To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Propaganda Model.
Books on the topic 'Propaganda Model'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 35 books for your research on the topic 'Propaganda Model.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse books on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Propagandowy obraz świata: Polityczne kampanie prasowe w PRL 1956-1980 : model analityczno-koncepcyjny. Warszawa: Wydawn. Trio, 2003.
Find full text
2
Loveridge, Paul[MPhil]. Henry Wallace and the paper curtain: Testing a propaganda model on the press in the 1948 presidential election campaign. Birmingham: University of Birmingham, 1999.
Find full text
3
Mirkowski, Jerzy. Generacja, propagacja i detekcja znacznika termicznego w cieczach--model i aplikacje metrologiczne. Czs̨tochowa: Wydawn. Politechniki Częstochowskiej, 1998.
Find full text
4
Rucka, Magdalena. Guided wave propagation in structures: Modelling, experimental studies and application to damage detection = Propagacja fal prowadzonych w konstrukcjach : modelowanie, badania eksperymentalne oraz zastosowanie do wykrywania uszkodzeń. Gdańsk: Wydawnictwo Politechniki Gdańskiej, 2011.
Find full text
5
Alent'eva, Tat'yana. Public opinion in the United States on the eve of the Civil war (1850-1861), was. ru: INFRA-M Academic Publishing LLC., 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/1068789.
Full textAbstract:
The monograph first examines American public opinion as a major factor of social and political life in the period of the maturing of the Civil war (1861-1865 gg.). Special value it is given by the study of the struggle in the South and in the North, consideration of the process of formation of two socio-cultural models.
On the wide canvas of the socio-economic and political history in the monograph analyses the state and development of public opinion in the United States, sequentially from the compromise of 1850, a small civil war in Kansas, the uprising of John brown, of the maturing of "inevitable conflict," the secession of the southern States to the formation of the southern Confederacy and the Civil war. Reveals a fierce struggle, which was accompanied by the adoption of the compromise Kansas-Nebraska and the Supreme court decision in the Dred Scott case of 1857, which annulled the action of the famous Missouri compromise. Special attention is paid to the formation of the Republican party and the presidential elections of 1856 and 1860
Shown, as were incitement to hatred between citizens of the same country, which were used propaganda and manipulative techniques. The totality of facts gleaned from primary sources, especially the materials about these manipulations give an opportunity to look behind the scenes politics that led to the outbreak of the Civil war in the United States, a deeper understanding of its causes.
For students of historical faculties and departments of sociology and political Sciences, and anyone interested in American history.
6
Klaehn, Jeffery. The Propaganda Model Today: Filtering Perception and Awareness. Edited by Joan Pedro-Carañana and Daniel Broudy. University of Westminster Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.16997/book27.
Full text
7
Klaehn, Jeffery. Filtering The News: Essays On Herman And Chomsky's Propaganda Model. Black Rose Books, 2005.
Find full text
8
Filtering The News: Essays On Herman And Chomsky's Propaganda Model. Black Rose Books, 2006.
Find full text
9
Goss, Brian Michael. Rebooting the Herman and Chomsky Propaganda Model in the Twenty-First Century. Lang AG International Academic Publishers, Peter, 2013.
Find full text
10
Rebooting the Herman and Chomsky Propaganda Model in the Twenty-First Century. Lang AG International Academic Publishers, Peter, 2013.
Find full text
11
Omissi, Adrastos. Usurper, Propaganda, History. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198824824.003.0007.
Full textAbstract:
This chapter opens with consideration of the emperor Julian’s Letter to the Senate and People of Athens, and explores how we can use the Letter to understand the ways in which usurpers attempted to shape popular opinion in the wake of their usurpations. It also explores the far-reaching effect that the Letter (and other, now lost, documents like it) have had on our understanding of not only Julian’s usurpation, but the whole course of his career in Gaul, thanks to the influence of Julian on three of the most important writers of the later Roman period, Ammianus Marcellinus, Libanius, and Zosimus. The chapter then explores the panegyrics delivered to Julian after he became sole ruler (Pan. Lat. III and Libanius’ speeches, especially his Oratio XII and XIII) and examines the homogeneity of their presentations as a model for how officially sanctioned narratives were developed and communicated.
