Journal articles on the topic 'Prostitution sites'

<p>Every social group has their own sociolect which represent their specific intention. In order to understand its intention, whether or not it can really represent a particular social class, this research therefore purposed to explain the sociolect used by college students who is practising prostitution in their site and also in their college. The descriptions and analyses intended to discover the intention of respondents' sociolect as a mean of representation of their social status. The research data are obtained from the usage of sosiolect by female college students who are practising prostitution at the prostitution sites and at their college. Data collection techniques are using observations, recordings, and interview. Data analyses utilize qualitative methods. According to data analyses, respondents has their specific, unique and particular sosiolect at their prostitution sites and at their college. It is intended to make their communication easier with another prostitutes and their customer. In addition, their particular sociolect is used to protect their privation, the prostitutes and their customer, when they are out site. They employ both verbal and nonverbal sociolects. As the conclusion, their specific and unique sociolect is indeed a way to represent their social status and have specific intention understandable from their own standpoint.</p>

The subject of cyberprostitution reflectsthe growing number of socio-political problems stemming from the dynamic development of cybertechonology and its expansion into every area of human life. In the age of cyberrevolution, there is an increase in the number of pornographic social networking sites. The sex industry quickly adopted all new information technologies to increase young people’s access to pornography. As a result of the link between the internet and the sex industry, the border be-tween the current phenomenon of prostitution and its form in cyberspace has blurred. This article, based on the study, discusses the main motivational factors that contribute to the growth of prostitution. The differences between prostitution in the real and virtual worlds are also indicated. The purpose of the study is moreover to show some disturbing phenomena that may have a negative impact – not only on the emotional development of man – but also on shaping future civil society.

A leíró tanulmány első részében a prostitúció, mint társadalmi jelenség lehetséges megközelítési irányainak áttekintése történik meg, kiemelve ezek közül az evolúciós és a társadalomkritikai megközelítéseket. Ezután civilizációtörténeti kontextusba helyeződik a kiberprostitúció jelensége, összevetve a középkori lovageszményt (eszményített nőalak vs. kihasznált és lenézett nő elkülönülése) a kiberkorszakban történt változásaival (az eszményített nőalak és a kihasznált nő azonossá válik). Az elméleti áttekintést a vizsgált közösségi oldalak bemutatása és web 2.0 alapú rendszereinek vázlatos ismertetése követi, majd erre, illetve az oldalakon található szövegkorpusz releváns részeinek kvalitatív tartalomelemzésére támaszkodva a vizsgált színtér főbb kommunikációdinamikai sajátosságai tárulnak fel. --- Chivalrous business. Civilizative regulators on sexpartner seeking social networking sites In this descriptive paper we give an overview and possible approaches of prostitution as a social phenomenon while we highlight the evolutional as well as sociocritical directions. Then cyberprostitution is placed in a civilisation-historic context, comparing the medieval chivalry (the idealised figure of women vs. the looked down, segregated and utilised one) with its changes in the cyber-era (when the idealised and utilised figure of women become one). The theoretical overview is followed by the outlined presentation of the observed social networking sites (SNSs) and its web2-based systems. After these details, we make a content analysis on the relevant textual corpuses of these sites which leads to some considerations about communication dynamic properties of the cyber-prostitution-oriented SNSs.

ABSTRACTTanzania, along with several other African countries, is experiencing a national mining boom, which has prompted hundreds of thousands of men and women to migrate to mineral-rich locations. At these sites, relationships between the sexes defy the sexual norms of the surrounding countryside to embrace new relational amalgams of polygamy, monogamy and promiscuity. This article challenges the assumption that female prostitution is widespread. Using interview data with women migrants, we delineate six ‘wifestyles’, namely sexual-cum-conjugal relationships between men and women that vary in their degree of sexual and material commitment. In contrast to bridewealth payments, which involved elders formalising marriages through negotiations over reproductive access to women, sexual negotiations and relations in mining settlements involve men and women making liaisons and co-habitation arrangements directly between each other without third-party intervention. Economic interdependence may evolve thereafter with the possibility of women, as well as men, offering material support to their sex partners.

The article analyzes the women sexual exploitation in order to obtain the benefits and financial resources that feed organized crime groups. The prevention effectiveness is determined by the quality of risk assessment, the definition of critical sites and activities, the purposefulness and consistency of the measures implementation. The dynamics and the essence of the modern threats to people security determine the preventive activity and the preparation for adequate response in situations by the state authorities. The criterion for defining them is the responsibility to protect lives and health of many citizens, and to prevent accidents associated with risks to their normal existence. Pre-preparedness for prevention provides the necessary resources and stable partner organizations to effectively support the law enforcement structures.

The Indonesian government has closed entire prostitution sites, one of them is Sunan Kuning with 500 sex workers in 2019. The study aims to investigate the implementation of social rehabilitation programs for its members through different networks covering social capital in bonding, bridging and linking social capital. This study used ethnographic method and showed that since the zone was covered by uncompromising Islamist group in 1998, the government was reluctant to manage prostitution and the area was reopened in 2003 after hundreds poor sex workers and procurers approached to local authorities and other parties to support them. Since then, the city government delegated authority to the society to manage it as a prostitution rehabilitation site. To be successful, the community required its members to obey established rules and created networks horizontally and vertically to diverse groups to provide health and social service and empowerment. However, the program implementation of social rehabilitation was ineffective because of limited networks and resources; community inconsistency to define prostitution rehabilitation, members’ inconstancy to follow agreed rules; lack of government responsiveness to the community conditions, and failure to define the substance problem. To solve this complex problem, it required continuing and synergistic collaborative governance with diverse stakeholders to resolve the problems. Keywords: Community Governance, Social Capital, Social Rehabilitation, Sex Workers. Abstrak Pemerintah Indonesia sudah memutuskan untuk menutup semua lokasi prostitusi, salah satunya adalah Sunan Kuning dengan jumlah hampir 500 pelacur, pada 2019. Tujuan dari penelitian ini adalah untuk menelaah secara rinci bagaimana komunitas pekerja seks, Sunan Kuning Semarang mengimplementasikan program rehabilitasi sosial bagi para anggotanya melalui bentuk-bentuk jaringan yang mencakup modal sosial secara bonding, bridging dan linking. Dengan menggunakan metode etnografi, studi ini memperlihatkan bahwa sejak zona tersebut ditutup oleh kelompok Islam yang tidak kenal kompromi pada tahun 1998, pemerintah kota enggan untuk menangani prostitusi, dan area tersebut dibuka kembali pada tahun 2003 setelah ratusan pelacur miskin dan mucikari mendekati para tokoh lokal dan pihak lain untuk mendukung mereka. Sejak itu, pemerintah kota melimpahkan otoritas kepada komunitas untuk mengelolanya sebagai wilayah rehabilitasi sosial bagi para pekerja sex. Agar rehabilitasi sosial berhasil, komunitas mengharuskan anggotanya untuk mematuhi peraturan yang berlaku dan membuat jaringan secara horizontal dan vertikal ke berbagai kelompok untuk menyediakan layanan kesehatan dan sosial dan pemberdayaan. Namun implementasi program rehabilitasi sosial tersebut tidak efektif karena keterbatasan jaringan dan sumberdaya; ketidakkonsistenan komunitas dalam memaknai rehabilitasi prostitusi; ketidakkonsistenan anggota untuk mengikuti aturan yang disepakati; kurangnya responsivitas pemerintah terhadap kondisi komunitas; dan kegagalan dalam mendefinisikan substansi masalah dengan tepat. Untuk memecahkan masalah yang sangat kompleks ini secara efektif memerlukan collaborative governance yang melibatkan berbagai pemangku kepentingan secara berkesinambungan dan inergis. Kata Kunci: Tata Kelola Komunitas, Modal Sosial, Rehabilitasi Sosial, Pekerja Sex.

