Journal articles on the topic 'Prostitution – Nigeria'

The article begins with a brief discussion of migration and urbanization and its attendant problems in propagating prostitution among adolescent girls in Nigeria. It argues that the combined effects of urbanization, as well as people’s increasing agitation to secure greener pastures in cities, have made a large number of adolescent girls migrate to cities in the hope of meeting some basic needs of life—an adventure that turns out contrary to their expectations and predisposes some of them into the act of prostitution. Due to excruciating poverty within various families and the impacts of this awkward situation on most adolescent girls, delivery of quality social support services and care to the adolescent girls has been undermined over time, and their life chances have been affected, thereby making them most vulnerable to prostitution as a means of livelihood. The article concludes on socioeconomic constraints as the primary factors that push adolescent girls into prostitution in Nigeria, and these same factors are seen to influence their migration from one geographical location to another. The article recommends programs that will reduce the poverty level and unemployment trends among adolescent girls across a wide range of Nigerian societies. Drawing upon lessons learnt from the existing literature, there is an urgent need for collective social action through which more resources must be put in place to ameliorate the conditions of young girls at the interface of migration for greener pastures.

This paper focus on causes and implications of prostitution among women in Maiduguri, Borno State, Nigeria. The objectives of this paper was to understand the principal causes influencing the women to enter into prostitution as a business profession for earning money,

Informal settlement which sometimes used as synonym of slum, has over the years led to various social problems such as prostitution and many others. Base on this, the paper examined informal settlement and teenage prostitution in Yenagoa, Bayelsa State. Two objectives were raised as guide to the study. The study area is Yenagoa which is the capital city of Bayelsa State. The study used the survey design, and also adopted primary and secondary sources. 150 respondents constituted the population size and purposive sampling technique was also adopted. Mean and standard deviation and t-test constitutes the method for data analysis. The findings revealed that urban slum settlement and poor family background are responsible for teenage prostitution in Yenagoa. The study concludes and recommends for urban renewal programme for the slum dwellers as well as government and other institution even individuals to embark on economic empowerment programmes for slum dwellers.

Research on trafficking for prostitution in West Africa is focussed mostly on the experiences of women. When attention is directed to children, their voices are silent; and attention is placed on traffickers, therefore, downplaying the role of relatives in children’s movement from home. Moreover, when children are removed from trafficking, the usual path to re-integration is to unite them with their parents. Two issues drive this paper: if a parent that is implicated in the trafficking of their child for prostitution should be included in decision-making for reintegrating the child; and if a child understands their experience of trafficking to make informed decisions about moving on after trafficking. Based on this foundation, the paper explores one child’s journey from Nigeria to Burkina Faso for prostitution, with attention to the child’s perspectives on their journey and decisions for moving on after trafficking to inform the inclusion of children trafficked for prostitution in decisions about their reintegration.

This paper seeks to trace the origins of offences by youths as a distinct social concern in Lagos and examines the categorization of a group, the ‘juvenile delinquent’, by colonial administrators and welfare officers. While organized pickpocketing and prostitution by young people emerged as an issue in Nigerian newspapers in the 1920s, it was largely ignored by local administrators until the appointment, in 1941, of the first Social Welfare Officer. This led to the implementation of new administrative and judiciary machinery which combined two processes: it legislated ‘juvenile delinquency’ into existence as a clearly identifiable social problem; and criminalized a large portion of urban youth, especially female hawkers. The combination of these processes constitutes what can be called the invention of juvenile delinquency in Nigeria.

- The present study, related to the one published some years ago (Confalonieri et al., 2004), is an investigation on forced prostitution and the related violence's types in immigrant women involved in streetwalking prostitution. Using the social records available by the Ufficio Stranieri (Comune di Milano), the purpose is to identify the presence of 1) childhood maltreatments or violence before the entry in sex exploitation market and 2) subsequent adult sexual revictimization from partners, pimps and clients. Data were analysed using phenomenological descriptive analysis. The relationship between childhood maltreatment and abuse and subsequent involvement in sex work is discussed comparing data and life histories of immigrant prostitutes coming from Nigeria and East Europe. The role played by social and contexual variables in sexual exploitation story are also considered.Key words: immigration, violence, prostitution, infancy, adulthood.Parole chiave: immigrazione, violenza, prostituzione, infanzia, etŕ adulta.

The trafficking in human beings has turned out to be a menace that is difficult to eliminate, in spite of the significant policies, organisations, protective, preventable and prosecutable measures in place. Nevertheless, mysterious madam and voodoo victimisation are trafficking twin terror and two critical exploitative phenomena that had persisted and sustained international prostitution. There is little scholarly research which contributed to the said research area. This research utilises a multiple of qualitative research method of semi-structured one on one interviews, written documents, and observations with participants from government officials, nongovernmental organisation representatives and academics who are individuals indirectly or directly involved in trafficking for international prostitution in Nigeria. The study calls on the federal government to commit the village, ward, district heads, community and religious leaders in their respective communities actively.

The role of language in facilitating national development can never be over-emphasised because the national understanding and cohesion that run on the wheels of language create opportunities for sustainable development. An integral aspect of language that typifies this is Translation which serves as a key contributing force towards the consolidation of understanding while creating opportunities for personal, group and national development. The study and practice of French Translation now increasingly offer more opportunities for creative and constructive engagement of Nigerian youth as student translators empowered to meet French Translation/Interpretation needs in canned/preserved food and drug sectors of the country. Suffice it to add, these initiatives carry the prospects of reducing Nigeria's double-digit unemployment rate, curb youth restiveness, banditry and militancy, provide credible alternatives to crime, prostitution and illegal migration, thereby contributing to national development in quantum leaps and bounds. This paper aspires to initiate ways in which the teaching of French Translation in Nigeria Universities can include Translation Quality Assessment (TQA) with a view to unleashing the productive capacity of Nigerian translation students as well as channel their energies towards worthy ventures in sustainable growth and national development through TQA of the French Translation in canned/preserved foods and drugs. The paper provides fresh insights into how Nigerian universities can increase their contributions to national development by maximally leveraging on TQA of French Translations of canned/ preserved foods and drugs to access funding for initiatives that fall under current donor mappings.

