Academic literature on the topic 'Propagande communiste – Chine'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the lists of relevant articles, books, theses, conference reports, and other scholarly sources on the topic 'Propagande communiste – Chine.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Journal articles on the topic "Propagande communiste – Chine"
1
Dal Lago, Francesca. "Les racines populaires de l’art de la propagande communiste en Chine : des gravures sur bois du Mouvement pour la nouvelle xylographie (xinxin banhua 新新版畫) aux nouvelles estampes du Nouvel An (xin nianhua 新年畫)". Arts asiatiques 66, № 1 (2011): 225–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/arasi.2011.1764.
Full text
2
Wu, Guoguang. "Command Communication: The Politics of Editorial Formulation in the People's Daily." China Quarterly 137 (March 1994): 194–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000034111.
Full textAbstract:
Most studies of communication in China or in other Communist states focus on the functions of mass media: as propaganda, organization, mobilization and control. They examine the transmission of messages from state to society and see the news media under the Communist system as a crucial part of the party-state machine. These studies usually emphasize two features. First, mass media and the party-state are seen as identical in essence, as implied in the concept of “propaganda state.” Secondly, they focus on how this “propaganda state” restructures people's opinions and transforms society.
3
Sun, Zhen. "Utopia, nostalgia, and femininity: visually promoting the Chinese Dream." Visual Communication 18, no. 1 (2017): 107–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1470357217740394.
Full textAbstract:
The concept of the Chinese Dream has become a primary developmental goal of the Chinese Communist Government since it was put forth by Xi Jinping in 2012. It has been promoted through different forms of media, of which propaganda posters have played a dominant role. The propaganda discourse regarding the Chinese Dream has been mainly articulated in both the verbal text in official documents and the visual text in the posters. This study focuses on analyzing the visual images represented in the posters and exploring how they accord with social and historical texts, particularly the official verbal text of the Chinese Dream, the historical text of the propaganda of the Communist Party of China, and the social–cultural text interrelated with the visual symbols. The approach of intertextuality and intervisualityis adopted for the analysis and interpretation. The study shows that the majority of the visual symbols used in the posters are transposed from the sign systems of Chinese traditional culture and the revolutionary discourse of the Communist Party of China. The political concept of the Chinese Dream has embodied the characteristics of utopia, nostalgia, and femininity. With the posters in public spaces, the visual propaganda of the Chinese Dream has turned it into a mundane movement of political culture. This study hopes to contribute to the understanding of the role of visual images in political discursive formations and integrated propaganda in post-socialist China.
4
Fan, Ka-wai. "Film Propaganda and the Anti-schistosomiasis Campaign in Communist China." Sungkyun Journal of East Asian Studies 12, no. 1 (2012): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.21866/esjeas.2012.12.1.001.
Full text
5
Aminulloh, Akhirul, Myrtati Dyah Artaria, Yuyun Wahyu Izzati Surya, and Kamil Zajaczkowski. "The 2019 Indonesian Presidential Election: Propaganda in Post-Truth Era." Nyimak: Journal of Communication 5, no. 1 (2021): 135. http://dx.doi.org/10.31000/nyimak.v5i1.3882.
Full textAbstract:
Presidential elections often are colored by propaganda and post-truth politics in its campaign to influence public opinion. This study aimed to identify the way and forms of propaganda and post-truth communicate political messages from the 2019 presidential election in Indonesia through political communication on social media. This research employed a mixed-methods approach that combines quantitative and qualitative methods. The quantitative data were obtained from Twitter with social network analysis (SNA) from December 2018 to March 2019. Meanwhile, the qualitative data were obtained from literature searches and expert interviews. The results of this analysis indicated that presidential candidate Jokowi was widely rumored to be a liar, claimant of success, weak leader, communist, pro-China, and anti-Islam. There were also many rumors that referred to presidential candidate Prabowo as a pro caliphate, human rights violator, person with a questionable religion, bad-tempered person, inexperienced leader, and hoax spreader. These negative issues constitute propaganda in the form of stories, rumors, and myths that were manipulated to influence public opinion on social media. Some parts of society believed them based on emotional belief instead of on rationally observed facts. We conclude that even when it involves many people in a big nation, propaganda can be manipulated to influence public opinion.Keywords: Propaganda, post-truth, social media, political communication, presidential election ABSTRAKPemilihan presiden sering kali diwarnai oleh propaganda dan politik pasca-kebenaran dalam kampanyenya untuk memengaruhi opini publik. Kami mempelajari kasus pemilihan presiden di Indonesia tahun 2019. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengidentifikasi bagaimana bentuk-bentuk propaganda dan post-truth mengkomunikasikan pesan politik melalui komunikasi politik di media sosial. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan metode campuran, yaitu kombinasi metode kuantitatif dan kualitatif. Data kuantitatif diperoleh dari media sosial Twitter dengan analisis jejaring sosial (SNA) dari Desember 2018 hingga Maret 2019. Data kualitatif diperoleh dari penelusuran literatur dan wawancara ahli. Hasil analisis menunjukkan bahwa capres Jokowi banyak diisukan sebagai pembohong, klaim keberhasilan, pemimpin lemah, komunis, pro-China, dan anti-Islam. Banyak rumor yang menyebut calon presiden Prabowo sebagai pro khilafah, pelanggar HAM, orang yang agamanya dipertanyakan, pemarah, pemimpin yang tidak berpengalaman, dan penyebar hoax. Implikasi dari penelitian ini adalah bahwa isu-isu negatif tersebut merupakan propaganda berupa cerita, rumor, dan mitos yang dimanipulasi untuk memengaruhi opini publik di media sosial. Sebagian masyarakat percaya bahwa propaganda ini sebagai kebenaran karena didasarkan pada keyakinan emosional, bukan fakta yang diamati secara rasional. Kami menyimpulkan bahwa meskipun melibatkan banyak orang di negara besar, propaganda dapat dimanipulasi untuk memengaruhi opini publik.Kata Kunci: Propaganda, post-truth, media sosial, komunikasi politik, pemilihan presiden
6
Hung, Chang-tai. "The Anti–Unity Sect Campaign and Mass Mobilization in the Early People's Republic of China." China Quarterly 202 (June 2010): 400–420. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741010000305.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThe anti-Unity Sect campaign (1949–53), a precursor to the Campaign to Suppress Counterrevolutionaries (thezhenfanmovement), was one of the Chinese Communists' most violent policies to root out a perceived evil cult in China. This article argues that the drive was never simply a religious crusade. It was essentially a mass mobilization for the purpose of consolidating the Communists' power and legitimacy. Through a host of propaganda channels, including media attacks and public trials, the Communists dealt a crippling blow to the sect. The mobilization campaign turned many citizens into supporters and agents of the government, and its tactics would soon be mimicked in subsequent political movements.
7
Xie, Ying. "The Patriotism and the Heroism Embedded in the Subtitles of Chinese-English Movies: The Mission of “Main Melody” Films." International Journal of Comparative Literature and Translation Studies 8, no. 3 (2020): 34. http://dx.doi.org/10.7575/aiac.ijclts.v.8n.3p.34.
Full textAbstract:
The dissemination of audiovisual products has played an indispensable role in shaping ideological propaganda and national influence in China. The “Main Melody” are the films that serve to propagandize the mainstream ideology of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). As a typical example of this genre, Wolf Warrior II (《战狼2》) (2017) has been the top-grossing film in the Chinese mainland since its release in July 2017. The science fiction film The Wandering Earth ( 《流浪地球》) (2019), with its subtle implication of “Main Melody”, quickly ranks as the third. Meanwhile, the action movie Operation Red Sea (《红海行动》) (2018), which advocates the element of “Main Melody”, has been ranked fifth in the Chinese mainland box office. In this paper, I will move beyond the conventional linguistic research in audiovisual translation to focus on the ideology revealed through the subtitles of this specific film genre. By considering the movies as multilingual texts targeted for both Chinese audiences and English-speaking audiences, I seek to explore the ideology reflected in the subtitles of the films by probing into several questions through the paper including: What stereotyped image does China still hold towards the West? What kind of image does the CCP and the Chinese government attempt to portray China as in the mind of Chinese audiences and English-speaking audiences?
8
Zhao, Suisheng. "A State-Led Nationalism: The Patriotic Education Campaign in Post-Tiananmen China." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 31, no. 3 (1998): 287–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0967-067x(98)00009-9.
