganda is weakened by the absence of public opinion surveys and the fact that, in a society that resorted so readily to coercions and terror, reported opinion did not necessarily reflect the true feelings and moods of the public, especially if these views were opposed to the regime. Nevertheless, to state that public opinion in the Third Reich ceased to exist is not strictly true. After the Nazi ‘seizure of power’ in 1933, Propaganda Minister Joseph Goebbels stressed the importance of co-ordinating propaganda with other activities. In a dictatorship, propaganda must address itself to large masses of people and attempt to move them to a uniformity of opinion and action. But the Nazis also understood that propaganda is of little value in isolation. To some extent this explains why Goebbels impressed on all his staff at the Ministry of Popular Enlightenment and Propaganda the imperative necessity constantly to gauge public moods. Goebbels therefore regularly received (as did all the ruling élites) extraordinarily detailed reports from the Secret Police (SD reports) about the mood of the people and would frequently quote these in his diary. Hitler, too, was familiar with these reports, and his recorded determination to avoid increasing food prices at all costs for fear that this would undermine the regime's popularity suggests a political sensitivity to public opinion. To assure themselves of continued popular support was an unwavering concern of the Nazi leadership, and of Hitler and Goebbels in particular.

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Strauss, Gerald, and Mark U. Edwards. "Printing, Propaganda, and Martin Luther." History of Education Quarterly 35, no. 3 (1995): 301. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/369751.

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Pena, Alberto. "History propaganda: the connection between History and communication within the contemporary iberian framework." Revista Estudos do Século XX, no. 11 (2011): 15–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.14195/1647-8622_11_1.

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Manas, Alfonso. "Fútbol y Dictaduras. Resistencia vs Propaganda [Football and Dictatorships. Resistance vs Propaganda]." International Journal of the History of Sport 30, no. 12 (June 2013): 1475–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09523367.2013.790648.

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Werth, Nicolas, and Peter Kenez. "The Birth of the Propaganda State." Vingtième Siècle. Revue d'histoire, no. 11 (July 1986): 156. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3770084.

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Piirimäe, Kaarel. "“Tugev Balti natsionalistlik keskus” ning Nõukogude välispropaganda teel sõjast rahuaega ja külma sõtta [Abstract: “The strong Baltic nationalistic centre” and Soviet foreign propaganda: from war to peace and toward the Cold War]." Ajalooline Ajakiri. The Estonian Historical Journal, no. 4 (September 10, 2019): 305–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/aa.2018.4.03.