This study explores the relationship between capital and women in Manuel Gutiérrez Nájera’s literature. Immersed in a Porfirian discourse of economic progress, Gutiérrez Nájera rails against the “woman without a soul” and attempts to educate his female readership on societal gender norms that describe women as sites of capital, exchange and financial accumulation. From works that depict “marriages of use,” and the prostitution industry prevalent in Mexico at the turn of the 20th century, to poetry that describes female desire based on the acquisition of gold, and a crónica that speaks of “shopping” for women in a theater audience, Gutiérrez Nájera imbued his female representations with the dynamics of the marketplace. Though analysis of short stories, poems and crónicas, this study examines Gutiérrez Nájera’s portrayal of women and capital in their discursive, social and artistic contexts.

BackgroundRecent concern about drug use has focused attention on the illegal income generated by users.AimsTo investigate factors associated with drugs expenditure and to estimate the cost of illegal acquisitions used to pay for drugs.MethodWe collected self-report data from 954 current injectors, interviewed at multiple street, needle/syringe exchange and drug treatment sites throughout Glasgow.ResultsInjectors' mean weekly drug spending was £324. The mean annual illegal drugs spend was estimated to be £11 000 per injector. We provide a central estimate – £194 million per annum – of the retail value of goods acquired illegally by injectors in Glasgow in order to pay for drugs. Higher drug spends were associated with having been imprisoned more often and with those reporting acquisitive crime, drug dealing and prostitution. Treatment with methadone, among individuals who injected in the previous two months, was associated with a 20% reduction in atypical spend on drugs.ConclusionsTreatment effectiveness needs to be measured both in terms of health benefit and in terms of reduction in drugs expenditure and recidivism.

AbstractThis paper explores the regulation of prostitution in colonial India between the abolition of the Indian Contagious Diseases Act in 1888 and the passing of the first Suppression of Immoral Traffic Act in 1923. It challenges the commonly held assumption that prostitutes naturally segregated themselves in Indian cities, and shows that this was a policy advocated by the Government of India. The object was to prevent the military visiting these segregated areas, in the absence of effective Cantonment Regulations for registering, inspecting, and treating prostitutes. The central government stimulated provincial segregation through expressing its desires via demi-official memoranda and confidential correspondence, to which Rangoon and Bombay responded most willingly. The second half of the paper explores the conditions, in both India and Ceylon, that made these segregated areas into scandalous sites in the early twentieth century. It situates the brothel amongst changing beliefs that they: increased rather than decreased incidents of homosexuality; stimulated trafficking in women and children; and encouraged the spread of scandalous white prostitutes ‘up-country’, beyond their tolerated location in coastal cosmopolitan ports. Taken alongside demands that the state support social reform in the early twentieth century, segregation provided the tipping point for the shift towards suppression from 1917 onwards. It also illustrates the scalar shifts in which central-local relations, and relations between provinces, in government were being negotiated in advance of the dyarchy system formalized in 1919.

Interviews were conducted with 156 women drug sellers from two New York City neighborhoods with high concentrations of drug selling, neighborhoods that had active heroin markets in the 1970s and were sites for the growth of cocaine and crack markets a decade later. Structural equations models were estimated to test the relationships over two time periods between drug use and income generation activities including drug dealing, crime, legal work, and public transfers. Dependent variables included self-reports of income and expenses together with criminal career parameters. Results showed that the effects of prior drug expenses on subsequent crime, drug, and work incomes were nonsignificant. Overall, drug dealing appears to suppress future non-drug crime activity. Prior drug selling has a facilitating effect on later drug use and significant negative effects on subsequent crime income generation and legal work. Selling also helped women avoid the types of street hustling, including prostitution, and other crimes that characterized women's income strategies in earlier drug eras. Drug use careers are influenced less by earlier drug use patterns than by income growth from dealing that appears to increase opportunities to expand drug use.

More than three decades of hostile relations between Iran and the West have meant that images about Iran and Iranian women circulate in a charged political environment. In this geopolitical context, Iranian women filmmakers have often found receptive audiences abroad who turn to documentaries as sites to reveal the truths of contemporary Iran. The enthusiasm for these works, however, also exerts pressures on filmmakers to adhere to familiar narratives about Iran and Iranian women or risk losing their audiences. Focusing on Nahid Sarvestani's Prostitution behind the Veil (2004) and Mahvash Sheikholeslami's Where Do I Belong? (2007), this article examines two tendencies in recent Iranian documentary. The former film exemplifies the prevalent trend of repeating troubling but familiar tropes about Islam and Muslim women, while the latter is an example of attempts to provide a more nuanced picture of Iran's social and political problems. Placing these films in the broader context of the history of nonfiction films in Iran, the article also draws from both feminist scholarship on representations of the Muslim world and longstanding debates within documentary studies to show the high stakes of producing films about Iran and to suggest that documentary works by and about Iranian women should be more rigorously interrogated for their ethical and political implications.

Background. While studies have focused on HIV prevalence and incidence among fishing communities, there has been inadequate attention paid to the construction and perception of HIV risk among fisher folk. There has been limited research with respect to communities along Lake Albert on the border between Uganda and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). Methods. We conducted a qualitative study on three landing sites of Butiaba, Bugoigo, and Wanseko on the shores of Lake Albert along the border of Uganda and the Democratic Republic of Congo. Data were collected using 12 Focus Group Discussions and 15 key informant interviews. Analysis was done manually using content and thematic approaches. Results. Lakeshore livelihoods split families between men, women, and children with varying degrees of exposure to HIV infection risk. Sustaining a thriving fish trade was dependent on taking high risks. For instance, profits were high when the lake was stormy. Landing sites were characterized by widespread prostitution, alcohol consumption, drug abuse, and child labour. Such behaviors negatively affected minors and in many ways predisposed them to HIV infection. The lake shore-border heterogeneity resulted in a population with varying HIV knowledge, attitudes, behavior, and competencies to risk perception and adaptation amidst negative masculinities and negative resilience. Conclusion. The susceptibility of lakeshore communities to HIV is attributable to a complex combination of geo-socio, the available (health) services, economic, and cultural factors which converged around the fishing livelihood. This study reveals that HIV risk assessment is an interplay of plural rationalities within the circumstances and constraints that impinge on the daily lives by different actors. A lack of cohesion in a multiethnic setting with large numbers of outsiders and a large transient population made the available HIV interventions less effective.

Uganda’s oil and gas sector has transitioned from the exploration phase to the development phase in preparation for oil production (the operations phase). The extraction, processing, and distribution of oil require a great deal of infrastructure, which demands considerable acquisition of land from communities surrounding project sites. Here, we examine the social impacts of project land acquisition associated with oil production in the Albertine Graben region of Uganda. We specifically consider five major oil related projects that have or will displace people, and we discuss the consequences of this actual or future displacement on the lives and livelihoods of local people. The projects are: Tilenga; Kingfisher; the East African Crude Oil Pipeline; the Kabaale Industrial Park; and the Hoima–Kampala Petroleum Products Pipeline. Our findings reveal both positive and negative outcomes for local communities. People with qualifications have benefited or will benefit from the job opportunities arising from the projects and from the much-needed infrastructure (i.e., roads, health centres, airport) that has been or will be built. However, many people have been displaced, causing food insecurity, the disintegration of social and cultural cohesion, and reduced access to social services. The influx of immigrants has increased tensions because of increasing competition for jobs. Crime and social issues such as prostitution have also increased and are expected to increase.