Abstract This study examines resource allocation and utilization in Nigeria as the missing link in the nation’s quest for sustainable development. The main objective of the research is to examine how inefficient allocation and utilization of material, human and financial resources has made the attainment of sustainable development goals (SDGs) elusive in Nigeria. Given the abundant resources at the disposal of successive regimes in the country, it is difficult to explain why the citizens remain desperately poor with 70 percent living below poverty line. The excruciating poverty faced by the rural majority and the urban poor has led some people into indulging in unwholesome practices such as armed robbery, pipeline vandalism, prostitution, risky migrations, advanced fee fraud and other forms of social vices. The paper utilizes a qualitative design based on the interpretivist philosophy while the ontological orientation is subjectivism. Findings from the study indicate that there has been gross inefficiency in resource allocation and utilization in Nigeria due to corruption, ethnic prejudices, bad governance practices, absence of accountability, lack of transparency and wasteful spending on frivolous activities. Conclusion drawn from the study indicates that if proper project planning, execution, monitoring and evaluation are carried out in a transparent manner, and resources are efficiently allocated and utilized, Nigeria would be on the path to sustainable development. The paper therefore recommends that economic and technical efficiencies should be embraced in resource allocation and utilization for Nigeria to attain sustainable development goals.

In this paper, the benefits and externalities (spillover effects) of urbanisation in Kogi East, Nigeria were examined. Data for the study were obtained by administering 1408 questionnaire copies to households in Ankpa, Anyigba and Idah as well as communities within 15km radius of Ankpa, Anyigba and Idah being the urbanizing centres in Kogi East. Questionnaire data was analysed using means, tables and simple percentages. Results obtained showed that population explosion, material structures and diversity of infrastructural facilities/services were the principal benefits of urbanisation in Kogi East (Ankpa, Anyigba and Idah) with average percentage of 60.8%. Others included improvement in employment opportunities and relative prosperity, enhancement of better communication, transport, housing and public/social infrastructure, improvement in income and wealth distribution among several others. The study showed that across the three locations power outage, social problems (drug addiction, crime, prostitution, alcoholism and political thuggery) and overcrowding were the essential and common urbanisation problems. The study further showed that security of life/poverty, poverty, water supply and sanitation and environmental pollution were serious problems in urban areas with higher mean scores than in the hinterland (rural).

Cross carpeting is an act of swapping political parties. It is an act of changing party allegiance or moving from one party to another. Cross carpeting in known by different nomenclature such as party hopping, party switching, party crossover, party defection, party decamping, floor crossing, canoe-jumping, political party prostitution and political nomadism. The spate of cross carpeting at all the levels of government in Nigeria is beginning to cause serious political tension, hostility and a source of worry to Nigerians. It is against this backdrop that this study seeks to examine the effect of cross carpeting on democratic culture and political stability in Nigeria’s fourth republic. Cross - sectional research method was adopted and data was collected via a survey of 300 respondents in south – south geopolitical zone of Nigeria. Data collected were analyzed using correlation and linear regression analysis with the aid of Statistical Package for Social Science (SPSS) version 23. The findings of the study revealed that cross carpeting negatively and significantly impacts on democratic culture and political stability in Nigeria’s fourth republic. On the basis of these findings, the study recommends among others that every political party should have ideologies, programme and policies which will serve as a compass to their members and discourage them from defecting to another party.

Before the year 1990 and up to the late 1990s, Nigeria was ravaged by what was known then as “Advanced Free Fraud” christened (419) and “Trades of Narcotic Drugs”. After more than two decades, a new set of unholy practices have found its way into the fabric of the society and have consistently proven to be worse than the duo of “419” and “trades of narcotic drugs”. This set of practices though not narrowed to the youths but majorly driven and made to flourish by the attendant number of youths who are in haste not only to make a living but flamboyant, thriftless and profligate lives detrimental to norms, values and society itself. Premised on the danger they herald for the society, the paper appraised the numerous unholy practices rampant among youths in Nigeria and their impacts on the society. Exploratory method was made use of; secondary source was employed and inferences were drawn via qualitative analysis. Findings revealed that exponential decadence among youths is directly proportional to the culture of prostitution, regime of internet fraud (yahoo-yahoo), kidnapping for ransom, social revolution of gambling etcetera. The paper concludes that unholy practices among youths have constituted a nuisance in no small measure to the society. The paper however advocates that the government at all levels should up their game in training youths in the vocation that would make them engage and reduce the surge in such practices in the society.

This paper examines the implication of rural- urban migration on Nigeria Society using Anambra state as focus of the study. Cities have been growing both through natural increase and through stampede from rural areas in Nigeria. People migrate to urban areas based on the prevailing conditions they fund themselves and the reasons for the migration vary from one individual to another depending on the situation that informs the decision to migrate. In most rural areas, the effect of rural-urban migration was a rapid deterioration of the rural economy leading to poverty and food scarcity. The cause of the phenomenon has been described as the push factors in the rural areas and the pull factors in the urban areas. The objective of this paper is to identify the implication of rural-urban migration on Nigeria society. It is a survey research. Thus, 1200 questionnaire were distributed among the selected local governments in Anambra State. The analysis was run using Runs test and mode analysis. The result of the analysis found the effect of people migrating from rural areas to urban centres on the society to include: increase in prostitution in the urban centres; increase in squalor settlement in the urban centres; and people are doing all sorts of odd jobs in order to survive in urban centres. The paper therefore recommends that the government should make and implement a policy on provision of functional social amenities such as electricity, pipe borne water etc. in the rural areas. Good schools and qualified teachers should be made available in the rural areas and establishment of industries in both rural and urban areas that will to an extent accommodate unemployed youths.