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Abstract: “The strong Baltic nationalistic centre” and Soviet foreign propaganda: from war to peace and toward the Cold War This special issue focuses on censorship, but it is difficult to treat censorship without also considering propaganda. This article discusses both censorship and foreign propaganda as complementary tools in the Soviet Union’s arsenal for manipulating public opinion in foreign countries. The purpose of such action was to shape the behaviour of those states to further Soviet interests. The article focuses on the use of propaganda and censorship in Soviet efforts to settle the “Baltic question”– the question of the future of the Baltic countries – in the 1940s. This was the time when the wartime alliance was crumbling and giving way to a cold-war confrontation. The article is based on Russian archival sources. The Molotov collection (F. 82), materials of the department of propaganda and agitation of the Central Committee (CC) of the CPSU (F. 17, opis 125), and of the CC department of international information (F. 17, opis 128) are stored in the Russian State Archive of Socio-political History (RGASPI). The collection of the Soviet Information Bureau (F. R8581) is located at the State Archive of the Russian Federation (GARF). The article also draws on previous research on Soviet propaganda, such as Vladimir Pechatnov’s and Wolfram Eggeling’s studies on the work of the Soviet Information Bureau (SIB) and on discussions in the Soviet propaganda apparatus in the early postwar years. However, this article digs somewhat deeper and alongside general developments, also looks at a particular case – the Baltic problem in the Soviet contest with the West for winning hearts and minds. It analyses Soviet policies without attempting to uncover and reconstruct all the twists and turns of the decision-making processes in Moscow. The archival material is insufficient for the latter task. Nevertheless, a look into the making of Soviet propaganda, the techniques and practices utilised to bring Soviet influence to bear on an important foreign-policy issue (the Baltic problem), is interesting for scholars working not only on propaganda and censorship but also on the history of the Soviet Union and Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania. The Baltic question was related, among other things, to the problem of repatriating people from the territories of the Soviet Union who had been displaced during the Second World War and were located in Western Europe at the war’s end. Moscow claimed that all these displaced persons (DPs) were Soviet citizens. This article helps correct the view, expressed for example by the Finnish scholar Simo Mikkonen, that the Soviet propaganda campaign to attract the remaining 247,000 recalcitrants back home started after a UN decision of 1951 that condemned repatriation by force. This article clearly shows that propaganda policies aimed at the DPs were in place almost immediately after the war, resting on the war-time experience of conducting propaganda aimed at national minorities in foreign countries. However, Mikkonen is right to point out that, in general, repatriation after the Second World War was a success, as approximately five million people in total returned to the USSR. The Baltic refugees were a notable exception in this regard. Research shows that despite displays of obligatory optimism, Soviet propagandists could critically evaluate the situation and the effectiveness of Soviet agitation. They understood that war-time successes were the result of the coincidence of a number of favourable factors: victories of the Red Army, Allied censorship and propaganda, the penetration by Soviet agents of the British propaganda apparatus, etc. They knew that the British media was extensively controlled and served as a virtual extension of Soviet censorship and propaganda. Nevertheless, the Soviets were wrong to assume that in the West, the free press was nothing but an empty slogan. Moscow was also wrong to expect that the Western media, which had worked in the Soviet interest during the war, could as easily be turned against the Soviet Union as it had been directed to support the USSR by political will. In actual fact, the Soviet Union started receiving negative press primarily because earlier checks on journalistic freedom were lifted. The Soviet Union may have been a formidable propaganda state internally, but in foreign propaganda it was an apprentice. Soviet propagandists felt inferior compared to their Western counterparts, and rightly so. In October of 1945, an official of the SIB noted jealously that the Foreign Department of the British Information Ministry had two thousand clerks and there were four hundred British propagandists in the United States alone. Another Soviet official in the London embassy noted in February of 1947 that they had so few staff that he was working under constant nervous strain. Soviet propagandists were aware of the problems but could not effect fundamental changes because of the nature of the Stalinist regime. The issue of foreign journalists working in Moscow was a case in point. The correspondents were handicapped in their work by extremely strict censorship. They could report mostly only those things that also appeared in Soviet newspapers, which was hardly interesting for their readers in the West. There had been suggestions that some restrictions should be lifted so that they could do more useful work and tell more interesting and attractive stories about the Soviet Union. Eventually, during Stalin’s first postwar vacation in the autumn of 1945, Foreign Minister Vyacheslav Molotov took the initiative and tried to ease the life of the press corps, but this only served to provoke the ire of Stalin who proceeded to penalise Molotov in due course. This showed that the system could not be changed as long as the extremely suspicious vozhd remained at the helm. Not only did correspondents continue to send unexciting content to newspapers abroad (which often failed to publish them), the form and style of Soviet articles, photos and films were increasingly unattractive for foreign audiences. Such propaganda could appeal only to those who were already “believers”. It could hardly convert. Moscow considered the activities of Baltic refugees in the West and the publicity regarding the Baltic problem a serious threat to the stability of the Soviet position in the newly occupied Baltic countries. Already during the war, but even more vigorously after the war, the Soviet propaganda apparatus realised the importance of tuning and adapting its propaganda messages for audiences among the Baltic diaspora. The Soviet bureaucracy expanded its cadres to enable it to tackle the Baltic “threat”. Estonian, Latvian and Lithuanian officials were dispatched to the central organs in Moscow and to Soviet embassies abroad to provide the necessary language skills and qualifications for dealing with Baltic propaganda and working with the diaspora. The policy was to repatriate as many Balts as possible, but it was soon clear that repatriation along with the complementary propaganda effort was a failure. The next step was to start discrediting leaders of the Baltic diaspora and to isolate them from the “refugee masses”. This effort also failed. The “anti-Soviet hotbed” of “intrigues and espionage” – the words of the Estonian party boss Nikolai Karotamm – continued to operate in Sweden, the United States and elsewhere until the end of the Cold War. All this time, the diaspora engaged in anti-Communist propaganda and collaborated with Western propaganda and media organisations, such as the Voice of America, Radio Free Europe and even Vatican Radio. In the 1980s and 1990s, the diaspora was instrumental in assisting Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania to regain their independence from the collapsing Soviet Union. They also helped their native countries to “return to Europe” – that is to join Western structures such as the European Union and NATO. Therefore, the inability to deal with the Baltic problem effectively in the 1940s caused major concerns for the Soviet Union throughout the Cold War and contributed to its eventual demise.

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JABAROV, Jahandar. "SİYASİ PROPAQANDA TEXNOLOGİYALARI." Number 17,2021, Number 17,2021 (June 25, 2021): 94–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.30546/2616-4418.17.2021.94.

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The article, which studies the technologies of political propaganda, analyzes the concept of propaganda in two areas: 1. as a special political technology 2. as a scientific and theoretical study of the political technology. The article also discusses the conceptual basis of political propaganda and analyzes the literature on the subject. The article which talks about the history of propaganda discusses three types of political propaganda (white, gray and black) and analyzes these types of propaganda separately. The article also analyzes political propaganda technologies such as Argumentum ad hominem, Big lie, Demonizing the enemy and how the Armenian side used big lie technology in the 44-day peace-obliging operations that ended in a great victory for the Azerbaijani army. Keywords: Big lie, manipulation, technology, type, political propaganda.

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Bobrovnikov, Vladimir. "Исламский дискурс визуальной пропаганды на советском Востоке между двумя мировыми войнами (1918 – 1940)." Islamology 7, no. 2 (December 31, 2017): 53. http://dx.doi.org/10.24848/islmlg.07.2.03.