Full textAbstract:
The decline of Communism after the end of the post-Cold War has seen the rise of nationalism in many parts of the former Communist world. In countries such as the former Soviet Union and Yugoslavia, nationalism was pursued largely from the bottom up as ethnic and separatist movements. Some observers also take this bottom-up approach to find the major cause of Chinese nationalism and believe that “the nationalist wave in China is a spontaneous public reaction to a series of international events, not a government propaganda.” (Zhang, M. (1997) The new thinking of Sino–US relations. Journal of Contemporary China, 6(14), 117–123). They see Chinese nationalism as “a belated response to the talk of containing China among journalists and politicians” in the United States and “a public protest against the mistreatment from the US in the last several years.” (Li, H. (1997) China talks back: anti-Americanism or nationalism? Journal of Contemporary China, 6(14), 153–160). This position concurs with the authors of nationalistic books in China, such as The China That Can Say No: Political and Sentimental Choice in the Post-Cold War Era (Song, Q., Zhang Z., Qiao B. (1996) Zhongguo Keyi Shuo Bu (The China That Can Say No). Zhonghua Gongshang Lianhe Chubanshe. Beijing), which called upon Chinese political elites to say no to the US, and argue that the rise of nationalism was not a result of the official propaganda but a reflection of the state of mind of a new generation of Chinese intelligentsia in response to the foreign pressures in the post-Cold War era. Indeed, Chinese nationalism was mainly reactive sentiments to foreign suppressions in modern history, and this new wave of nationalist sentiment also harbored a sense of wounded national pride and an anti-foreign (particularly the US and Japan) resentment. Many Chinese intellectuals gave voice to a rising nationalistic discourse in the 1990s (Zhao, S. (1997) Chinese intellectuals' quest for national greatness and nationalistic writing in the 1990s. The China Quarterly, 152, 725–745). However, Chinese nationalism in the 1990s was also constructed and enacted from the top by the Communist state. There were no major military threats to China's security after the end of the Cold War. Instead, the internal legitimacy crisis became a grave concern of the Chinese Communist regime because of the rapid decay of Communist ideology. In response, the Communist regime substituted performance legitimacy provided by surging economic development and nationalist legitimacy provided by invocation of the distinctive characteristics of Chinese culture in place of Marxist–Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought. As one of the most important maneuvers to enact Chinese nationalism, the Communist government launched an extensive propaganda campaign of patriotic education after the Tiananmen Incident in 1989. The patriotic education campaign was well-engineered and appealed to nationalism in the name of patriotism to ensure loyalty in a population that was otherwise subject to many domestic discontents. The Communist regime, striving to maintain authoritarian control while Communist ideology was becoming obsolete in the post-Cold War era, warned of the existence of hostile international forces in the world perpetuating imperialist insult to Chinese pride. The patriotic education campaign was a state-led nationalist movement, which redefined the legitimacy of the post-Tiananmen leadership in a way that would permit the Communist Party's rule to continue on the basis of a non-Communist ideology. Patriotism was thus used to bolster CCP power in a country that was portrayed as besieged and embattled. The dependence on patriotism to build support for the government and the patriotic education campaign by the Communist propagandists were directly responsible for the nationalistic sentiment of the Chinese people in the mid-1990s. This paper focuses on the Communist state as the architect of nationalism in China and seeks to understand the rise of Chinese nationalism by examining the patriotic education campaign. It begins with an analysis of how nationalism took the place of the official ideology as the coalescing force in the post-Tiananmen years. It then goes on to examine the process, contents, methods and effectiveness of the patriotic education campaign. The conclusion offers a perspective on the instrumental aspect of state-led nationalism.
9
MITTER, RANA. "Classifying Citizens in Nationalist China during World War II, 1937–1941." Modern Asian Studies 45, no. 2 (2011): 243–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x1100014x.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThis paper argues that the first phase of the Sino-Japanese War of 1937–1945 saw a significant change in the relationship between state and society in China, leading to a greater use of techniques of classification of the citizenry for purposes of welfare provision and mobilization through propaganda, methods until recently more associated with the Communists than with their Nationalist rivals. The paper draws on materials from Sichuan, the key province for wartime resistance, showing that the use of identity cards and welfare provision regulations were part of a process of integrating refugees from occupied China into the wider wartime society, and that propaganda campaigns were deployed to persuade the local indigenous population to support wartime state initiatives. Although Nationalist efforts to mobilize the population in wartime were flawed and partial, they marked a significant change in the conception of Chinese citizenship.
10
Brady, Anne-Marie. "The Beijing Olympics as a Campaign of Mass Distraction." China Quarterly 197 (March 2009): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741009000058.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractFrom 2006 to 2008 the predominant theme in the Chinese media was preparations for the 2008 Olympics. These preparations were not merely about putting up new sports stadiums; China also underwent a massive public etiquette campaign, aimed at “civilizing” Chinese citizens. This was nominally so they could be good hosts during the Beijing Olympics. The 2006–08 emphasis on Olympic-related news coverage and the ongoing public morals campaign was what I have called a campaign of mass distraction: a propaganda campaign designed to mobilize the population around a common goal, and distract them from more troubling issues such as inflation, unemployment, political corruption and environmental degradation. This article discusses China's Olympics propaganda within the context of the modernization of the Chinese Communist Party's propaganda system – which has included incorporating practices originating in modern democratic states – and considers in what way changes in the propaganda system reflect changes in China's system of political control.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Propagande communiste – Chine"
1
Billeter, Térence. "L'empereur jaune : la réinvention nationaliste d'une tradition politique chinoise." Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2001. http://www.theses.fr/2001IEPP0034.