12
Benkler, Yochai, Robert Faris, and Hal Roberts. The Propaganda Feedback Loop. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190923624.003.0003.
Full textAbstract:
This chapter presents a model of the interaction of media outlets, politicians, and the public with an emphasis on the tension between truth-seeking and narratives that confirm partisan identities. This model is used to describe the emergence and mechanics of an insular media ecosystem and how two fundamentally different media ecosystems can coexist. In one, false narratives that reinforce partisan identity not only flourish, but crowd-out true narratives even when these are presented by leading insiders. In the other, false narratives are tested, confronted, and contained by diverse outlets and actors operating in a truth-oriented norms dynamic. Two case studies are analyzed: the first focuses on false reporting on a selection of television networks; the second looks at parallel but politically divergent false rumors—an allegation that Donald Trump raped a 13-yearold and allegations tying Hillary Clinton to pedophilia—and tracks the amplification and resistance these stories faced.
13
T, Maier Christoph, ed. Crusade propaganda and ideology: Model sermons for the preaching of the cross. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000.
Find full text
14
Maier, Christoph T. Crusade Propaganda and Ideology: Model Sermons for the Preaching of the Cross. Cambridge University Press, 2000.
Find full text
15
Maier, Christoph T. Crusade Propaganda and Ideology: Model Sermons for the Preaching of the Cross. Cambridge University Press, 2006.
Find full text
16
Goss, Brian Michael. Rise of Weaponized Flak in the New Media Era: Beyond the Propaganda Model. Lang AG International Academic Publishers, Peter, 2020.
Find full text
17
Goss, Brian Michael. Rise of Weaponized Flak in the New Media Era: Beyond the Propaganda Model. Lang AG International Academic Publishers, Peter, 2020.
Find full text
18
Propagandowy Obraz Swiata: Polityczne Kampanie Prasowe W Prl 1956-1980: Model Analityczno-Koncepcyjny. Trio, 2003.
Find full text
19
Paul, Christopher, and Miriam Matthews. The Russian "Firehose of Falsehood" Propaganda Model: Why It Might Work and Options to Counter It. RAND Corporation, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.7249/pe198.
Full text
20
Zablonsky, Mariana Rupprecht. Nacionalismo somali: Nação e propaganda política durante o regime militar. Brazil Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.31012/978-65-5861-246-9.
Full textAbstract:
In 1969 Somalia, a country located in the Horn of Africa, suffered a military coup led by Siad Barre, a general who had integrated the colonial police of Somaliland and Italian Somalia. In this book we analyzed nine posters of governmental propaganda that comprise the period between 1974 -1975. The objective of this work is to discuss the construction of nationalism in the Barre Era, seeking similarities and discontinuities in relation to civil government. We use a vast historiography drawing to the maximum of local authors and theorists of the African continent. Through interdisciplinarity we aim to build a rich theoretical debate integrating anthropology, political science and history. The research used the theoretical model of historiographical analysis of Carlo Guinzburg, based on the investigation of clues in imagery sources. Elements of the local context, such as the process of decolonization of the Horn of Africa and conflicts with Ethiopia, have been emphasized, linking them to the global conjuncture of ideological conflict between the United States and the Soviet Union in the so-called Cold War. The impacts of colonialism are one of the central themes of the dissertation, so we try to demonstrate that events that occurred during colonization were fundamental to the complex puzzle that became the African continent during the 1960s and 1970s. Somalia does not escape this political panorama and the research tries to demonstrate that the posters analyzed were produced by the military government with the intention of disseminating a certain model of political regime.
21
Woolley, Samuel C., and Philip N. Howard, eds. Computational Propaganda. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190931407.001.0001.