In the past two decades numerous large-scale informal markets have emerged on the fringes of European cities in the wake of global geopolitical transformations. Relying on individualised long-distance connections and adapting to diverse local situations, they produce a proliferating array of unregulated urban architectures while providing habitats for millions of undocumented existences. One such case is the infamous Arizona Market not far from the north Bosnian town of Brc̆ko, a place that has been transformed from a border guard post into a major hub for people trafficking and prostitution and now into a multi-ethnic centre of ubiquitous consumption. Another one, Izmailovo Market in the north-east of Moscow, the largest informal trading centre in the region with links to all parts of the Russian Federation and beyond, has grown into a Babylonian site of 15 specialised trading areas that rivals the Moscow Kremlin both in terms of size and visitor attractiveness. And when the 22nd World Congress of Architecture was held in Istanbul under the motto ‘Grand Bazaar of Architectures’, a bazaar of a very different kind traded outside the tourist centres: a vast network of provisional, informal street markets that establish themselves right alongside the building sites of official urban regeneration, beneath terraces of motorways and next to newly constructed tram lines. Before exploring the dynamics of these spaces in more detail, let us address briefly the socio-economic conditions underlying the rise of informal markets.

The Eighth Biennial Conference of the International Society for IranianStudies (ISIS), the largest international gathering of scholars in the field, washeld in Santa Monica, CA, on 27-30 May 2010. There were sixty-four panels,each with three to four presenters addressing topics ranging from literature,Shi`ism and Sufism, to modernity, politics, women and gender. Amongthe ones that I found most interesting were “Women’s Worlds in Qajar Iran,”“Engagements with Reason: Shi`ism and Iran’s Intellectual Culture,” “PersianLiterary and Cinematic Representations of a Society in Transition,”“Shi’i Modernity, Constitutionalism, Elections, and Factional Politics,”“Reconstructing the Forgotten Female: Women in the Realm of the Shahnama,”“Zones of Exploration: Society, Literature, and Film,” “Re-ReadingIranian Shi`ism: International and Transnational Connections and Influence,”“The Politics of the Possible in Iran,” “Women’s Issues in ModernIran (in Persian),” “Discourses on Self And Other,” and “Sufism: Poetry andPractice.”Also featured were classical Persian music presentations and additionalroundtable discussions. One telling example of often overlooked aspects ofIranian society was “‘Waking Up the Colours: Candour and Allegory inWomen’s Rap Texts,” a paper on Iranian women’s rap music. Presenter GaiBray, an ethnomusicologist, argued that unlike the common conception ofrap as direct language, Iranian female rappers often use allegory to deal withdifficult subject matters, such as rape and prostitution. In another memorablepaper Babak Rahimi (University of California, San Diego) argued thatBushehr’s commemoration of Ashura serves to solidify communal identity.The ritual ends by burning the stage upon which the performances tookplace, signifying a communal act of creative destruction through which newidentities are reconstructed via building new ritual sites ...

OBJECTIVE: Estimating HIV prevalence and describing the incentives and barriers for HIV testing among female sex workers. METHODS: This cross-sectional study recruited 402 women aged 18 years or older, residing in Fortaleza, state of Ceará, Brazil, who reported having had sexual intercourse in exchange for money in last four months. The sample was recruited using Respondent Driven Sampling, between August and November 2010. RESULTS: The 84.1% of the sample tested and the estimated prevalence of HIV infection was 3.8%. The sample was young (25 to 39 years ), single (80.0%), with one to three children (83.6%), had eight or more years of schooling (65.7%), and belonged to social classes D/E (53.1%). The majority worked in fixed locations (bars, motels, hotels, sauna - 88.9%), and prostitution was their only source of income (54.1%). About 25% of the sample did not know where to test in the public health sector and 51.8% either never tested or hadn’t tested for over a year or more. The main reported barriers to testing were the perceptions that there was no risk of becoming infected (24.1%), and, alternatively, fear of discrimination if the test was positive (20.5%). Incentives for testing were the greater availability of testing sites (57.0%) and health facilities with alternative schedules (44.2%). CONCLUSIONS: Prevalence for HIV was similar to that found in other Brazilian cities in different regions of the country, although higher than the general female population. Non-traditional venues not associated with the health system and availability of testing in health units during non-commercial hours are factors that encourage testing. Not considering oneself to be at risk, fear of being discriminated against and not knowing testing locations are barriers.

Prostitution became a thriving business in Japan and Japanese migrant communities in the western United States in the last years of the nineteenth century, and Japanese reformers organized against it on both sides of the Pacific to protect Japan’s reputation as a “civilized” country. By 1920 Japanese prostitution had visibly declined in Pacific Coast cities, whereas it continued to be a regular feature of public life in Japan. This article examines the emergence of transpacific reform networks in the 1890s as well as the different ways the reform movements developed in the two Pacific regions after 1900. It argues that transnational and comparative approaches are not in opposition to but complementary to one another in the historical study of prostitution, social reform, and international migration.

Purpose In rural regions, mining is an activity that employs many people due to the fact that the barriers to entry are sometimes trivial, with very low technology, capital fund, and no specialized skills required. Many people including children are engaged in artisanal mining in Ivory Coast because they can earn higher incomes in mining than through other traditional activities such as agriculture, which is the main activity in the country. Artisanal mining contributes to reduce abject poverty prevalent in the country and it offers many others opportunities. However, this activity has many negative social impacts. Local people including miners are risking their lives everyday as they are exposed to unsanitary conditions, prostitution, chemical contaminants, and alcoholism, and also due to the large degradation of lands. The paper aims to discuss these issues. Design/methodology/approach All the data collected during this study were analyzed before some of it was corrected. For data analysis and interpretation, the authors used Word and Excel and other software, and other statistical tools for maps, graphs, and tables. Findings The main objective of this paper is to understand how artisanal gold mining in the Ivory Coast affects local livelihoods and the environment. Research limitations/implications This study was carried out during the author’s study in China. The data collection between the two countries was too difficult due to the long distance. Many times the network was not reliable for any call and discuss with miners when we are not in the country. The hesitation of miners to give real information to the authors was also a main problem because most of them are illegal miners. Some of the guided questionnaires stayed without feedback for almost three months. The production was sold on a day-to-day basis by the miners in the illegal mining sites, so the authors could not obtain with precision the monthly and annual production to calculate income of the miners. Originality/value Some key recommendations for addressing artisanal mining activities in order to have a good option for sustainable management of mineral resources in the country are proposed.

Relations between u.s. servicemen and Vietnamese civilians represent one of the most persistent cultural legacies of the Vietnam War. From brides to bar girls to crass film tropes of Vietnamese sex workers, women occupy a prominent place in the war’s memory. At the time, however, the media and u.s. government officials portrayed sex as a subtext to the larger conflict. From the outset, officials on all sides of the negotiating table struggled over how to contain the diverse impacts of the relationships on health, security, and morale. Prostitution played a central role in the debate. u.s. officials attempted to discount the significance of their impact on foreign relations and warfare, but social relationships indeed had an impact on how Americans engaged Saigon’s leaders. While scholars typically have shown the United States as the dominant power in Vietnam, sexuality became a somewhat level playing field where both governments feared the repercussions of limiting intercultural intimacy as much as they feared letting it continue. At first, the Saigon government enacted strict laws and attempted to prosecute violators, but never committed to eradication. By the war’s height u.s. officials adopted rigorous new programs which led to an Americanization of sexual and social policies regarding prostitution in Vietnam.

The basic human right to sexual autonomy and self‐determination encompasses two sides: it enshrines both the right to engage in wanted sexuality on the one hand, and the right to be free and protected from unwanted sexuality, from sexual abuse and sexual violence on the other. This concept elaborated by the European Court of Human Rights, in the light of European legal consensus, suggests that the age of consent for sexual relations (outside of relationships of authority and outside of pornography and prostitution) should be set between 12 and 16 years. In any event the age of criminal responsibility should be the same as the age of sexual consent.