Purpose Responding to the call for an extension of social marketing scope and application, this paper aims to outline implementation of a multi-stream, multi-method formative research approach to understanding human trafficking in the global South context of Nigeria. Design/methodology/approach Data were collected using a multi-method, multi-stream research design. The study used alternative methods allowing a critical perspective to be taken. Findings Contradictions between upstream discourses and the lived experiences of trafficked individuals emerged. Specifically, moral and rational agency ideology, which conflates human trafficking with prostitution, unintentionally promotes human trafficking and underrepresents other forms of trafficking was evident. Experiences of socioeconomic oppression, traditional practices and an aspirational culture fuels positive attitudes towards human trafficking. The lived experience of human trafficking survivors while varied was underpinned by the common theme of job seeking. Participants perceived human traffickers as benevolent users rather than oppressors, and their rescue as oppressive and disempowering. Research limitations/implications Application of a multi-stream approach is limited by research context, sample size, time and cost constraints. Future research extending the multi-stream research approach to other research contexts and groups is recommended. Practical implications Multi-stream formative research design assisted to yield wider insights, which informed the design of a multilevel pilot intervention to combat human trafficking in Nigeria. Originality/value Extending understanding beyond individual, myopic approaches that have dominated social marketing formative research.

<p class="Default">Trafficking in human is a serious crime and a grave violation of human rights. Trafficking is carried out for different reasons, such as sexual slavery, forced labour, commercial prostitution, organ harvesting amongst others. It has become a great concern in Nigeria and Edo state in particular as a result of the notorious reputation for being one of the leading countries of Africa in human trafficking and there have been several researches carried out to phantom the propelling rationale for the increasing incidence of trafficking especially in women in Edo state. The paper examined the impact of health education in curbing women trafficking in Edo state. The writer discussed the following; what is trafficking in women, prevalence, causes, contributing factors, effects and the objectives of Health Education. It was discovered that the objective of Health Education as stated by Parmars, (2007) as informing the people, motivation of the people and guidance of the people can have positive and great impact in curbing women trafficking. Conclusions were drawn from other areas and recommendations were made.</p>

As of late, the scourge of abducting, cybercrime, terrorism, armed robbery, prostitution, brain drain among others has established an oddity among young people. For this, federal government have acquainted several scheme to assist in checking joblessness among youths. In March 2012, the National Youth Service Corp (NYSC) initiative introduced Skill Acquisition and Entrepreneurship (SAED) Programs into the NYSC orientation course content. The objectives of the scheme incorporate sensitization and mobilization of young graduates for skill acquisition, assistance of preparing and tutoring in business enterprise development. This study look at the usefulness of the NYSC-SAED program in reducing youth restiveness and unemployment among young graduates in Nigeria. 60 Corp members currently serving were interviewed using key informant interview and Focus Group Discussions. Significant theoretical and empirical literature were reviewed. This research was supported on Strain Theory. The study population comprises of 60 Corp members selected arbitrarily from Anambra State. The information gathered were analysed using simple percentages and descriptive statistics. Greater part of the respondents recognized that the NYSC-SAED program has made them to become independent after the service year since they set up their independent company with the little training they got. The study therefore recommend that efforts ought to be geared towards leasing with financial institutions and protection offices to help in giving funds and protection which will help in living condition and improve their businesses. Likewise, SAED handouts ought to be made accessible to all Corp members at the camp at no expense to guarantee full participation by every one of them in the training. Keywords: Skill Acquisition, Training, Unemployment, NYSC-SAED, Mobilization, Entrepreneurship Mentoring.

BACKGROUND: Studies indicate that HIV/AIDS has become one of the leading causes of death Worldwide since it was discovered over 30 years ago. The virus has challenged medical solutions and it poses serious socio-economic challenges to most African countries and Ebonyi state in Nigeria in particular. However, the relationship between the behavioural pattern of HIV/AIDS patients, population growth and economic development has not been established in Ebonyi state. Therefore, the study aims to determine the socio-economic impact of HIV/AIDS on population growth and economic development in Ebonyi state, Nigeria. METHOD: Survey research approach was adopted and information was generated from primary sources. The information was subjected to rigorous content and validity analysis to establish their consistency and reliability. Federal Teaching Hospital, Abakaliki (FETHA) was selected for the study due to the strategic location of the institution. 210 HIV/AIDS patients were selected randomly and the descriptive method of data analysis was used. Reported HIV/AIDS cases in the hospital between 2010 and 2014 were 2583. RESULTS: Findings revealed that 61.9% of those living with the virus are female and the rest male, while 76.2% have tertiary education, 71.9% are between 26 to 64 years old, 46.2% are single, 56.7% contracted it through sexual intercourse, 94.3% have been living with it for between 1-8 years, 71.4% engage in unprotected sexual intercourse since they contracted it while 85.3% are desirous of transmitting the virus to others before they die. The spread of the virus is associated with causal/unprotected sexual habits, poverty induced prostitution, indecent dressing, uncontrolled access to social network and improper use of condom. CONCLUSION: The study reveals a strong relationship between HIV/AIDS, economic development and population growth and recommends establishment of special task force to check indecent/offensive dressing, attitudinal/behavioural change/modification of the patients and control on the use of social network by the youth as measures to check the further spread of the virus in the state.