Full textAbstract:
Cette thèse étudie la propagande nationaliste du régime de Pékin depuis le lancement de la politique de réforme en 1979, et plus particulièrement depuis la répression du mouvement étudiant de 1989. A travers l'étude d'un symbole particulier - la figure de l'Empereur jaune - cette thèse montre comment le PCC tente de se légitimer à l'heure où son pouvoir est érodé par l'ouverture du pays, la mondialisation de l'économie et les bouleversements sociaux. Construisant un contre-modèle de modernité à opposer aux tenants des droits de l'homme et de la démocratie, le PCC élabore un discours de légitimation cohérent quoique flou destiné à rallier la nouvelle base sociale du pouvoir chinois: la bourgeoisie urbaine émergente. Mais au-delà d'une réinvention nationaliste de la tradition somme toute assez classique, cette thèse permet également d'avoir accès à certaines représentations fondamentales du politique en Chine. En remontant aux origines du symbole, cette thèse montre que la figure de l'Empereur jaune n'a pas été choisie par hasard par les idéologues du régime, mais bien au contraire avec la volonté de capitaliser sur une symbolique ancienne qu'il importe de connaître pour comprendre la nature du politique dans la Chine contemporaine.
2
Perilhon, Cyrielle. "La « danse classique chinoise » : outil et produit de la propagande intérieure et de la diplomatie culturelle (1949-1966)." Paris, EHESS, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015EHES0160.
Full textAbstract:
La danse classique chinoise (dcc) est une notion apparue au début des années 1950, en République Populaire de Chine. La gestuelle du xiqu, forme spectaculaire synthétique est alors identifiée comme la morphologie finale que la « danse » aurait prise d'un point de vue historique linéaire et qu'il s'agit d'extraire. Les expérimentations s'effectuent dans un contexte de construction d'un Etat socialiste pendant la Guerre froide. La dcc a ainsi la double vocation d'être un « langage », national, au service de livrets dont la visée est d'« éduquer le peuple » et de représenter la Chine sur la scène chorégraphique et diplomatique à l'Est comme à l'Ouest. Certains tendent à appliquer en priorité le mot d'ordre « apprendre de l'expérience avancée » des pays socialistes. D'autres profitent dès 1955 des premières tensions avec l'URSS et de la politique de coexistence pacifique menée en Asie pour orienter des recherches vers d'autres formes endogènes et exogènes, légitimant leur pratique comme une réponse à l'injonction de construire une forme nationale ou au mot d'ordre « rejeter l'ancien pour créer du nouveau ». Toutes ces pratiques, les œuvres qu'elles produisent et les discours construits pour les légitimer sont ainsi mises en contradiction selon les enjeux politiques intérieurs et extérieurs. Cette étude analyse ainsi les discours produits dans cette conjonction entre propagande nationale et diplomatie culturelle ainsi que l'articulation de ces discours et du contexte dans l'apparition et le devenir des œuvres et des acteurs relevant de la dcc<br>Chinese classical dance (ccd) is a concept which appeared in the early 1950s, in the People's Republic of China. The gestures of xiqu, a synthetic form of show, are identified as the final morphology that "Chinese dance" would have adopted from a linear historic perspective and that must be extracted. This was experimented in the context of the building of a socialist State during the Cold War. The ccd is consequently destined to be both a national "language", serving librettos aiming at "educating the people" and at representing China on the choreographic and diplomatic scene in the East as well as in the West. Some of them tend to implement first of all the catchword which is "learn from the advanced experience" of the socialist countries. Some others take advantage of the first tensions with USSR from 1955 and of the policy of peaceful coexistence led in Asia in order to direct researches towards other endogenous and exogenous forms, legitimating their practice as an answer to the injunction to build a national form or to the catchword "reject old forms to create new ones". All these practices, the pieces of work they produce and the speeches made up to legitimate them are thus opposed according to the domestic and foreign political stakes. Therefore this survey analyses the speeches performed in this convergence between national propaganda and cultural diplomacy as well as the organization of these speeches and the context within the first appearance and the future of the pieces of work and the practitioners relevant to ccd
3
Kai, Yin. "Un écran idéologisé : le cinéma chinois de 1949 à 1966." Paris 1, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA010596.