This paper poses a question whether Syari’ah can be adopted as a regional/provincial law in Indonesia or not? The question has many sides. First, the many provinces in Indonesia have different religious and cultural setting, making them varied in their reception not only to Syari’ah but also to Islam itself. Even the province where Muslims are majority, Syari’ah is not always ready to apply. Second, the formalization of Syari’ah has provoked an uneasy response from many non-Muslims and also from many Muslims who are not happy with the formalization of Syari’ah. Third, the provincial law has thus far been good in some provinces, giving no chance for the Syari’ah law to interfere. It is these problems that this paper is concerned with. Some aspects of the Syari’ah criminal law that many have attempted to be formalized will be discussed here such as the law of fornication, of drugs and beer, of prostitution, and of religious transgression.

AbstractThis article investigates the coinciding of the mass migration from Europe to the Americas and the emergence of mass culture, two developments that shaped everyday life, popular entertainment, and Jewish and non-Jewish relations at the turn of the twentieth century. Jewish actors and actresses were among the most prominent performers who staged in Orpheums, Varietés, and vaudevilles on both sides of the Atlantic. In their performances they drew on the notion of a new quality of mobility that society was experiencing, utilizing it to negotiate issues such as of the cultural construction of identities and Jewishness, or to critically reexamine antisemitic and nationalistic attitudes. On the one hand, mobility enabled negotiations of controversial issues. On the other hand, mobility led to accusations against popular entertainment, both legitimate and erroneous—for example, that vaudevilles functioned as covers for clandestine prostitution. Therefore, the article examines the question of how mobility influenced popular culture. What were the controversial issues that mobility raised, and what accusations did these evoke? In what ways did actors and actresses in popular culture address gender and Jewishness? To answer these questions, the article analyzes the spaces of popular entertainment in Budapest, Vienna, and New York through close examinations of newspapers, manuscripts, playbills, and records of censorship.

In the early part of the twentieth century, Auckland's Grey Street, as Greys Avenue was known until 1927, was home to a Chinese community, and was associated with opium smoking and prostitution, and regarded by some as a "slum." In 1941, with financial support from Auckland City, the Labour government embarked upon a scheme of "slum clearance" in the area. Initially, the government hoped to acquire and clear both sides of Greys Avenue. Housing Division architects prepared a vast scheme for the site, comprising 468 state rental flats. The first portion of this scheme, the Lower Greys Avenue Flats, was built from 1945 to 1947. This paper explores the slum rhetoric that preceded the realisation of the Lower Greys Avenue Flats; the standard of the houses that were deemed to be slums; and the occupations and ethnicities of the occupants who were considered to be slum dwellers. The paper shows that slum language exaggerated the "shabby" and "shambling" standards of the houses. It also shows that much of the land now occupied by the Lower Greys Avenue Flats was in fact cleared prior to 1935, and thus not specifically for this state housing block at all, and that in the latter 1930s and early 1940s, the focus of slum concern was further up the street, with houses that would not be cleared and replaced until the 1950s, '60s and '70s.

Introducción: Este artículo propone una aproximación socio-etnográfica a aquellos grupos de la circulación migratoria rumana que quedan relegados “al margen” y ubicados estratégica y simbólicamente “al otro lado”, esto es, al margen de la ley, la sociedad y fuera del foco de atención de las ciencias sociales. Así, nos detendremos en las brigadas, formaciones de jóvenes que organizan sus actividades en torno a los delitos contra la propiedad y la práctica de la prostitución trasnacionales; y los clanes romaníes, grupos con vínculo familiar que desempeñan actividades como la recogida y venta de chatarra, las tareas agrícolas de temporada o la mendicidad.Método: El enfoque biográfico se sustenta en la etnografía “multi-situada” (España/Rumanía), dando especial relieve a la construcción de contextos de convivencia e intimidad con los actores. Estos se hallan agrupados en diferentes núcleos familiares procedentes de las regiones de Valaquia, Moldavia y Transilvania, y que hoy participan de una experiencia migratoria trans-nacional.Resultados: Se trata de una investigación iniciada en 2013 y que se encuentra en curso, por lo que los resultados son provisionales. En el caso de la minoría romaní se observa una notable discriminación por parte de los Estados, que produce una injustificada alarma social. En relación con el delito y la prostitución trans-nacionales, las políticas de control social tienden al pánico moral y se concentran en grupos delictivos de baja intensidad, buscando la permanente legitimación en una lucha simbólica (e ineficaz) frente a los fantasmas del “crimen organizado”.Discusión: El paradigma de la victimización criminalizadora contribuye a ahondar en el proceso de estigmatización de estas poblaciones, cuya esperanza emancipadora pasa necesariamente por des-afiliarse de los discursos dominantes. No obstante, evidenciar el carácter heterogéneo de las migraciones rumanas no debe llevarnos a ignorar la influencia de las estructuras socio-políticas ni el peso de la historia. Introduction: This article proposes a socio-ethnographic approach to those groups of the Romanian migratory movement that are reduced to living "on the Margins" and strategically and symbolically located "on the other side", that is, outside the law, society and the attention of the social sciences. Therefore, we will focus on the brigadas, youth groups that organise their activities around property crime and transnational prostitution; and the Roma clans, groups with family ties that survive through the collection and sale of scrap, seasonal agriculture or begging.Method: The biographical approach is based on the "Multi-sited" Ethnography (Spain / Romania), with special emphasis on the building of close and personal relationships with the participants. These are grouped in different family nuclei originated from the regions of Valaquia, Moldavia and Transilvania, and that today participate in a trans-national migratory experience.Results: This research was initiated in 2013 and is still in progress, so the results are provisional. In the case of the Roma minority, there is a considerable discrimination on the part of the state, which feeds an unjustified social alarm. In relation to trans-national crime and prostitution, the social control policies are driven by moral panic and concentrate on low-intensity criminal groups, seeking a permanent legitimisation of a symbolic (and ineffective) struggle against the ghosts of "organised crime".Discussion: The paradigm of criminalising victimisation contributes to deepening the process of stigmatisation of these populations, whose emancipatory hope requires an escape from the dominant discourses. However, illustrating the diversity of the Romanian migrations should not lead us to ignore the influence of socio-political structures or the weight of history.

Tourism has three sides: the good, the bad and the ugly. The good side is it generates employment and brings in investment. Tourism earns the state an average Rs 4,000 crore annually. 23 lakh tourists visit Goa; this income contributes to 15 per cent of India’s foreign exchange. The bad side is everything has become commercial in a state like Goa, where employment opportunities are few and everyone wants to ride the bus of tourism. They want to set up hotels, rent their homes, bikes and cars or start some business to facilitate tourism. In this process, the beautiful scenic Goa has become a commercial hub. The ugly side is tourism not only brings tourists but also their culture, culture which views children as sex objects or views sex with a child as normal behaviour. This has made Goa the sex capital of India. Many Indian and foreign tourists come in search of child sex in Goa. Goa is also openly advertised as a state with free and liberal values. This has made our children vulnerable. There are various ways in which the sex offenders get access to children. Some approach the children directly on the beach, while others offer them a drink or a meal before taking them back their hotel rooms. Many contact children through their social media platforms. After making friends and chatting with them for a considerable period of time, they fix a meeting with them only to exploit them. Many people function as agents who are involved in supplying children to these men who come in search of them. This article discusses the evil effects of tourism on children such as sale of children, child sexual abuse, child pornography, child prostitution and paedophilia. Abuse and exploitation of children in tourism can have severe impact on children; it can also affect the tourist destination. The article will discuss ethical methods, which can be adopted to encourage tourism and keep the children of Goa safe.