This paper is aimed at analyzing the changing pattern of prostitution. However, the definition of the act of prostitution has been metamorphosing for centuries from acceptable to illegal and then (in some jurisdictions) to criminal again, agitations by advocates have also necessitated the nomenclatural alteration from “prostitution” to “commercial sex work”. The paper examined how development in information and communication technology allows commercial sex workers to make connections with clients through internet and sell sex on this platform. Globalization processes has also changed the pattern of this business to a transnational activity. Although there are many willing transnational commercial sex workers, but organized criminal syndicates are using this development to traffic some women and children with the false promises of getting a lucrative from overseas but ultimately subject them to sex exploitation, child prostitution and sex labor. As is the plight of some Nigerian women in Italy and other European, Middle Eastern and Asian countries, many women from developing countries are recruited into this institution through human trafficking. As a result of commercial sex many women and girls suffer sexual violence, sex exploitation, sexual abuse and contract STDs. To curtail these problems, governments and transnational institutions are therefore urged to develop mechanisms that can tackle these problems by providing women with decent employment opportunities and increase surveillance across national borders.

En este artículo presento evidencias que constatan cómo la prostitución es un proceso de deshumanización permanente de las mujeres, que se construye y se reproduce, como el lugar de encuentro entre el neoliberalismo y la explotación patriarcal de los cuerpos femeninos. Aporto un análisis geopolítico feminista y exploro los factores que explican el hecho de que las mujeres nigerianas Edo sean las víctimas extracomunitarias mayoritarias de trata sexual en Europa, en un contexto de expansión, sofisticación y tecnificación de la industria del sexo y la cultura prostitucional, que se expresa llamativamente en la creación de muñecas sexuales de silicona, incluso infantiles, y su evolución en robots sexuales. Expongo cómo la dinámica neocolonial, la sobreexplotación de recursos naturales, el empobrecimiento y los desplazamientos forzados, son la plataforma actual que sostiene parte del mecanismo que opera en el núcleo de la prostitución nigeriana del siglo XXI. This paper evidences how prostitution is a process of permanent dehumanization of women. This process is built and reproduced as one place where neoliberalism coincides with the patriarchal exploitation of female bodies. I present a feminist geopolitical analysis and explore the factors that explain the fact that Nigerian Edo women are the most prevalent victims of sex-trafficking in Europe. All this happens within the context of expansion, sophistication and technification of the sex industry together with the prostitution culture, which is ostensibly visible in the creation of hyper-real silicon sexual dolls –even childlike- and their evolution to sex robots. I draw on how the neo-colonial dynamics, the overexploitation of natural resources, the impoverishment and the forced displacement of people are the current platform that sustains part of the mechanism that operates at the core of Nigerian prostitution in the 21st century.

Until recent time, Migration, a veritable tool for industrial enhancement, economic development, political inclination, scientific and technological discoveries, and social obligations has ironic positions, whose another view, geared by exploitation from the mid-twentieth century to twenty-first century, somewhat affects the centuries before them. This is made possible through its inclusion of illicit transactions, such as labour and commercial sexual exploitation, human trafficking, forced labour, child soldiers, drug trafficking, domestic servitude, and the removal of organs or tissue for sale as portrayed in ABC Duruaku’s A Mirage for a Dream. This menace is meticulously alarming especially in the Nigerian state in the 21st century. This cankerworm, caused by corruption, poverty, weak governmental system and unemployment ultimately triggered malicious activities like prostitution, armed robbery, kidnapping, incessant killings, and rape, thus, increased pain, suffering, sickness and death among the people and ridicules the identity of the Nigerian nation, thereafter, threatens its existence as a sovereign states. Amongst the major findings is that human trafficking has created a lot of creative punches and dramatic representations by critics and dramatists over the years, yet the issue is heinously prevalent. The study therefore aims at interrogating the connection between migration and human trafficking in the Nigerian society, as portrayed in ABC Duruaku’s A Mirage for a Dream. To achieve this, General System Theory and Content Analytical Methodology are employed. The study, therefore, recommends the establishment of an agency to monitor all cases of migration and human trafficking in the Nigerian state.

PurposeThis study aims to explore and discuss the ethical challenges that the authors encountered in the SWIPSER project, a study about the well-being of West-African women who work in the red-light district in Brussels.Design/methodology/approachThe study was commissioned by the municipality of Schaerbeek and executed by a Nigerian–Belgian research team. Data were collected using a multi-method qualitative approach, predominantly through ethnographic fieldwork that consisted of detailed observations, informal interviews (with 38 participants), complemented by document analysis and stakeholder interviews.FindingsThe study presents the main ethical dilemmas in four themes: (1) representing diversity, i.e. how do we get access to all members of a migrant community that is inherently hierarchical?; (2) in the margin, i.e. how can we conduct research with undocumented migrants and what do we do when faced with violence and injustice?; (3) attraction and repulsion, i.e. what ethical consequences are involved when working in a multi-ethnic research team?; and (4) unveiling secrets, i.e. which ethical challenges are we faced with when presenting the results of research on vulnerable migrant communities?Originality/valueThis study goes beyond procedural research ethics and highlights the specific relational ethics (related to the relation between research(er) and participant) and the socio-political ethics (related to the relation between the research(er) and the socio-political context) involved in qualitative research with female migrants who work in prostitution.

In every society, there are certain cultural values and value systems that guide every aspect of human behaviour. In Nigeria, our value system is in the process of decaying. This may be attributed to alien values of colonialism, imperialism and neo-colonialism. Prostitution which is regarded as a crime against morality, societal standard of right conduct and decency may be traced to western influence and decline in social values. This paper investigated the impact of declining social values on prostitution among females in Awka South LGA in Anambra State. The study adopted strain theory as its theoretical framework. The target population for the study comprises people who are 18 years and above. Multi-stage sampling technique was adopted in selecting 200 respondents for the study. Quantitative and qualitative methods of data collection were used in this study. In view of this, questionnaire and in-depth interviews were the instruments of data collection used in the study. The findings indicate that decline in social values, poverty, and unemployment are major factors influencing prostitution. Therefore, the study recommends that all agents of socialization should ensure that our social values are maintained by inculcating these values in our youth. Also, efforts should be made to alleviate poverty and unemployment in our society which also tend to drive prostitution.