Full textAbstract:
Cette thèse révèle les fonctions propagandistes du cinéma chinois de 1949 à 1966. La Première partie se consacre à la recherche de l'origine de la politisation du cinéma chinois et la création de I'industrie cinématographique en Chine de 1931 à 1955. Cette partie nous livre une description du cinéma de gauche chinois, notamment à Shanghai sous l'influence du Parti communiste de 1931 à 1949, et ainsi que la création du système d'administration du cinéma chinois communiste, la construction des studios nationaux et la création des nouveaux genres cinématographiques après la prise du pouvoir du PCC en 1949. Cette partie montre aussi la réforme du système d'administration du cinéma, l'évolution des films de genres aux besoins de la propagande et le développement de la critique cinématographique. La Deuxième partie, suivant les différentes étapes de l'évolution du cinéma chinois de 1956 à 1962, est organisée autour des événements politiques qui ont influencé successivement la production. , à savoir, l'Ere des Cent Fleurs (1956), le Mouvement Anti-droitiste (1957) et le Grand Bond en Avant (1958), et présente la restauration de l'industrie cinématographique de 1959 à 1962, les influences d 'outre-mer du cinéma chinois, et la relation entre le cinéma chinois et le cinéma soviétique. La Troisième partie révèle l'impact décisif des événements politiques sur la création cinématographique pendant la période de 1962-1966, les débats et les critiques manipulés par les pensées d'extrême gauche. Cette partie présente aussi la création des nouveaux modèles du cinéma chinois, auxquels s'appuie la propagande de la force de l'extrême gauche dans la Révolution Culture (1966-1976).
4
Ungor, Cagdas. "Reaching the distant comrade Chinese communist propaganda abroad (1949-1976) /." Diss., Online access via UMI:, 2009.
Find full text
5
Yu, Chi Yan. "The Communist propaganda of workers, peasants and soldiers during the Yan'an era, 1936-1945 /." View abstract or full-text, 2009. http://library.ust.hk/cgi/db/thesis.pl?HUMA%202009%20YU.
Full text
6
Bellinetti, Maria Caterina. "Building a nation : the construction of modern China through CCP's propaganda images." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2018. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/30913/.
Full textAbstract:
To date, the study of Chinese propaganda photography has been limited. While some research has been made on post-1949 photography, the photographic production of the pre-1949 period has not been sufficiently explored. Focusing on the years of the Second Sino-Japanese War (1937-45), this thesis aims at addressing this gap in the literature and at providing an analysis of how the Chinese Communist Party exploited photography for propaganda purposes during the war. Through the images taken by Party-affiliated photographers and printed on the Jin Cha Ji Pictorial, the first Communist photographic propaganda magazine, this study aims to show how this type of visual propaganda aimed not only at narrating the events of the war against Japan, but also at creating a new idea of the Chinese nation. This thesis is divided into four chapters. The first, The Jin Cha Ji Pictorial: A Brief History presents the history of the magazine and the work of the CCP affiliated photographers who contributed to its creation and popularity. Chapter two, The Geography of a Revolution, explores how a new cultural landscape was visually constructed to create the basis of the political legitimation that the CCP needed during wartime. Chapter three, Becoming Modern Women, investigates the symbolic and ideological value of the spinning wheel in 1943 in relation to women’s contribution to the war effort and the thorny issue of women empowerment. Lastly, chapter four, Moulding the Future looks at the visual representation of childhood and discusses the issue of militarisation and masculinisation of childhood during wartime. This study ends with few considerations on the propagandistic, historical and artistic value of Communist propaganda photography during the Second Sino-Japanese War as well as a reflection on how the symbolic and ideological significance of some of the photographs presented here are still recognisable in contemporary Chinese propaganda.
7
Shen, Fred Huei-Sheng. "Selling the Taiwan experience an examination of changes in Taiwan's propaganda campaign toward mainland China, 1978-1979, as revealed in the Central daily news /." online access from Digital dissertation consortium access full-text, 1990. http://libweb.cityu.edu.hk/cgi-bin/er/db/ddcdiss.pl?9112387.
Full text
8
Roberts, Al D. "Mao’s War on Women: The Perpetuation of Gender Hierarchies Through Yin-Yang Cosmology in the Chinese Communist Propaganda of the Mao Era, 1949-1976." DigitalCommons@USU, 2019. https://digitalcommons.usu.edu/etd/7530.
Full textAbstract:
The Chinese Communist Party established the People’s Republic of China in 1949 with the intention of creating a social utopia with equality between the sexes and China’s diverse ethnic groups. However, by portraying gender, ethnicity, and politics in propaganda along the lines of yin and yang, the Party perpetuated a situation of oppression for women and minorities.
9
Yu, Min. "Art sous contrainte : artistes, peinture et politique en République populaire de Chine (1949-1966)." Paris, EHESS, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016EHES0145.