<p><strong>Resumen</strong></p><p>Este artículo se enmarca dentro de la investigación <em>Los cinco sentidos del Distrito Cultural en Londres</em>, la cual forma parte del Proyecto de Excelencia 2016-2018 <em>Distritos Culturales: imágenes e imaginarios en los procesos de revitalización de espacios urbanos</em>. Escogiendo Bankside como punto de partida, para dicha investigación se han analizado diferentes emplazamientos como Crossbones Graveyard –antiguo cementerio donde se encuentran enterradas muchas de las mujeres que ejercieron la prostitución en el Distrito entre los siglos XII y XVII–. Desde su descubrimiento en la década de los 90 se han llevado a cabo numerosas acciones gracias a las cuales se ha conseguido no sólo su conservación, sino difundir la verdadera historia de las “Winchester Geese”.</p><p> </p><p><strong>Abstract</strong></p><p>This paper is part of the research <em>Five senses of London Cultural District</em>, which is part of the Excellence Project 2016-2018 <em>Cultural Districts: images and imaginaries in </em><em>the processes of revitalization of urban spaces</em>. Choosing Bankside as a starting point, for this research different sites have been analysed such as Crossbones Graveyard –which is an old graveyard where many of the women who practiced prostitution in the District between the twelfth and seventeenth centuries were buried. Since its discovery in the 90’s, many actions have been carried out, which have not only achieved the goal of preserving the place, but also spread the truth of “Winchester Geese’s” story.</p><p> </p><div id="SLG_balloon_obj" style="display: block;"><div id="SLG_button" class="SLG_ImTranslatorLogo" style="background: url('chrome-extension://mchdgimobfnilobnllpdnompfjkkfdmi/content/img/util/imtranslator-s.png'); display: none; opacity: 1;"> </div><div id="SLG_shadow_translation_result2" style="display: none;"> </div><div id="SLG_shadow_translator" style="display: none;"><div id="SLG_planshet" style="background: url('chrome-extension://mchdgimobfnilobnllpdnompfjkkfdmi/content/img/util/bg2.png') #f4f5f5;"><div id="SLG_arrow_up" style="background: url('chrome-extension://mchdgimobfnilobnllpdnompfjkkfdmi/content/img/util/up.png');"> </div><div id="SLG_providers" style="visibility: hidden;"><div id="SLG_P0" class="SLG_BL_LABLE_ON" title="Google">G</div><div id="SLG_P1" class="SLG_BL_LABLE_ON" title="Microsoft">M</div><div id="SLG_P2" class="SLG_BL_LABLE_ON" title="Translator">T</div></div><div id="SLG_alert_bbl"> </div><div id="SLG_TB"><div id="SLG_bubblelogo" class="SLG_ImTranslatorLogo" style="background: url('chrome-extension://mchdgimobfnilobnllpdnompfjkkfdmi/content/img/util/imtranslator-s.png');"> </div><table id="SLG_tables" cellspacing="1"><tr><td class="SLG_td" align="right" width="10%"><input id="SLG_locer" title="Fijar idioma" type="checkbox" /></td><td class="SLG_td" align="left" width="20%"><select id="SLG_lng_from"><option value="auto">Detectar idioma</option><option value="">undefined</option></select></td><td class="SLG_td" align="center" width="3"> </td><td class="SLG_td" align="left" width="20%"><select id="SLG_lng_to"><option value="">undefined</option></select></td><td class="SLG_td" align="center" width="21%"> </td><td class="SLG_td" align="center" width="6%"> </td><td class="SLG_td" align="center" width="6%"> </td><td class="SLG_td" align="center" width="6%"> </td><td class="SLG_td" align="center" width="6%"> </td><td class="SLG_td" width="10%"> </td><td class="SLG_td" align="right" width="8%"> </td></tr></table></div></div><div id="SLG_shadow_translation_result" style="visibility: visible;"> </div><div id="SLG_loading" class="SLG_loading" style="background: url('chrome-extension://mchdgimobfnilobnllpdnompfjkkfdmi/content/img/util/loading.gif');"> </div><div id="SLG_player2"> </div><div id="SLG_alert100">La función de sonido está limitada a 200 caracteres</div><div id="SLG_Balloon_options" style="background: url('chrome-extension://mchdgimobfnilobnllpdnompfjkkfdmi/content/img/util/bg3.png') #ffffff;"><div id="SLG_arrow_down" style="background: url('chrome-extension://mchdgimobfnilobnllpdnompfjkkfdmi/content/img/util/down.png');"> </div><table width="100%"><tr><td align="left" width="18%" height="16"> </td><td align="center" width="68%"><a class="SLG_options" title="Mostrar opciones" href="chrome-extension://mchdgimobfnilobnllpdnompfjkkfdmi/content/html/options/options.html?bbl" target="_blank">Opciones</a> : <a class="SLG_options" title="Historial de traducciones" href="chrome-extension://mchdgimobfnilobnllpdnompfjkkfdmi/content/html/options/options.html?hist" target="_blank">Historia</a> : <a class="SLG_options" title="ImTranslator Ayuda" href="http://about.imtranslator.net/tutorials/presentations/google-translate-for-opera/opera-popup-bubble/" target="_blank">Ayuda</a> : <a class="SLG_options" title="ImTranslator Feedback" href="chrome-extension://mchdgimobfnilobnllpdnompfjkkfdmi/content/html/options/options.html?feed" target="_blank">Feedback</a></td><td align="right" width="15%"><span id="SLG_Balloon_Close" title="Cerrar">Cerrar</span></td></tr></table></div></div></div>

A carefully selected introduction to current research available on the Internet about trafficking in women, this annotated list contains international responses to the global scope of the flesh trade. Articles contain vivid accounts of the violence, degradation and poverty inherent in sexual exploitation, and provide analysis and possible courses of action. Hundreds of websites offering research and promoting activism to combat global prostitution and trafficking already exist and more are being created. Some of the resources are located on "gateway sites," which contain valuable links to related sites.

Heritage tourism destinations attract heterogeneous number of players each with significantly different interests at the expense of residents. Therefore, this study assesses impacts and patronage of heritage tourism sites on the host communities in Osun State, Nigeria. Data for this study was derived through questionnaire administration. Random sampling without replacement was used to select eleven (11) heritage tourism sites in which two hundred and twenty-two (222) questionnaire were administered residents. Findings revealed the propelling factors of the influx of tourist to the heritage sites are socio-economic (33.06%), service (17.75%), mobility (12.77%) and management factors (10.78%) and the possible outcomes are both positive and negative, which were further categorized into Social, economic and environmental impacts. The implications of this study revealed the prominence of social vices such as increase in prostitution, traffic congestion, and noise pollution among others in the areas accommodating the heritage tourism sites, hence appropriate policies for proper guidance among the heritage tourism sites, the tourists and the residents.

Among Swedish youth with experience of selling sex, the Internet is the most common means of contact between buyer and seller. There are few descriptions of how these contacts are established, but studies have indicated that young people under the age of 18 seldom engage in open prostitution online. This study aimed to examine what role the Internet and the use of smartphones play in young women selling sex online, focusing on the method of contact and the characteristics of the communication online between buyer and seller. The study included 15 young women between the ages of 15 and 25 (M=18.9) who had sold sex online before the age of 18. Thematic analysis was used to identify similarities and differences in the narratives.Two main themes were identified: (I) Internet use—Part of daily life, for good and bad, and Depending on mood. The young women described using the Internet on a daily basis. During periods of poorer psychological health they were more active on sites focusing on self-destructiveness and sex. During these periods, they also sold sex more frequently. (II) Patterns of contacts—Innocent/curious, Dating, and Advertising. The narratives about communication prior to a sexual encounter detailed differences ranging from being lured to direct negotiations. The results indicate that there is a group of young women who sell sex online that is not in the open prostitution. Police and other authorities working with young women selling sex need to better understand the coded sexual communication behind some of these sexual encounters and how different communication strategies might affect the young women.