The rising youth unemployment in Nigeria is indeed disturbing as engagements of unemployed youths in armed robbery, kidnapping, Boko Haram, prostitution and other related social ills in Nigerian society are attributed to high rate of unemployment. The stated involvement in crimes by the unemployed youths does not only constitute social problems to the entire society but obstructs the development of the country. The main objective of this paper is to examine causes of youth unemployment in Nigeria as it relates mostly to moral bankruptcy in public leadership. Secondary sources were being used as the data for this study and it sets its analysis in the context of the neoliberal theory. The results of this study revealed that youth unemployment is caused mainly by corruption among the public office holders that has led to the degrading nature of infrastructures, security, and neglect of agriculture. This study therefore recommends among other things that Nigerian government ought to make its educational system self-reliance for the youths through the introduction of vocational and technical courses. Above all, Nigerian government should insist that its society has the enabling environment for business activities to thrive and that may as well accommodate investors and other businesses globally.

Unemployment in Nigeria is alarming, and the active workforce is lamenting. The oversaturation of the Nigerian labour market, the socio-economic and political policies seem to make employment a mirage, causing emotional and physical distress, and subjective feelings of social exclusion. This paper assesses the effects of unemployment and social exclusion on the emerging social vices in Nigeria. The paper uses secondary data from the Nigeria Bureau of Statistics (NBS), Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) Annual Report on unemployment, and the various reported crimes and social vices attributed to unemployment and the survival strategies of the unemployed. The results show that unemployment has very damaging effects on the subjective perception of social integration, access to economic resources, mental health, life or psycho-social goal fulfilment and higher self-efficacy of the unemployed. It was discovered that social vices like fraud, drug trafficking, kidnapping, ritual killing, armed robbery, banditry, fuel-pipe vandalism, prostitution, and desperation for offshore migration among others are the survival strategies of many of the unemployed. The paper suggests social inclusive policies that will improve the socio-economic and political situation of the country, which will reduce unemployment and the emerging social vices, enhance talent re-orientation, and utilization of the youth for individual fulfilment and national productivity.

Abstract‘Aristocratic’ transactional relationships are widespread in Nigerian universities. Nigerian cultures positively sanction repressive sexual activities among single unmarried adolescents until the wedding night. Modernity has confronted this cultural prescription, as youths, particularly girls, engage in transactional exchange in different contexts. However, the literature on transactional sex in the ivory towers is not rich enough on client recruitment and management among female undergraduates in Nigeria. This study utilised in-depth interviews to collect data from 30 purposively selected female undergraduates. Findings show that the prostitution label is substituted for ‘runs-girls’, as a distinct social category. Clients are recruited on and off campus through mastery of routine activities of ‘aristocrats’ on campus, connection and referrals. The ‘aristos’ include wealthy postgraduate students, politicians, business men, and military personnel, among others. The sex work is undertaken on and off campus, in hotels or in the private residences of ‘runs-girls’. ‘Aristocratic’ transactional sex is sustained by erotic capital, including dexterous bed skills, such as sucking and romance. Luxury possessions, such as cars, BlackBerry phones and social security (job placement) after school life are the perceived derivable benefits of the erotic association. Provision of part-time jobs for vulnerable students could positively reduce transactional sex in ivory towers.

Social exclusion remains the most visible expressions of slum settlements. This study investigates the expression of social exclusion and survival strategies among slum dwellers in Ibadan, Nigeria. A merger of Burgess’ concentric zone model and conflict theory formed the theoretical orientation for this study. Data were gathered through triangulation of quantitative and qualitative methods. In all, semi-structured questionnaire was administered to 400 respondents and 10 in-depth interviews were conducted among residents in Bere slum. Among others, lack of access to formal employment (98.0%), modern health care facilities (91.0%), consultation of government officials to know needs (92.2%), adequate shelter (100%), were the most mentioned challenges. Major survival strategies adopted were hawking, child labour, prostitution, stealing and gambling. Also, due to a lack of modern health care services in the area, self-medication (61.0%), traditional method of treatment (27.5%), and faith healing (11.5%) were most mentioned strategies adopted to cope with health challenges in the area. This paper therefore concludes that social inclusion of slum inhabitants in all government welfare services and decision making process should be advocated, as a means of reducing the rates of poverty and crime in Ibadan.

Community policing and crime prevention through environmental designs (CPTED) has provided panaceas to urbanisation challenges in developing African countries where apparatuses of formal and informal institutions have failed in combating crimes. Information was elicited from 180 household heads in 9 randomly selected communities in Ibadan. The efficiency of security apparatuses was Likert scale rated and made amenable for parametric analyses. Households’ attributes: age, education, income and length of stay were correlated with involvement in community policing whereas, the effectiveness of crime prevention (dependent) was evaluated across environmental designs (independent) through Analysis of Variance. Results show that child labour (58.9%), Prostitution (55.0%) and Auto robbery (52.8%) were among the most common crimes in the study area. High correlation for community policing across locality was evident (r = 0.642; p = 0.045), Household heads’ education (r = 0.588) and income (r = 0.452) also correlated positively whereas, age (r = – 0.270) and length of stay (r = – 0.205) were negative. The efficiency of crime prevention was significant given housing enclosure (F = 2.793) and street accessibility (F = 4.980). Therefore, improvements in security information dissemination, adoption of crime detecting technologies and designing out opportunities for crimes in the study area are suggested.

Heritage tourism destinations attract heterogeneous number of players each with significantly different interests at the expense of residents. Therefore, this study assesses impacts and patronage of heritage tourism sites on the host communities in Osun State, Nigeria. Data for this study was derived through questionnaire administration. Random sampling without replacement was used to select eleven (11) heritage tourism sites in which two hundred and twenty-two (222) questionnaire were administered residents. Findings revealed the propelling factors of the influx of tourist to the heritage sites are socio-economic (33.06%), service (17.75%), mobility (12.77%) and management factors (10.78%) and the possible outcomes are both positive and negative, which were further categorized into Social, economic and environmental impacts. The implications of this study revealed the prominence of social vices such as increase in prostitution, traffic congestion, and noise pollution among others in the areas accommodating the heritage tourism sites, hence appropriate policies for proper guidance among the heritage tourism sites, the tourists and the residents.