Full textAbstract:
Computational propaganda is an emergent form of political manipulation that occurs over the Internet. The term describes the assemblage of social media platforms, autonomous agents, algorithms, and big data tasked with the manipulation of public opinion. Our research shows that this new mode of interrupting and influencing communication is on the rise around the globe. Advances in computing technology, especially around social automation, machine learning, and artificial intelligence mean that computational propaganda is becoming more sophisticated and harder to track at an alarming rate. This introduction explores the foundations of computational propaganda. It describes the key role that automated manipulation of algorithms plays in recent efforts to control political communication worldwide. We discuss the social data science of political communication and build upon the argument that algorithms and other computational tools now play an important political role in areas like news consumption, issue awareness, and cultural understanding. We unpack the key findings of the nine country case studies that follow—exploring the role of computational propaganda during events from local and national elections in Brazil to the ongoing security crisis between Ukraine and Russia. Our methodology in this work has been purposefully mixed, we make use of quantitative analysis of data from several social media platforms and qualitative work that includes interviews with the people who design and deploy political bots and disinformation campaigns. Finally, we highlight original evidence about how this manipulation and amplification of disinformation is produced, managed, and circulated by political operatives and governments and describe paths for both democratic intervention and future research in this space.
22
Como, David R. Rumor Wars. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199541911.003.0012.
Full textAbstract:
Following military failures in late 1644, long-simmering religious differences burst into public, threatening to sunder parliament’s cause. A formidable presbyterian alliance gathered strength, deploying multiple tactics to pressure parliament to settle the church and crack down on the sects; at the same time, a developing independent coalition adopted equally sophisticated techniques of organization and propaganda to counter this push. This chapter analyzes these practices—including petitioning, lobbying, secret printing, street propaganda, rumormongering, and regular meetings—to reveal a novel environment of energetic partisan politics. These organizational developments were accompanied by ideological shifts, in which presbyterians drew back from earlier militant political commitments, while some independents articulated newly radical political ideas, hinting at social egalitarianism, press freedom, democratization of the polity, or limitations on state power. Moreover, these ideological shifts and religious divisions increasingly dovetailed with disputes over military reorganization, culminating in the creation of the New Model Army.
23
Kuhnen, Hans-Peter. Propaganda, Macht, Geschichte: Archäologie an Rhein und Mosel im Dienst des Nationalsozialismus. Rheinisches Landesmuseum, 2002.
Find full text
24
Benkler, Yochai, Robert Faris, and Hal Roberts. Mainstream Media Failure Modes and Self-Healing in a Propaganda-Rich Environment. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190923624.003.0006.
Full textAbstract:
This chapter examines how mainstream media operated in a propaganda-rich environment by focusing on its failure and recovery modes. In particular, this chapter analyzes two central attributes of mainstream media and professional journalism that shaped election coverage, and in some cases made them particularly susceptible to being manipulated into spreading right-wing propaganda: balance and the scoop culture. The chapter first considers how internal dynamics of news reporting led mainstream media to emphasize the email investigation over substantive discussion of politics. The chapter then shows how Breitbart exploited the hunger for scoops, along with the public performance of objectivity and critical remove of mainstream journalism, to utilize the credibility of the New York Times, and later other major publications, to propagate and accredit the “Clinton corruption” frame. Finally, the chapter describes the failures and corrective mechanisms surrounding the recipients of President Donald Trump’s Fake News Awards for 2017.
25
Benkler, Yochai, Robert Faris, and Hal Roberts. Can the Internet Survive Democracy? Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190923624.003.0012.
Full textAbstract:
This chapter examines whether the internet can—or cannot—contribute to democratization, and under what conditions. This chapter discusses five major failure modes that limit the benefits of decentralized digitally-mediated collective action. The first is the failure to convert from a moment’s surge of decentralized passion into a longer-term, sustained effort with competence to engage political institutions systematically over time. The second is the failure to sustain the decentralized openness in the transition to more structured political organization. The third failure mode of the internet and democracy refers to the power of well-organized, data-informed central powers to move millions of people from the center out, instead of the other way around. The fourth failure mode is that precisely what makes decentralized networks so effective at circumventing established forms of control can also make them the vehicles of repressive mobs. The final failure mode is the susceptibility to disinformation and propaganda.