The development of the internet gave birth to new problems. Among them appear more sophisticated crime in the form of "cybercrime". It is characterized by the rapid growth of the porn sites. The crime of pornography is often the case on the internet among other pornographic material, pornographic material have, keep pornographic material, distributing pornographic material, showing pornographic material, pornographic material lend, make yourself as an object porn, prostitution and online advertising pornographic contents. Issues to be studied in this research is how the sanctions against the crime of pornography via the Internet as well as how best to cope with the crime of pornography via the Internet. Sources of law consists of primary legal materials, including regulation, secondary law, namely literature books and journals related to the problems studied. Overall primary legal materials and secondary legal materials will be analyzed using descriptive analysis is an analytical analysis that describes or depicts nature of regulations.The results of this research are positive law in Indonesia is still inadequate or non-compliance related to the development of pornography on the internet, which limits the granting of pornography that is not clear, where the authorities to take specific actions to address the problem of pornography, the penalty is too light, obscurity party deems appropriate to account for crimes categorized as pornography. The efforts have been made but the evils of pornography is still ongoing due to the difference in interest between the interests of Internet entrepreneurs society in general, especially the lives of young people qualified in the present and the future. Keywords: Pornography, sanctions, countermeasures

Social media allow people to communicate with others and this has increased online communication. There are numerous risks of attack on the use of internet and cyber criminals across the digital world. Cyber-crimes is the latest and the most sophisticated problem in the digital world. Cybercrime varies from computer fraud, unauthorized hacking, forgery, infringements of privacy, online gambling, propagation of harmful content, phishing, computer viruses, falsification of prostitution, theft, espionage, copyright infringement , financial crimes, sale of illegal articles, pornography, intellectual property crime, e-mail spoofing, cyber defamation and cyber stalking. The study was guided by the following objectives, to establish various forms of cybercrimes performed on social media, to examine the effects of cyber-crimes on the security of social media, to study the impact of cyber-crimes on social media security. The research population was used from the selected higher learning institutions and a sample size of 132 was used. Simple random sampling was used in sampling the respondents. A descriptive statistics analysis was done, comprising the generation of mean and standard deviation. SPSSv16.0 software was used to generate the mean and standard deviation. The findings show that many students share too much information through emails and social media which may pose threats to them. Most organization they have implemented multilayered security mechanisms information security may leak on the social sites. Cyber-bullying has spread widely especially are prone to the practice of cyber-bullying. Security attacks such as hacking, spoofing spamming cyber stalking Trojan, worms, viruses and exposure scams are common through social media, hence the ICT policy and government policy have address such issues. Higher learning institutions need to invest more resources in training students, awareness, research and development, IT security and social media crimes.

To sin by silence, when we should protest,Makes cowards out of men.— Ella Wheeler WilcoxProtest is culturally entwined in historical and juro-political realities and is a fundamental element of the exercise of individual and collective rights. As our title notes, while there are currently many ‘protests in progress’ around the world, there is also a great deal of ‘progress in protest’ in terms of what protests look like, their scale and number, how they are formed and conducted, their goals, how they can be studied, as well as the varying responses formed in relation to protest. The etymology of protest associates two important dynamics pertaining to the topic. Firstly, a protest is something that is put forward, forth, or toward the front (from the Latin pro); essentially, it is in one manner or another, made publically. Secondly, it suggests that a person or persons have beared witness (testis) and instead of remaining silent, have made a declaration or assertion (testari). In other words, someone has made public their disapproval or objection. The nine articles that comprise this issue of M/C Journal on ‘protest’ reminds us of these salient elements of protest. Each, in their own way, highlight the importance of not remaining silent when faced with an injustice or in order to promote social change. As Bill McKibben (7) outlines in his foreword to an excellent collection of protest documents, ‘voices of protest ... are often precisely what propels human civilisation forward and allows it to become unstuck’. However, not all forms of contemporary protest shares ideological or progressive aims. Here, we might consider the emergence of contentious formations such as the alt-right and antifa, what is considered ‘fake’ or ‘real’, and ongoing conflicts between notions of individual and collective rights and state sovereignty.This modest but insightful collection demonstrates the broad scope of this field of inquiry. This issue explores the intersections among social justice, identity and communications technology, as well as the convergences and divergences in the form, function and substance of protest. Through an analysis of protest’s relationship to media, the author’s highlight the possibilities of protest to effect social change. The issue begins with Lakota screenwriter and activist Floris White Bull’s (Floris Ptesáŋ Huŋká) discussion of the documentary AWAKE, a Dream from Standing Rock (2017) and the #NODAPL protest. The film, split into three parts, takes a poignant and quite personal look at the native-led peaceful resistance at the Standing Rock Sioux Reservation in North Dakota in 2016. This protest involved tens of thousands of activists from all over the world who opposed the construction of the Dakota Access Pipeline (DAPL) which was to transport fracked oil directly underneath the Missouri River and through sovereign Lakota land (see Image 1). However, the events at Standing Rock were not a single-issue protest and brought activists together over a range of interrelated issues including environmental protection, human rights, water security, community health and Native American sovereignty. The Water Protectors were also forced to contest racist and disparaging media representations. As such, Standing Rock remains a site of cultural exchange and learning. These protests are not historical, but instead, are an ongoing struggle. The film AWAKE is important as testimony to the injustices at Standing Rock. A short description of the film is first provided in order to provide some additional context to perspectives addressed in the film. From there, White Bull has been invited to respond to questions posed by the editors regarding the Standing Rock Protests and documentary films such as AWAKE. As an Indigenous person fighting for justice, White Bull reminds readers that ‘[t]he path forward is the same as it has always been – holding on to our goals, values and dignity with resilience’.Image 1: Dakota Access Pipeline Protesters, 2016. Photo credit: Indigenous Environmental Network.Cat Pausé and Sandra Grey use an example of fat shaming to investigate how media impacts body politics and determines who is enfranchised to voice public dissent. Media becomes a mechanism for policing and governing bodily norms and gendered identities. As well as outlining a brief history of feminist body activism, the authors draw on personal experience and interview material with activists to reflect on fat embodiment and politics. Also informed by intersectional approaches, their work alerts us to the diverse vectors by which injustice and oppression fall on some bodies differently as well as the diverse bodies assembled in any crowd.Greg Watson suggests that “[c]ontemporary societies are increasingly becoming sites in which it is more difficult for people to respectfully negotiate disagreements about human diversity”. Drawing on his experiences organising Human Libraries throughout Australia, Watson argues these spaces create opportunities for engaging with difference. In this sense Human Libraries can be considered sites which protest the micropublics’ “codes of civility” which produce everyday marginalisations of difference.Micropolitics and creative forms of protest are also central to Ella Cutler, Jacqueline Gothe, and Alexandra Crosby’s article. The author’s consider three design projects which seek to facilitate ethical communication with diverse communities. Drawing on Guy Julier’s tactics for activist design, each project demonstrates the value of slowing down in order to pay attention to experience. In this way, research through design offers a reflexive means for engaging social change.Research practices are also central to making visible community resistance. Anthony McCosker and Timothy Graham consider the role of social networking in urban protests through the campaign to save the iconic Melbourne music venue The Palace (see Image 2). Their article considers the value of social media data and analytics in relation to the court proceedings and trial processes. Given the centrality of social media to activist campaigns their reflections provide a timely evaluation of how data publics are constituted and their ongoing legacy.Image 2: Melbourne’s Palace Theatre before demolition. Photo Credit: Melbourne Heritage Action.For Marcelina Piotrowski pleasure is central to understanding data production and protest. She draws on a Deleuze and Guattarian framework in order to consider protests against oil pipelines in British Columbia. Importantly, through this theoretical framework of ‘data desires’, pleasure is not something owned by the individual subject but rather holds the potential to construct generative social collectivities. This is traced through three different practices: deliberation in online forums; citizen science and social media campaigns. This has important implications for understanding environmental issues and our own enfolding within them. Nadine Kozak takes a look at how Online Service Providers (OSPs) have historically used internet ‘blackouts’ in order to protest United States government regulations. Kozak points to protests against the Communications Decency Act (1996) which sought to regulate online pornographic material and the Stop Online Piracy Act (2011) which proposed increased federal government power to take action against online copyright infringement. Recently, the United States Congress recently passed the Fight Online Sex Trafficking Act (FOSTA) and the Stop Enabling Sex Traffickers Act (SESTA), which hold OSPs liable for third-party content including advertising for prostitution. However, despite condemnation from the Department of Justice and trafficking victims, OSPs did not utilise blackouts as a means to protest these new measures. Kozak concludes that the decision to whether or not to utilise blackout protests is dependent on the interests of technology companies and large OSPs. It is evident that most especially since Donald Trump popularised the term, ‘fake news’ has taken a centre stage in discussions concerning media. In fact, the lines between what is fake and what is official have become blurred. Most recently, QAnon proponents have been attending Trump rallies and speeches giving further visibility to various conspiracy narratives stemming from online message boards (see Image 3). Marc Tuters, Emilija Jokubauskaitė, and Daniel Bach establishe a clear timeline of events in order to trace the origins of ‘#Pizzagate’; a 2016 conspiracy theory that falsely claimed that several U.S. restaurants and high-ranking officials of the Democratic Party were connected with human trafficking and an alleged child-sex ring. The authors investigate the affordances of 4chan to unpack how the site’s anonymity, rapid temporality and user collectivisation were instrumental in creating ‘bullshit’; a usage which the authors suggest is a “technical term for persuasive speech unconcerned with veracity”. This provides an understanding of how alt-right communities are assembled and motivated in a post-truth society. Image 3: QAnon proponents at Trump rally in Tampa, 31 July 2018. Photo credit: Kirby Wilson, Tampa Bay Times.Finally, Colin Salter analyses protests for animal rights as a lens to critique notions of national identity and belonging. Protests on whaling in the Southern Ocean (see Image 4) and live export trade from Australia continue to be highly contested political issues. Salter reflects on the ABC’s 2011 exposé into Australian live animal exports to Indonesia and the 2014 hearings at the International Court of Justice into Japanese whaling. Salter then traces the common elements between animal rights campaigns in order to demonstrate the manner in which the physical bodies of animals, their treatment, and the debate surrounding that treatment become sites for mapping cultural identity, nationhood, and sovereignty. Here, Salter suggests that such inquiry is useful for promoting broader consideration of efficacious approaches to animal advocacy and social change.Image 4: The ship Bob Barker, rammed by the Japanese whaling vessel Nishin Maru. Photo credit: Sea Shepherd Facebook Page. As indicated in the opening paragraphs, it is crucial for people committed to social justice to publically raise their voices in protest. As such, we would like to thank each of the authors for their important contributions to this issue on ‘protest’. In its own way, each contribution serves doubly as a form of protest and a means to understand the topic more clearly. There is solidarity evidenced in this issue. Taken as a whole, these articles attest to the importance of understanding protest and social change.ReferencesMcKibben, B. "Foreword." Voices of Protest: Documents of Courage and Dissent. Eds. Frank Lowenstein, Sheryl Lechner, and Erik Bruun. New York: Black Dog & Leventhal Publishers, 2007. 7-8.Wilcox, E.W. "Protest." Poems of Problems. Chicago: W.B. Conkey Company, 1914.