ABSTRACT This article studies Proverbs 22:1 in relation to the Igbo maxim, 'Ezi afa ka ego' (Integrity surpasses wealth). The poet of Proverbs 22:1 claims that integrity surpasses wealth and then admonishes people to embrace virtues and shun vices. It is sad to observe that in the Igbo society of Nigeria, some citizens presently engage in ritual killings, human trafficking, prostitution and other vices in the quest to acquire wealth. Against this backdrop, this essay analysed Proverbs 22:1 vis-a-vis the Igbo proverb, ' Ezi afa ka ego.' The methodology adopted by the researchers is literary analysis, which is a synchronic approach that studies a biblical text as it appears in its final shape. The researchers employed a random sampling technique to interview seven knowledgeable Igbo people orally to examine the meaning of 'Ezi afa ka ego' in the Igbo context. The study affirmed that modernism has negatively affected the Igbo's cherished value of integrity. This study charges those that engage in iniquity in order to acquire wealth to eschew such practices because a good name surpasses wealth. Keywords: Proverbs 22:1, Good name, Integrity, Ezi afa ka ego, Igbo aphorism

The Nigerian home video industry, popularly known as <em>Nollywood</em> is a booming industry, with increasing numbers of easily accessible online videos. The aim of this study was to analyse the contents of popular Nigerian online videos to determine the prevalence of smoking imageries and their public health implications. Using specific search terms, popular English language and indigenous Yoruba language, Nigerian home videos uploaded on <em>YouTube</em> in 2013 were identified and sorted based on their view counts. Data on smoking related scenes such as smoking incidents, context of tobacco use, depiction of cigarette brand, gender of smokers and film rating were collected. Of the 60 online videos whose contents were assessed in this study, 26 (43.3%) had scenes with cigarrete smoking imageries. The mean (SD) smoking incident was 2.7 (1.6), giving an average of one smoking incident for every 26 to 27 min of film. More than half (53.8%) of the films with tobacco use had high smoking imageries. An average of 2 characters per film smoked, mostly in association with acts of criminality or prostitution (57.7%) and alcohol use (57.7%). There were scenes of the main protagonists smoking in 73.1% of the films with scenes of female protagonists smoking (78.9%) more than the male protagonists (21.1%). Smoking imageries are common in popular Nigerian online movies. Given the wide reach of online videos, their potential to be viewed by people from different cultures and to negatively influence youngsters, it is important that smoking portrayals in online movies are controlled.