26
Woolley, Samuel C., and Philip N. Howard. Introduction. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190931407.003.0001.
Full textAbstract:
Computational propaganda is an emergent form of political manipulation that occurs over the Internet. The term describes the assemblage of social media platforms, autonomous agents, algorithms, and big data tasked with manipulating public opinion. Our research shows that this new mode of interrupting and influencing communication is on the rise around the globe. Advances in computing technology, especially around social automation, machine learning, and artificial intelligence, mean that computational propaganda is becoming more sophisticated and harder to track. This introduction explores the foundations of computational propaganda. It describes the key role of automated manipulation of algorithms in recent efforts to control political communication worldwide. We discuss the social data science of political communication and build upon the argument that algorithms and other computational tools now play an important political role in news consumption, issue awareness, and cultural understanding. We unpack key findings of the nine country case studies that follow—exploring the role of computational propaganda during events from local and national elections in Brazil to the ongoing security crisis between Ukraine and Russia. Our methodology in this work has been purposefully mixed, using quantitative analysis of data from several social media platforms and qualitative work that includes interviews with the people who design and deploy political bots and disinformation campaigns. Finally, we highlight original evidence about how this manipulation and amplification of disinformation is produced, managed, and circulated by political operatives and governments, and describe paths for both democratic intervention and future research in this space.
27
Belodubrovskaya, Maria. Not According to Plan. Cornell University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501709944.001.0001.
Full textAbstract:
Not According to Plan is a history of Soviet filmmaking under Stalin (1930–1953). It addresses why the Stalin regime failed to construct a controlled propaganda cinema despite explicit intention to do so. Using new archival evidence, Belodubrovskaya shows that the Stalinist state was unsuccessful because its ideological ambitions undermined institutional reform and development. When choosing between the short-term goal of making film “masterpieces” and longer-term industrialization targeting mass production, Stalin and his policymakers consistently selected the former. The preference for quality films and Stalin’s intolerance of imperfection reinforced an artisanal, director-centered mode of production; exacerbated planning, screenwriting, and censorship dysfunction; created an entitled artistic workforce; and ultimately closed the door to a mass propaganda cinema. Not According to Plan challenges the notion that Stalin had authority over the arts and suggests that ideological control collapses in environments where artistry is rewarded.
28
Heins, Laura. Introduction. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252037740.003.0001.
Full textAbstract:
This introductory chapter briefly characterizes Nazi cinema and its preoccupation with the domestic sphere. It argues that, when considering the affinity of the melodramatic mode to propagandistic rhetoric, the Third Reich film industry's interest in melodrama becomes a logical choice. Melodrama, in its most classic form, is a binary mode in which narratives and characters alternate between action and pathos, between vengeance and the submission to fate. Like propaganda, melodrama describes conflict in a polemical manner, avoiding elaboration of the low-contrast shades of facts and details. Furthermore, the chapter also serves to narrow down the scope of this investigation into Third Reich cinema and to lay out the major themes underscoring discussion in the succeeding chapters.
29
Golubev, Alexey. The Things of Life. Cornell University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501752889.001.0001.
Full textAbstract:
This book is a social and cultural history of material objects and spaces during the late socialist era. It traces the biographies of Soviet things, examining how the material world of the late Soviet period influenced Soviet people's gender roles, habitual choices, social trajectories, and imaginary aspirations. Instead of seeing political structures and discursive frameworks as the only mechanisms for shaping Soviet citizens, the book explores how Soviet people used objects and spaces to substantiate their individual and collective selves. In doing so, the author rediscovers what helped Soviet citizens make sense of their selves and the world around them, ranging from space rockets and model aircraft to heritage buildings, and from home gyms to the hallways and basements of post-Stalinist housing. Through these various materialist fascinations, the book considers the ways in which many Soviet people subverted the efforts of the Communist regime to transform them into a rationally organized, disciplined, and easily controllable community. The book argues that late Soviet materiality had an immense impact on the organization of the Soviet historical and spatial imagination. The book's approach also makes clear the ways in which the Soviet self was an integral part of the global experience of modernity rather than simply an outcome of Communist propaganda. Through its focus on materiality and personhood, the book expands our understanding of what made Soviet people and society “Soviet.”