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Visual propaganda played an enormous role in the history of the twentieth century. Unlike the propaganda of nineteenth century, it was aimed not only at educated classes in the imperial centres, but also at subaltern masses living in the colonies of great powers, including the vast territories in the east and south of the former Russian Empire. Posters created for (and with the assistance of) Muslims between the two world wars in the Soviet Orient (i.e., in the Volga region, Crimea, Urals, and Siberia, on the Caucasus and in the Central Asia) represent an enormous and still poorly studied layer in the history of Soviet propaganda. So far, the posters have been studied primarily in the context of art history. But the creation of visual propaganda is critical for historical reconstructions as well. It is more important to understand posters’ language, historical context, attitude to public policy, cultural background, in other words—the discourse of propaganda. This is a part of life, even if semiofficial, the loss of which would simplify and impoverish the picture of the past. Discursive analysis of poster art allows one to understand the relationship between knowledge and power in society, the role of different social strata in its reproduction, and the aspects of perception and rejection of official propaganda.

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Kittelson, James M., and Mark U. Edwards. "Printing, Propaganda, and Martin Luther." American Historical Review 101, no. 1 (February 1996): 195. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2169298.

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Fleming, Alison C., and Evonne Levy. "Propaganda and the Jesuit Baroque." Sixteenth Century Journal 37, no. 1 (April 1, 2006): 282. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20477812.

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Vargues, Isabel Nobre. "Religious language and political propaganda: (1820-1823)." Revista de História das Ideias 9, Tomo II (1987): 449–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.14195/2183-8925_9-2_16.

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Yilmaz, Harun. "History writing as agitation and propaganda: the Kazakh history book of 1943." Central Asian Survey 31, no. 4 (December 2012): 409–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02634937.2012.738852.

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Лившин, Александр, and Игорь Орлов. "Советское «пропагандистское государство» в годы II мировой войны: ресурсные ограничения и коммуникативные возможности." Soviet and Post-Soviet Review 39, no. 2 (2012): 192–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763324-03902004.

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Alexander Livshin and Igor Orlov The Soviet “Propaganda State” during World War II: Resource Constraints and Communication Capabilities “The new history of propaganda” studies the historical experience of using propaganda by different countries, including democratic ones, in the time of wars and other crises. It is evident that particular attention is paid to Nazi Germany and Stalinist USSR, the two excessively ideology-driven and politicized societies where propaganda played the role far beyond the boundaries of simple ideological indoctrination and manipulation of the public opinions and attitudes with the purpose of pushing the people towards a desired model of behavior. In both states propaganda became a fundamental core institution aimed at building and sustaining the social order. At the same time, if we consider the experience of Stalin’s USSR, then the usage of the term “propaganda state” introduced by Peter Kenez requires a significant caveat.

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Stanley, Jason. "How Propaganda Works , Precis." Philosophy and Phenomenological Research 96, no. 2 (March 2018): 470–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/phpr.12426.

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McKinnon, Rachel. "The Epistemology of Propaganda." Philosophy and Phenomenological Research 96, no. 2 (March 2018): 483–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/phpr.12429.

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Boquera Diago, Ester, and Alfons Medina Cambrón. "La evolución de la propaganda de la Generalitat de Cataluña durante la Guerra Civil." Historia y Comunicación Social 25, no. 2 (October 27, 2020): 333–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.5209/hics.70370.

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Este artículo reconstruye y analiza la actividad del Comisariado de Propaganda (Comissariat de Propaganda), órgano oficial que la Generalitat de Catalunya creó con el inicio de la Guerra Civil situando al político y periodista Jaume Miravitlles al frente. Se definen tres etapas comunicativo-persuasivas y, a partir de unos puntos de inflexión, se analiza la evolución de su propaganda. Concluye definiendo su modelo persuasivo con una propaganda poco partidista, muy segmentada para ganar en eficacia, con una forma híbrida de persuasión que combina la propaganda masiva con otra dirigida a los líderes de opinión, y la planificación de campañas de propaganda y contrapropaganda, e incluso de acciones paradiplomáticas.

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Melish, Joanne Pope, and Patricia Bradley. "Slavery, Propaganda, and the American Revolution." Journal of American History 86, no. 2 (September 1999): 759. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2567081.

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Drozd, Andrew M., Kevin M. F. Platt, and David Brandenberger. "Epic Revisionism: Russian History and Literature as Stalinist Propaganda." Slavic and East European Journal 51, no. 3 (October 1, 2007): 609. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20459529.

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Bradley, Jon G., and Sam Allison. "History as Propaganda: Swaying the Minds of Quebec Adolescents." Universal Journal of Educational Research 6, no. 7 (July 2018): 1563–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.13189/ujer.2018.060716.

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Dixon, Paul. "Was the IRA Defeated? Neo-Conservative Propaganda as History." Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History 40, no. 2 (June 2012): 303–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03086534.2012.697618.

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Sjowett, Garth. "Propaganda Critique: The Forgotten History of American Communication Studies." Annals of the International Communication Association 14, no. 1 (January 1991): 239–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23808985.1991.11678788.

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Stradling, R. A. "The propaganda of the deed: History, Hemingway, and Spain." Textual Practice 3, no. 1 (March 1989): 15–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09502368908582047.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Propaganda – History'

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