This article explores how fat women protesting challenges norms of womanhood, the place of women in society, and who has the power to have their say in public spaces. We use the term fat as a political reclamation; Fat Studies scholars and fat activists prefer the term fat, over the normative term “overweight” and the pathologising term “obese/obesity” (Lee and Pausé para 3). Who is and who isn’t fat, we suggest, is best left to self-determination, although it is generally accepted by fat activists that the term is most appropriately adopted by individuals who are unable to buy clothes in any store they choose. Using a tweet from conservative commentator Ann Coulter as a leaping-off point, we examine the narratives around women in the public sphere and explore how fat bodies might transgress further the norms set by society. The public representations of women in politics and protest are then are set in the context of ‘activist wisdom’ (Maddison and Scalmer) from two sides of the globe. Activist wisdom gives preference to the lived knowledge and experience of activists as tools to understand social movements. It seeks to draw theoretical implications from the practical actions of those on the ground. In centring the experiences of ourselves and other activists, we hope to expand existing understandings of body politics, gender, and political power in this piece. It is important in researching social movements to look both at the representations of protest and protestors in all forms of media as this is the ‘public face’ of movements, but also to examine the reflections of the individuals who collectively put their weight behind bringing social change.A few days after the 45th President of the United States was elected, people around the world spilled into the streets and participated in protests; precursors to the Women’s March which would take place the following January. Pictures of such marches were shared via social media, demonstrating the worldwide protest against the racism, misogyny, and overall oppressiveness, of the newly elected leader. Not everyone was supportive of these protests though; one such conservative commentator, Ann Coulter, shared this tweet: Image1: A tweet from Ann Coulter; the tweet contains a picture of a group of protestors, holding signs protesting Trump, white supremacy, and for the rights of immigrants. In front of the group, holding a megaphone is a woman. Below the picture, the text reads, “Without fat girls, there would be no protests”.Coulter continued on with two more tweets, sharing pictures of other girls protesting and suggesting that the protestors needed a diet programme. Kivan Bay (“Without Fat Girls”) suggested that perhaps Coulter was implying that skinny girls do not have time to protest because they are too busy doing skinny girl things, like buying jackets or trying on sweaters. Or perhaps Coulter was arguing that fat girls are too visible, too loud, and too big, to be taken seriously in their protests. These tweets provide a point of illustration for how fat women protesting challenge norms of womanhood, the place of women in society, and who has the power to have their say in public spaces While Coulter’s tweet was most likely intended as a hostile personal attack on political grounds, we find it useful in its foregrounding of gender, bodies and protest which we consider in this article, beginning with a review of fat girls’ role in social justice movements.Across the world, we can point to fat women who engage in activism related to body politics and more. Australian fat filmmaker and activist Kelli Jean Drinkwater makes documentaries, such as Aquaporko! and Nothing to Lose, that queer fat embodiment and confronts body norms. Newly elected Ontario MPP Jill Andrew has been fighting for equal rights for queer people and fat people in Canada for decades. Nigerian Latasha Ngwube founded About That Curvy Life, Africa’s leading body positive and empowerment site, and has organised plus-size fashion show events at Heineken Lagos Fashion and Design Week in Nigeria in 2016 and the Glitz Africa Fashion Week in Ghana in 2017. Fat women have been putting their bodies on the line for the rights of others to live, work, and love. American Heather Heyer was protesting the hate that white nationalists represent and the danger they posed to her friends, family, and neighbours when she died at a rally in Charlottesville, North Carolina in late 2017 (Caron). When Heyer was killed by one of those white nationalists, they declared that she was fat, and therefore her body size was lauded loudly as justification for her death (Bay, “How Nazis Use”; Spangler).Fat women protesting is not new. For example, the Fat Underground was a group of “radical fat feminist women”, who split off from the more conservative NAAFA (National Association to Aid Fat Americans) in the 1970s (Simic 18). The group educated the public about weight science, harassed weight-loss companies, and disrupted academic seminars on obesity. The Fat Underground made their first public appearance at a Women’s Equality Day in Los Angeles, taking over the stage at the public event to accuse the medical profession of murdering Cass Elliot, the lead singer of the folk music group, The Mamas and the Papas (Dean and Buss). In 1973, the Fat Underground produced the Fat Liberation Manifesto. This Manifesto began by declaring that they believed “that fat people are full entitled to human respect and recognition” (Freespirit and Aldebaran 341).Women have long been disavowed, or discouraged, from participating in the public sphere (Ginzberg; van Acker) or seen as “intruders or outsiders to the tough world of politics” (van Acker 118). The feminist slogan the personal is political was intended to shed light on the role that women needed to play in the public spheres of education, employment, and government (Caha 22). Across the world, the acceptance of women within the public sphere has been varied due to cultural, political, and religious, preferences and restrictions (Agenda Feminist Media Collective). Limited acceptance of women in the public sphere has historically been granted by those ‘anointed’ by a male family member or patron (Fountaine 47).Anti-feminists are quick to disavow women being in public spaces, preferring to assign them the role as helpmeet to male political elite. As Schlafly (in Rowland 30) notes: “A Positive Woman cannot defeat a man in a wrestling or boxing match, but she can motivate him, inspire him, encourage him, teach him, restrain him, reward him, and have power over him that he can never achieve over her with all his muscle.” This idea of women working behind the scenes has been very strong in New Zealand where the ‘sternly worded’ letter is favoured over street protest. An acceptable route for women’s activism was working within existing political institutions (Grey), with activity being ‘hidden’ inside government offices such as the Ministry of Women’s Affairs (Schuster, 23). But women’s movement organisations that engage in even the mildest form of disruptive protest are decried (Grey; van Acker).One way women have been accepted into public space is as the moral guardians or change agents of the entire political realm (Bliss; Ginzberg; van Acker; Ledwith). From the early suffrage movements both political actors and media representations highlighted women were more principled and conciliatory than men, and in many cases had a moral compass based on restraint. Cartoons showed women in the suffrage movement ‘sweeping up’ and ‘cleaning house’ (Sheppard 123). Groups like the Women’s Christian Temperance Union were celebrated for protesting against the demon drink and anti-pornography campaigners like Patricia Bartlett were seen as acceptable voices of moral reason (Moynihan). And as Cunnison and Stageman (in Ledwith 193) note, women bring a “culture of femininity to trade unions … an alternative culture, derived from the particularity of their lives as women and experiences of caring and subordination”. This role of moral guardian often derived from women as ‘mothers’, responsible for the physical and moral well-being of the nation.The body itself has been a sight of protest for women including fights for bodily autonomy in their medical decisions, reproductive justice, and to live lives free from physical and sexual abuse, have long been met with criticisms of being unladylike or inappropriate. Early examples decried in NZ include the women’s clothing movement which formed part of the suffrage movement. In the second half of the 20th century it was the freedom trash can protests that started the myth of ‘women burning their bras’ which defied acceptable feminine norms (Sawer and Grey). Recent examples of women protesting for body rights include #MeToo and Time’s Up. Both movements protest the lack of bodily autonomy women can assert when men believe they are entitled to women’s bodies for their entertainment, enjoyment, and pleasure. And both movements have received considerable backlash by those who suggest it is a witch hunt that might ensnare otherwise innocent men, or those who are worried that the real victims are white