30
Woods, Colleen. Freedom Incorporated. Cornell University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501749131.001.0001.
Full textAbstract:
This book demonstrates how anticommunist political projects were critical to the United States' expanding imperial power in the age of decolonization, and how anticommunism was essential to the growing global economy of imperial violence in the Cold War era. The book shows how, in the mid-twentieth-century Philippines, U.S. policymakers and Filipino elites promoted the islands as a model colony. In the wake of World War II, as the decolonization movement strengthened, those same political actors pivoted and, after Philippine independence in 1946, lauded the archipelago as a successful postcolonial democracy. Despite elite propaganda, from the early 1930s to late 1950s, radical movements in the Philippines highlighted U.S. hegemony over the new Republic of the Philippines and, in so doing, threatened American efforts to separate the US from sordid histories of empire, imperialism, and the colonial racial order. The book finds that in order to justify U.S. intervention in an ostensibly independent Philippine nation, anticommunist Filipinos and their American allies transformed local political struggles in the Philippines into sites of resistance against global communist revolution. By linking political struggles over local resources to a war against communism, American and Filipino anticommunists legitimized the use of violence as a means to capture and contain alternative forms of political, economic, and social organization. Placing the post-World War II history of anticommunism in the Philippines within a larger imperial framework, the book illustrates how American and Filipino intelligence agents, military officials, paramilitaries, state bureaucrats, academics, and entrepreneurs mobilized anticommunist politics to contain challenges to elite rule in the Philippines.
31
Krzych, Scott. Beyond Bias. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197551219.001.0001.
Full textAbstract:
“Bias” is a term that circulates frequently in the contemporary landscape of political media, a term intended to diagnose a failure when media outlets fail to maintain journalistic objectivity. Beyond Bias interrogates what would seem, at first glance, to be examples of utterly biased political media—contemporary conservative documentary films. However, rather than dismiss such cases of political representation as exemplars of ideological nonsense, reactionary propaganda, and so on, Beyond Bias locates in conservative media a mode of discourse central to contemporary democratic debate in the United States. Specifically, this book identifies conservative media as a mode of hysterical discourse. As the book makes clear, hysterical political discourse occurs when debate is simulated as a means to avoid a more substantive exchange. Drawing from psychoanalytic theories of hysteria and aesthetic politics, and likewise by placing conservative documentaries in the context of many concerns central to Documentary Studies (participation, observation, representation, the archive, etc.), Beyond Bias views conservative documentary, and conservative media and politics more generally, not as the biased excesses of the contemporary political landscape but rather as texts central to understanding the implicit, though sometimes affectively traumatic, antagonisms inevitable in democracy and constitutive of democratic debate.
32
Ehlers, Sarah. Left of Poetry. University of North Carolina Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469651286.001.0001.
Full textAbstract:
In this incisive study, Sarah Ehlers returns to the Depression-era United States in order to unsettle longstanding ideas about poetry and emerging approaches to poetics. By bringing to light a range of archival materials and theories about poetry that emerged on the 1930s left, Ehlers reimagines the historical formation of modern poetics. Offering new and challenging readings of prominent figures such as Langston Hughes, Muriel Rukeyser, and Jacques Roumain, and uncovering the contributions of lesser-known writers such as Genevieve Taggard and Martha Millet, Ehlers illuminates an aesthetically and geographically diverse matrix of schools and movements. Resisting the dismissal of thirties left writing as mere propaganda, the book reveals how communist-affiliated poets experimented with poetic modes—such as lyric and documentary—and genres, including songs, ballads, and nursery rhymes, in ways that challenged existing frameworks for understanding the relationships among poetic form, political commitment, and historical transformation. As Ehlers shows, Depression left movements and their international connections are crucial for understanding both the history of modern poetry and the role of poetic thought in conceptualizing historical change.