Full textAbstract:
De la fondation de la République populaire de Chine (1949) à la veille de la Révolution culturelle (1966), les artistes furent soumis à un dogme : l'art doit être au service du peuple. Cet impératif, qui fut sans cesse répété, entraîna deux assujettissements. Celui des artistes dont le statut changea radicalement : devenus travailleurs artistiques, ils furent contraints de se plier aux flux et reflux des mouvements de masse et des campagnes politiques. Celui de la création dont la mission fut de cautionner et de célébrer le nouveau régime, et d'éduquer le peuple. Cette recherche tente de déterminer comment la politique artistique du Parti Communiste Chinois, en contraignant les artistes à être « rouges » avant d'être « experts », a bouleversé et mis en concurrence trois sortes de peintures : la peinture à l'huile, la peinture chinoise (guohua), la peinture du nouvel an (nianhua). Au centre de ces bouleversements, se pose la question du choix du réalisme, et plus particulièrement du réalisme socialiste soviétique, comme unique réponse aux attentes politiques : ce choix a-t-il privilégié la lisibilité de la peinture au détriment de ses qualités visuelles ? A-t-il engendré des modèles et des codes plastiques spécifiques pour illustrer la nouvelle politique ainsi que la transformation du paysage, la représentation du peuple ou la célébration du culte de Mao Zedong ? Ou encore cette instrumentalisation de la peinture a-t-elle rencontré des résistances ou des modes de contournement qui ont permis de préserver une part d'autonomie des peintres ?<br>From the foundation of the People's Republic of China (1949) to the eve of the Cultural Revolution (1966), artists were subjected to a dogma : art must serve the people. This imperative, which was constantly repeated, cause two subjections. For the artists, their status changed radically. To become artistic workers, they were obliged to submit to the ebb and flow of mass movements and political campaigns. For the artistic creation, the mission was to support and celebrate the new regime, and to educate the people. This research attempts to examine how the artistic policy of the Chinese Communist Party, by forcing the artists to be "red" before being "experts", disrupts and put the three kinds of paintings in competition : oil painting, Chinese painting (guohua) and New Year painting (nianhua). At the center of these disruptions, the question of the choice of realism is posed, especially the Soviet socialist realism, which was a unique response to the political expectations. Has this choice prioritized the legibility of painting to the detriment of its pictorial qualities ? Has it engendered specific visual models and codes to illustrate the new policy and the transformation of landscape, the representation of the people, or the celebration of the cult of Mao Zedong ? Or has this instrumentalization of painting met with the resistance or a way of escape, which has preserved some of the autonomy of painters ?
10
Gagnon, Jean-Philippe. "La diplomatie populaire d'American Friends of the Chinese people (1937-1945)." Mémoire, 2006. http://www.archipel.uqam.ca/3210/1/M9475.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
La Seconde Guerre mondiale provoque aux États-Unis une transformation des conceptions sur la Chine et les Chinois, et ce, à plusieurs chapitres. Parmi ces changements s'opère une métamorphose au sein de l'opinion publique américaine à l'égard de ceux qui incarnaient autrefois le « péril jaune » et sont soudainement devenus des alliés. Mais il faut attendre l'attaque japonaise sur la flotte américaine de Pearl Harbor, en décembre 1941, pour que les États-uniens prennent véritablement conscience du problème auquel la Chine fait face dans le conflit qu'elle mène contre le Japon depuis juillet 1937. Dans l'intervalle, des groupes de citoyens tentent de susciter auprès de l'opinion publique américaine un intérêt qui l'amènera à soutenir en force la Chine et les Chinois dans leur guerre de résistance. Parmi ceux-ci, American Friends of the Chinese People (AFCP), une organisation communiste new-yorkaise, s'attache à éveiller la sympathie du public à l'égard de la Chine et des Chinois. Ses membres mettent sur pied une campagne de propagande prochinoise qui gagnera en envergure dès les débuts du conflit sino-japonais. Ce mémoire scrute diverses voies d'affirmation de la campagne de séduction de l'AFCP met en oeuvre et qui prendra, dans cette étude, la dénomination de « diplomatie populaire ». Il parcourt les grandes stratégies employées (lobbying politique, boycott organisé, campagnes d'éducation) et les changements de perspective proposés sur l'image de la Chine et des Chinois (modernisation chinoise, avancement de la cause des femmes, mise en valeur de la jeunesse). Il discute aussi du problème racial auquel sont confrontés les tenants de la diplomatie populaire: les afro-Américains comme communauté ciblée par diverses campagnes de propagande, l'exacerbation du sentiment anti-japonais et ses dangers, l'aryanisation des Chinois et la place des communautés chinoises du pays dans la diplomatie populaire.
Cette étude se veut vraisemblablement la première à s'appuyer principalement sur les périodiques China Today, l'organe de l'AFCP, et Amerasia, une revue aux prétentions académiques. Elle tente aussi d'apporter des éléments de compréhension sur un phénomène rare: une campagne prochinoise menée par une organisation civique « blanche », ne provenant donc pas des abords des grands quartiers chinois du pays. ______________________________________________________________________________ MOTS-CLÉS DE L’AUTEUR : Chine, États-Unis, Image, Relations raciales, Propagande, Communisme, XXe siècle.