men who are being left behind (see Garber; Haussegger). Women who advocate for bodily autonomy, including access to contraception and abortion, are often held up as morally irresponsible. As Archdeacon Bullock (cited in Smyth 55) asserted, “A woman should pay for her fun.”Many individuals believe that the stigma and discrimination fat people face are the consequences they sow from their own behaviours (Crandall 892); that fat people are fat because they have made poor decisions, being too indulgent with food and too lazy to exercise (Crandall 883). Therefore, fat people, like women, should have to pay for their fun. Fat women find themselves at this intersection, and are often judged more harshly for their weight than fat men (Tiggemann and Rothblum). Examining Coulter’s tweet with this perspective in mind, it can easily be read as an attempt to put fat girl protestors back into their place. It can also be read as a warning. Don’t go making too much noise or you may be labelled as fat. Presenting troublesome women as fat has a long history within political art and depictions. Marianne (the symbol of the French Republic) was depicted as fat and ugly; she also reinforced an anti-suffragist position (Chenut 441). These images are effective because of our societal views on fatness (Kyrölä). Fatness is undesirable, unworthy of love and attention, and a representation of poor character, lack of willpower, and an absence of discipline (Murray 14; Pausé, “Rebel Heart” para 1).Fat women who protest transgress rules around body size, gender norms, and the appropriate place for women in society. Take as an example the experiences of one of the authors of this piece, Sandra Grey, who was thrust in to political limelight nationally with the Campaign for MMP (Grey and Fitzsimmons) and when elected as the President of the New Zealand Tertiary Education Union in 2011. Sandra is a trade union activist who breaches too many norms set for the “good woman protestor,” as well as the norms for being a “good fat woman”. She looms large on a stage – literally – and holds enough power in public protest to make a crowd of 7,000 people “jump to left”, chant, sing, and march. In response, some perceive Sandra less as a tactical and strategic leader of the union movement, and more as the “jolly fat woman” who entertains, MCs, and leads public events. Though even in this role, she has been criticised for being too loud, too much, too big.These criticisms are loudest when Sandra is alongside other fat female bodies. When posting on social media photos with fellow trade union members the comments often note the need of the group to “go on a diet”. The collective fatness also brings comments about “not wanting to fuck any of that group of fat cows”. There is something politically and socially dangerous about fat women en masse. This was behind the responses to Sandra’s first public appearance as the President of TEU when one of the male union members remarked “Clearly you have to be a fat dyke to run this union.” The four top elected and appointed positions in the TEU have been women for eight years now and both their fatness and perceived sexuality present as a threat in a once male-dominated space. Even when not numerically dominant, unions are public spaces dominated by a “masculine culture … underpinned by the undervaluation of ‘women’s worth’ and notions of womanhood ‘defined in domesticity’” (Cockburn in Kirton 273-4). Sandra’s experiences in public space show that the derision and methods of putting fat girls back in their place varies dependent on whether the challenge to power is posed by a single fat body with positional power and a group of fat bodies with collective power.Fat Girls Are the FutureOn the other side of the world, Tara Vilhjálmsdóttir is protesting to change the law in Iceland. Tara believes that fat people should be protected against discrimination in public and private settings. Using social media such as Facebook and Instagram, Tara takes her message, and her activism, to her thousands of followers (Keller, 434; Pausé, “Rebel Heart”). And through mainstream media, she pushes back on fatphobia rhetoric and applies pressure on the government to classify weight as a protected status under the law.After a lifetime of living “under the oppression of diet culture,” Tara began her activism in 2010 (Vilhjálmsdóttir). She had suffered real harm from diet culture, developing an eating disorder as a teen and being told through her treatment for it that her fears as a fat woman – that she had no future, that fat people experienced discrimination and stigma – were unfounded. But Tara’s lived experiences demonstrated fat stigma and discrimination were real.In 2012, she co-founded the Icelandic Association for Body Respect, which promotes body positivity and fights weight stigma in Iceland. The group uses a mixture of real life and online tools; organising petitions, running campaigns against the Icelandic version of The Biggest Loser, and campaigning for weight to be a protected class in the Icelandic constitution. The Association has increased the visibility of the dangers of diet culture and the harm of fat stigma. They laid the groundwork that led to changing the human rights policy for the city of Reykjavík; fat people cannot be discriminated against in employment settings within government jobs. As the city is one of the largest employers in the country, this was a large step forward for fat rights.Tara does receive her fair share of hate messages; she’s shared that she’s amazed at the lengths people will go to misunderstand what she is saying (Vilhjálmsdóttir). “This isn’t about hurt feelings; I’m not insulted [by fat stigma]. It’s about [fat stigma] affecting the livelihood of fat people and the structural discrimination they face” (Vilhjálmsdóttir). She collects the hateful comments she receives online through screenshots and shares them in an album on her page. She believes it is important to keep a repository to demonstrate to others that the hatred towards fat people is real. But the hate she receives only fuels her work more. As does the encouragement she receives from people, both in Iceland and abroad. And she is not alone; fat activists across the world are using Web 2.0 tools to change the conversation around fatness and demand civil rights for fat people (Pausé, “Rebel Heart”; Pausé, “Live to Tell").Using Web 2.0 tools as a way to protest and engage in activism is an example of oppositional technologics; a “political praxis of resistance being woven into low-tech, amateur, hybrid, alternative subcultural feminist networks” (Garrison 151). Fat activists use social media to engage in anti-assimilationist activism and build communities of practice online in ways that would not be possible in real life (Pausé, “Express Yourself” 1). This is especially useful for those whose protests sit at the intersections of oppressions (Keller 435; Pausé, “Rebel Heart” para 19). Online protests have the ability to travel the globe quickly, providing opportunities for connections between protests and spreading protests across the globe, such as SlutWalks in 2011-2012 (Schuster 19). And online spaces open up unlimited venues for women to participate more freely in protest than other forms (Harris 479; Schuster 16; Garrison 162).Whether online or offline, women are represented as dangerous in the political sphere when they act without male champions breaching norms of femininity, when their involvement challenges the role of woman as moral guardians, and when they make the body the site of protest. Women must ‘do politics’ politely, with utmost control, and of course caringly; that is they must play their ‘designated roles’. Whether or not you fit the gendered norms of political life affects how your protest is perceived through the media (van Acker). Coulter’s tweet loudly proclaimed that the fat ‘girls’ protesting the election of the 45th President of the United States were unworthy, out of control, and not worthy of attention (ironic, then, as her tweet caused considerable conversation about protest, fatness, and the reasons not to like the President-Elect). What the Coulter tweet demonstrates is that fat women are perceived as doubly-problematic in public space, both as fat and as women. They do not do politics in a way that is befitting womanhood – they are too visible and loud; they are not moral guardians of conservative values; and, their bodies challenge masculine power.ReferencesAgenda Feminist Media Collective. “Women in Society: Public Debate.” Agenda: Empowering Women for Gender Equity 10 (1991): 31-44.Bay, Kivan. “How Nazis Use Fat to Excuse Violence.” Medium, 7 Feb. 2018. 1 May 2018 <https://medium.com/@kivabay/how-nazis-use-fat-to-excuse-violence-b7da7d18fea8>.———. “Without Fat Girls, There Would Be No Protests.” Bullshit.ist, 13 Nov. 2016. 16 May 2018 <https://bullshit.ist/without-fat-girls-there-would-be-no-protests-e66690de539a>.Bliss, Katherine Elaine. Compromised Positions: Prostitution, Public Health, and Gender Politics in Revolutionary Mexico City. Penn State Press, 2010.Caha, Omer. 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