33
J. A. Talbert, Richard, and Fred S. Naiden. Mercury's Wings. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195386844.001.0001.
Full textAbstract:
Mercury’s Wings: Exploring Modes of Communication in the Ancient World is the first volume of essays on ancient communications. The authors, who include Classicists, art historians, Assyriologists, and Egyptologists, take the broad view of communications as a vehicle, not just for the transmission of information, but also for the conduct of religion, commerce, and culture. Encompassed within this scope are varied purposes of communication such as propaganda and celebration, as well as profit and administration. Each chapter deals with either a communications network, a means or type of communication, or the special features of religious communication or communication in and among large empires. The spatial, temporal, and cultural boundaries of this volume take in the Near East as well as Greece and Rome, and cover a period of some 2,000 years, beginning in the second millennium BCE and ending with the spread of Christianity during the last centuries of the Roman Empire in the West. In all, about one quarter of the chapters deal with the Near East, one quarter with Greece, one quarter with Greece and Rome together, and one quarter with the Roman Empire and its Persian and Indian rivals.
34
Cove, Patricia. Italian Politics and Nineteenth-Century British Literature and Culture. Edinburgh University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474447249.001.0001.
Full textAbstract:
The nineteenth-century Italian Risorgimento, or ‘resurgence’, re-drew Europe’s map to create a new nation-state: Italy. Italian Politics and Nineteenth-Century British Literature and Culture argues that the Risorgimento radically shaped nineteenth-century British political, literary and cultural landscapes. Crossing borders, political divides and genres, this study examines the intersections of literary works by Mary Shelley, Lady Morgan (Sydney Owenson), Giovanni Ruffini, Wilkie Collins, Elizabeth Barrett Browning and others with journalism, parliamentary records and pamphlets, to establish Britain’s imaginative investment in this seismic geopolitical realignment. This book explores four political focal points of British engagement with Italian unification, moving between two crucial turning points that shaped Europe’s geopolitical map, the 1815 Congress of Vienna and 1861 creation of the Kingdom of Italy, to excavate the unsettling fusion of political optimism and disaffection produced through the collision of British and Italian politics and culture. British and Anglo-Italian responses to the Risorgimento reveal a complicated, decades-long print contest that played out across high literary modes, pamphlets and propaganda, memoirs and travelogues, parliamentary debates, journalism and emerging genres like sensation fiction. This study argues that forging a new state demands both making and unmaking; as the Risorgimento re-mapped Europe’s geopolitical reality, it also reframed how the British saw themselves, their politics and their place within Europe. These chapters demonstrate that the nation-building enterprise of Risorgimento culture was a participatory, international field crossing borders, print forms, political parties and literary genres, which played an invigorating role for British political discourse and print culture.
35
Cunha, Manuel Antunes da, ed. Repensar a Imprensa no Ecossistema Digital. Axioma - Publicações da Faculdade de Filosofia, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.17990/axi/2020_9789726973287.