Books on the topic "Propagande communiste – Chine"
1
Words kill: Calling for the destruction of "class enemies" in China, 1949-1953. Routledge, 2002.
Find full text
2
Cheek, Timothy. Propaganda and culture in Mao's China: Deng Tuo and the intelligentsia. Clarendon Press, 1997.
Find full text
3
Hendrischke, Hans J. Populäre Lesestoffe: Propaganda und Agitation im Buchwesen der Volksrepublik China. Brockmeyer, 1988.
Find full text
4
1957-, Min Anchee, Duoduo 1951-, and Landsberger Stefan, eds. Chinese propaganda posters. Taschen, 2003.
Find full text
6
Emmanuel, Lincot, Bories Estelle, and Institut catholique de Paris, eds. Arts, propagandes et résistances en Chine. Éditions You Feng, 2008.
Find full text
7
Cheek, Timothy. Propaganda and Culture in Mao's China: Deng Tuo and the Intelligentsia (Studies on Contemporary China). Oxford University Press, USA, 1998.
Find full text
9
Wang, Cheng-Chih. Words Kill: Calling for the Destruction of 'Class Enemies' in China, 1949-1953 (East Asia (New York, N.Y.).). Routledge, 2002.
Find full text
10
Wang, Cheng-Chih. Words Kill: Calling for the Destruction of 'Class Enemies' in China, 1949-1953. Taylor & Francis Group, 2012.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Propagande communiste – Chine"
1
Liu, Hailong. "Conflicts and institutionalization of the propaganda concept of the Communist Party of China." In Propaganda. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429353536-8.
Full text
2
Qiao, Liang. "China’s provincial leaders of communist propaganda." In China and Autocracy. I.B. Tauris, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9781788318402.0008.
Full text
3
Xu, Feng, and Qian Liu. "China: Community Policing, High-Tech Surveillance, and Authoritarian Durability." In Covid-19 in Asia. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197553831.003.0002.
Full textAbstract:
This chapter discusses China’s emergency responses to the Covid-19 pandemic. China’s emergency responses reflected a mixture of mass mobilization of political, economic, and social resources, as in war times. However, China’s initial mishandling of the Covid-19 outbreak, primarily at local levels, damaged the world’s trust. China sought world leadership through global propaganda campaigns and “mask diplomacy.” The chapter then investigates China’s legal and social prevention and control mechanisms, most notably community policing and surveillance technology. It also considers serious challenges that emerged in the early stages of the pandemic. China faced numerous challenges to its governance and state capacities, in resuming its economy, getting people employed, and ensuring people’s livelihood in an international context where the US–China relationship is fraught with tension.
4
"China’s Propaganda System: Institutions, Processes and Efficacy." In Critical Readings on the Communist Party of China (4 Vols. Set). BRILL, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004302488_026.
Full text
5
Selisker, Scott. "Uniquely American Symptoms." In Human Programming. University of Minnesota Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.5749/minnesota/9780816699872.003.0002.
Full textAbstract:
The first chapter explores how 1940s and 1950s ideas about totalitarianism and brainwashing established a way of talking about free American selves as opposed to unfree, totalitarian others in political science, propaganda, fiction, and films like The Manchurian Candidate (1962). The chapter analyses representations of totalitarianism, brainwashing, and the military. It explores these in discourse around the Korean War, communist China, and African American prisoners of war.
6
Chen, Janet Y. "Epilogue." In Guilty of Indigence. Princeton University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691152103.003.0007.
Full textAbstract:
This concluding chapter tells the story of the encounter between agrarian revolutionaries and the urban poor and shows how the methods the Communists adopted drew on institutions and ideas that had developed and changed over a half century. Although the perspective of government authority dominates the source base after 1949, some recently declassified archival materials make it possible to look behind the curtain of propaganda. The chapter reveals how, fused to socialist ideology, the marriage of detention and compulsory labor became a potent combination aimed at harnessing the productivity of “social parasites” for the benefit of New China. And as old Nationalist winter shelters became new Communist detention centers, the urban poor found that in the People's Republic, as before, there would be no place for those who were guilty of indigence.
7
Xun, Lu. "The American Cold War in Hong Kong, 1949–1960." In Hong Kong in the Cold War. Hong Kong University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5790/hongkong/9789888208005.003.0006.