Full textAbstract:
Os discursos sobre a crise do jornalismo não datam de ontem, nem irromperam na era digital. Não deixa de ser significativo que a crítica acima reproduzida tenha sido formulada há mais de 130 anos pelo jornalista e romancista Emile Zola, que viria a assinar “J’accuse” (L’Aurore, 13 de janeiro de 1898), um dos mais célebres textos da história do periodismo. Nos finais do séc. XIX e inícios do séc. XX, a imprensa escrita francesa vai de vento em popa, contabilizando cerca de 600 diários, dos quais nove dezenas sediados em Paris (Kalifa, 2011). Já há algumas décadas que o jornalismo se tornara um negócio lucrativo. Artigos de opinião e debates de cariz político cedem progressivamente lugar a conteúdos suscetíveis de atraírem um maior número de leitores, incluindo os menos escolarizados, potenciando um aumento de receitas publicitárias. Por seu turno, nos Estados Unidos, o periodismo de informação impusera-se como paradigma dominante a partir dos anos 1880-1910, através da dissociação entre os factos e a interpretação dos mesmos (Brin et al., 2004). De um lado, uma ética da objetividade, consolidada por meio de géneros como a entrevista e a reportagem. Do outro, a busca do lucro por intermédio de virulentas controvérsias, alimentadas por “um fluxo vertiginoso de informação superabundante”, segundo a expressão de Zola. Entre muitas outras mudanças, o último século foi marcado por dois conflitos mundiais, a segmentação do globo em campos ideológicos e reconfigurações identitárias, o recurso à propaganda e à desinformação em doses massivas, a transformação dos media (jornal, radio, cinema, televisão, internet) em indústrias culturais intrinsecamente vinculadas à cultura de massas ou ainda a afirmação de uma “mitologia da felicidade individual” (Morin, 1962), num mundo cada vez mais desinstitucionalizado e dessocializado (Dubet & Martuccelli, 1998). Desde então, a produção académica tem vindo a debruçar-se – a partir de abordagens concetuais diferenciadas – sobre a influência dos discursos mediáticos na “construção social da realidade” (Berger & Luckmann, 1966) ou na consolidação dos “imaginários” (Castoriadis, 1975), no âmbito das esferas pública e privada, mas também sobre os contextos socioculturais em que esses mesmos discursos emergem (Hall, 1973; Goffman, 1974) e os eventuais efeitos suscitados junto de audiências e/ou públicos mais ou menos (in)conscientes e (in)ativos (Lazarsfeld & Katz, 1955; Klapper, 1960; Adorno, 1963; Morley, 1980). Como aconteceu com os seus predecessores, o recurso cada vez mais generalizado a um novo media – a partir da última década do século XX – deu origem a um conjunto de profecias apocalíticas e outras tantas utopias comunicacionais. Destarte, coloca-se a seguinte questão: “de que modo a Internet afeta o jeito de nos relacionarmos uns com os outros, de debatermos, trabalharmos, nos movermos, nos cultivarmos, sermos militantes, consumirmos, cuidarmos de nós, nos divertirmos, etc.?” (Beuscart et al, 2019: 8). As mudanças experienciadas nos derradeiros vinte anos replicam alguns dos desafios que, invariavelmente, caraterizaram os tempos áureos da imprensa, do cinema, da rádio e da televisão – embora hoje com uma intensidade inédita –, não deixando ainda de suscitar novos questionamentos. Em virtude da eclosão de um singular ecossistema mediático, o modelo tradicional de produção, difusão e receção do jornalismo impresso tem vindo a experimentar um complexo processo de reconfiguração de contornos ainda imprecisos, do ponto de vista profissional, sociopolítico, cultural, económico, técnico, ético e jurídico. Da reflexão sobre estas temáticas, levada a cabo no Centro de Estudos Filosófico-Humanísticos (UCP) e junto dos estudantes de Licenciatura em Ciências da Comunicação e do Mestrado em Comunicação Digital, nasceu o congresso internacional Repensar a imprensa no ecossistema digital, que teve lugar na Faculdade de Filosofia e Ciências Sociais (UCP), em Braga, de 3 a 5 de Julho de 2019, com a participação de meia centena de académicos oriundos da Europa, América e Ásia. O título inspira-se do relatório Presse et numérique. L’invention d’un nouvel ecosystème, encomendado pelo Ministério francês da Cultura e da Comunicação ao investigador Jean-Marie Charon. A noção de ecossistema aponta para uma configuração de cariz horizontal, para um sistema de atores – plurais na sua história e organização, nos conteúdos das suas atividades e da sua produção – e a sua relação (in)direta com o(s) público(s). Alude ainda à complexidade das interações em jogo, num contexto tantas vezes de competição, outras de solidariedade, e de tempos e espaços colaborativos. Há muito que um tal ecossistema deixou de ser de âmbito meramente nacional, fomentando desafios de natureza transnacional, transdisciplinar e transmediática (Charon, 2015).