Full textAbstract:
During the early Cold War years, the United States came to regard the British colony of Hong Kong as an outpost of its own in terms of relations with the People’s Republic of China. Sharing a border with New China, Hong Kong became an arena for both the Cold War between East and West and the conflict between Communist and Nationalist Chinese. By its very existence, it served as an intelligence and propaganda vector for the US Far Eastern containment policy, sometimes at considerable cost to Hong Kong itself. The existing scholarly literature on US policies toward Hong Kong during the 1950s largely focuses upon top-level Anglo-American negotiations, with little consideration of the role of Hong Kong per se as a regional pivot in making and waging the Cold War. This chapter examines those factors that enabled the colony to succeed in surviving the ideological confrontation, while arguing that over time the significance of Hong Kong to American Cold War strategy steadily increased. It scrutinizes in detail US propaganda institutions and programs in Hong Kong that appreciably influenced the overseas Chinese in East and Southeast Asia.
8
"Guiding Hand: The Role of the ccp Central Propaganda Department in the Current Era." In Critical Readings on the Communist Party of China (4 Vols. Set). BRILL, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004302488_027.
Full text
9
Chia, Jack Meng-Tat. "Migrants, Monks, and Monasteries." In Monks in Motion. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190090975.003.0002.
Full textAbstract:
Chapter 1 provides the historical background to Chinese migration and the spread of Buddhism to maritime Southeast Asia between the nineteenth century and the 1940s to set the stage for the discussion of the three monks in this study. In rough chronological order, this chapter tells the history of Chinese migration to colonial Southeast Asian states, arrival of Chinese Buddhism, and the South China Sea Buddhist networks that connected China and Southeast Asia. During this period, Buddhist monks came to the Malay Archipelago and propagated ideas of Buddhist modernism to the overseas Chinese communities. By the end of the 1940s, communist victory in the Chinese civil war led to the establishment of the People’s Republic of China and the evacuation of the Kuomintang government to Taiwan; this period also marked the beginning of decolonization in maritime Southeast Asia.
10
Roberts, Rosemary. "The Politics and Aesthetics of Rediscovering Heroes of the “Red Classics” in Lianhuanhua of the Reform Era." In The Making and Remaking of China's "Red Classics". Hong Kong University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5790/hongkong/9789888390892.003.0007.
Full textAbstract:
Lianhuanhua (picture story books) became popular in China in the 1920s and 30s and had their golden age between the 1950s and 1970s when many of the “red classic” tales of communist heroes appeared in lianhuanhua form. With the advent of the Reform Era lianhuanhua lost their appeal as television took over popular entertainment and people turned away from the propaganda-style stories of class conflict. In the new millennium, however, economic and social uncertainty brought nostalgia for the past. The old stories reappeared, often as reprints, but also frequently in remakes and adaptations. It is argued that while the reprints catered to nostalgic longings, the remakes and adaptations addressed themselves to current concerns. In a case study of 2 new lianhuanhua versions of Red Classics, Red Sister-in-law and Who is the most lovable person? this chapter considers how socio-economic change and changing political needs of the Communist Party reshaped each of the lianhuanhua with respect to 1) the content of its textual component through the extension of the original story and 2) the graphic component through a changed aesthetics and politics of portraiture, marking a fundamental shift in the role of the working class as hero, subject and reader.
Conference papers on the topic "Propagande communiste – Chine"
1
Lakhan, Shaheen. "The Emergence of Modern Biotechnology in China." In InSITE 2006: Informing Science + IT Education Conference. Informing Science Institute, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.28945/3038.
Full textAbstract:
Science and technology of Republican China (1912-1949) often replicated the West in all hierarchies. However, in 1949 when the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) declared the nation the People's Republic of China, it had assumed Soviet pseudo-science, namely neo-Lamarckian and anti-Mendelian Lysenkoism, which led to intense propaganda campaigns that victimized intellectuals and natural scientists. Not until the 1956 Double Hundred Campaign had China engaging in meaningful exploration into modern genetics with advancements of Morgan. The CCP encouraged discussions on the impact of Lysenkoism which cultivated guidelines to move science forward. However, Mao ended the campaign by asserting the Anti-Rightist Movement (1957) that reinstated the persecution of intellectuals, for he believed they did not contribute to his socialist ethos of the working people. The Great Leap Forward (1958-1959), an idealist and unrealistic attempt to rapidly industrialize the nation, and the Cultural Revolution (1966-1976), a grand attempt to rid China of the "technological elite," extended China's lost years to a staggering two decades. Post-Mao China rapidly revived its science and technology frontier with specialized sciences: agricultural biotechnology, major genomic ventures, modernizing Traditional Chinese Medicine, and stem-cell research. Major revisions to the country’s patent laws increased international interest in China’s resources. However, bioethical and technical standards still need to be implemented and locally and nationally monitored if China’s scientific advances are to be globally accepted and commercialized.