On the night of 31 August, 1888, Mary Ann ‘Polly’ Nichols was found murdered in Buck’s Row, her throat slashed and her body mutilated. She was followed by Annie Chapman on 8 September in the year of 29 Hanbury Street, Elizabeth Stride in Dutfield’s Yard and Catherine Eddowes in Mitre Square on 30 September, and finally Mary Jane Kelly in Miller’s Court, on 9 November. These five women, all prostitutes, were victims of an unknown assailant commonly referred to by the epithet ‘Jack the Ripper’, forming an official canon which excludes at least thirteen other cases around the same time. As the Ripper was never identified or caught, he has attained an almost supernatural status in London’s history and literature, immortalised alongside other iconic figures such as Sherlock Holmes. And his killing ground, the East End suburb of Whitechapel, has become notorious in its own right. In this article, I will discuss how Whitechapel developed as a Gothic location through the body of literature devoted to the Whitechapel murders of 1888, known as 'Ripperature'. I will begin by speaking to the turn of Gothic literature towards the idea of the city as a Gothic space, before arguing that Whitechapel's development into a Gothic location may be attributed to the threat of the Ripper and the literature which emerged during and after his crimes. As a working class slum with high rates of crime and poverty, Whitechapel already enjoyed an evil reputation in the London press. However, it was the presence of Jack that would make the suburb infamous into contemporary times. The Gothic Space of the City In the nineteenth century, there was a shift in the representation of space in Gothic literature. From the depiction of the wilderness and ancient buildings such as castles as essentially Gothic, there was a turn towards the idea of the city as a Gothic space. David Punter attributes this turn to Robert Louis Stevenson’s 1886 novel The Strange Case of Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde. The wild landscape is no longer considered as dangerous as the savage city of London, and evil no longer confined only to those of working-class status (Punter 191). However, it has been argued by Lawrence Phillips and Anne Witchard that Charles Dickens may have been the first author to present London as a Gothic city, in particular his description of Seven Dials in Bell’s Life in London, 1837, where the anxiety and unease of the narrator is associated with place (11). Furthermore, Thomas de Quincey uses Gothic imagery in his descriptions of London in his 1821 book Confessions of an English Opium-Eater, calling the city a “vast centre of mystery” (217). This was followed in 1840 with Edgar Allen Poe’s story The Man of the Crowd, in which the narrator follows a stranger through the labyrinthine streets of London, experiencing its poorest and most dangerous areas. At the end of the story, Poe calls the stranger “the type and the genius of deep crime (...) He is the man of the crowd” (n. p). This association of crowds with crime is also used by Jack London in his book The People of the Abyss, published in 1905, where the author spent time living in the slums of the East End. Even William Blake could be considered to have used Gothic imagery in his description of the city in his poem London, written in 1794. The Gothic city became a recognisable and popular trope in the fin-de-siècle, or end-of-century Gothic literature, in the last few decades of the nineteenth century. This fin-de-siècle literature reflected the anxieties inherent in increasing urbanisation, wherein individuals lose their identity through their relationship with the city. Examples of fin-de-siècle Gothic literature include The Beetle by Richard Marsh, published in 1897, and Bram Stoker’s Dracula, published in the same year. Evil is no longer restricted to foreign countries in these stories, but infects familiar city streets with terror, in a technique that is described as ‘everyday Gothic’ (Paulden 245). The Gothic city “is constructed by man, and yet its labyrinthine alleys remain unknowable (...) evil is not externalized elsewhere, but rather literally exists within” (Woodford n.p). The London Press and Whitechapel Prior to the Ripper murders of 1888, Whitechapel had already been given an evil reputation in the London press, heavily influenced by W.T. Stead’s reports for The Pall Mall Gazette, entitled The Maiden Tribute of Modern Babylon, in 1885. In these reports, Stead revealed how women and children were being sold into prostitution in suburbs such as Whitechapel. Stead used extensive Gothic imagery in his writing, one of the most enduring being the image of London as a labyrinth with a monstrous Minotaur at its centre, swallowing up his helpless victims. Counter-narratives about Whitechapel do exist, an example being Henry Mayhew’s London Labour and the London Poor, who attempted to demystify the East End by walking the streets of Whitechapel and interviewing its inhabitants in the 1860’s. Another is Arthur G. Morrison, who in 1889 dismissed the graphic descriptions of Whitechapel by other reporters as amusing to those who actually knew the area as a commercially respectable place. However, the Ripper murders in the autumn of 1888 ensured that the Gothic image of the East End would become the dominant image in journalism and literature for centuries to come. Whitechapel was a working-class slum, associated with poverty and crime, and had a large Jewish and migrant population. Indeed the claim was made that “had Whitechapel not existed, according to the rationalist, then Jack the Ripper would not have marched against civilization” (Phillips 157). Whitechapel was known as London’s “heart of darkness (…) the ultimate threat and the ultimate mystery” (Ackroyd 679). Therefore, the reporters of the London press who visited Whitechapel during and immediately following the murders understandably imbued the suburb with a Gothic atmosphere in their articles. One such newspaper article, An Autumn Evening in Whitechapel, released in November of 1888, demonstrates these characteristics in its description of Whitechapel. The anonymous reporter, writing during the Ripper murders, describes the suburb as a terrible dark ocean in which there are human monsters, where a man might get a sense of what humanity can sink to in areas of poverty. This view was shared by many, including author Margaret Harkness, whose 1889 book In Darkest London described Whitechapel as a monstrous living entity, and as a place of vice and depravity. Gothic literary tropes were also already widely used in print media to describe murders and other crimes that happened in London, such as in the sensationalist newspaper The Illustrated Police News. An example of this is an illustration published in this newspaper after the murder of Mary Kelly, showing the woman letting the Ripper into her lodgings, with the caption ‘Opening the door to admit death’. Jack is depicted as a manifestation of Death itself, with a grinning skull for a head and clutching a doctor’s bag filled with surgical instruments with which to perform his crimes (Johnston n.p.). In the magazine Punch, Jack was depicted as a phantom, the ‘Nemesis of Neglect’, representing the poverty of the East End, floating down an alleyway with his knife looking for more victims. The Ripper murders were explained by London newspapers as “the product of a diseased environment where ‘neglected human refuse’ bred crime” (Walkowitz 194). Whitechapel became a Gothic space upon which civilisation projected their inadequacies and fears, as if “it had become a microcosm of London’s own dark life” (Ackroyd 678). And in the wake of Jack the Ripper, this writing of Whitechapel as a Gothic space would only continue, with the birth of ‘Ripperature’, the body of fictional and non-fiction literature devoted to the murders. The Birth of Ripperature: The Curse upon Mitre Square and Leather Apron John Francis Brewer wrote the first known text about the Ripper murders in October of 1888, a sensational horror monograph entitled The Curse upon Mitre Square. Brewer made use of well-known Gothic tropes, such as the trans-generational curse, the inclusion of a ghost and the setting of an old church for the murder of an innocent woman. Brewer blended fact and fiction, making the Whitechapel murderer the inheritor, or even perhaps the victim of an ancient curse that hung over Mitre Square, where the second murdered prostitute, Catherine Eddowes, had been found the month before. According to Brewer, the curse originated from the murder of a woman in 1530 by her brother, a ‘mad monk’, on the steps of the high altar of the Holy Trinity Church in Aldgate. The monk, Martin, committed suicide, realising what he had done, and his ghost now appears pointing to the place where the murder occurred, promising that other killings will follow. Whitechapel is written as both a cursed and haunted Gothic space in The Curse upon Mitre Square. Brewer’s description of the area reflected the contemporary public opinion, describing the Whitechapel Road as a “portal to the filth and squalor of the East” (66). However, Mitre Square is the former location of a monastery torn down by a corrupt politician; this place, which should have been holy ground, is cursed. Mitre Square’s atmosphere ensures the continuation of violent acts in the vicinity; indeed, it seems to exude a self-aware and malevolent force that results in the death of Catherine Eddowes centuries later. This idea of Whitechapel as somehow complicit in or even directing the acts of the Ripper will later become a popular trope of Ripperature. Brewer’s work was advertised in London on posters splashed with red, a reminder of the blood spilled by the Ripper’s victims only weeks earlier. It was also widely promoted by the media and reissued in New York in 1889. It is likely that a ‘suggestion effect’ took place during the telegraph-hastened, press-driven coverage of the Jack the Ripper story, including Brewer’s monograph, spreading the image of Gothic Whitechapel as fact to the world (Dimolianis 63). Samuel E. Hudson’s account of the Ripper murders differs in style from Brewer’s because of his attempt to engage critically with issues such as the failure of the police force to find the murderer and the true identity of Jack. His book Leather Apron; or, the Horrors of Whitechapel, London, was published in December of 1888. Hudson described the five murders canonically attributed to Jack, wrote an analysis of the police investigation that followed, and speculated as to the Ripper’s motivations. Despite his intention to examine the case objectively, Hudson writes Jack as a Gothic monster, an atavistic and savage creature prowling Whitechapel to satisfy his bloodlust. Jack is associated with several Gothic tropes in Hudson’s work, and described as different types of monsters. He is called: a “fiend bearing a charmed and supernatural existence,” a “human vampire”, an “incarnate monster” and even, like Brewer, the perpetrator of “ghoulish butchery” (Hudson 40). Hudson describes Whitechapel as “the worst place in London (...) with innumerable foul and pest-ridden alleys” (9). Whitechapel becomes implicated in the Ripper murders because of its previously established reputation as a crime-ridden slum. Poverty forced women into prostitution, meaning they were often out alone late at night, and its many courts and alleyways allowed the Ripper an easy escape from his pursuers after each murder (Warwick 560). The aspect of Whitechapel that Hudson emphasises the most is its darkness; “off the boulevard, away from the streaming gas-jets (...) the knave ran but slight chance of interruption” (40). Whitechapel is a place of shadows, its darkest places negotiated only by ‘fallen women’ and their clients, and Jack himself. Hudson’s casting of Jack as a vampire makes his preference for the night, and his ability to skilfully disembowel prostitutes and disappear without a trace, intelligible to his readers as the attributes of a Gothic monster. Significantly, Hudson’s London is personified as female, the same sex as the Ripper victims, evoking a sense of passive vulnerability against the acts of the masculine and predatory Jack, Hudson writing that “it was not until four Whitechapel women had perished (...) that London awoke to the startling fact that a monster was at work upon her streets” (8). The Complicity of Gothic Whitechapel in the Ripper Murders This seeming complicity of Whitechapel as a Gothic space in the Ripper murders, which Brewer and Hudson suggest in their work, can be seen to have influenced subsequent representations of Whitechapel in Ripperature. Whitechapel is no longer simply the location in which these terrible events take place; they happen because of Whitechapel itself, the space exerting a self-conscious malevolence and kinship with Jack. Historically, the murders forced Queen Victoria to call for redevelopment in Spitalfields, the improvement of living conditions for the working class, and for a better police force to patrol the East End to prevent similar crimes (Sugden 2). The fact that Jack was never captured “seemed only to confirm the impression that the bloodshed was created by the foul streets themselves: that the East End was the true Ripper,” (Ackroyd 678) using the murderer as a way to emerge into the public consciousness. In Ripperature, this idea was further developed by the now popular image of Jack “stalking the black alleyways [in] thick swirling fog” (Jones 15). This otherworldly fog seems to imply a mystical relationship between Jack and Whitechapel, shielding him from view and disorientating his victims. Whitechapel shares the guilt of the murders as a malevolent and essentially pagan space. The notion of Whitechapel as being inscribed with paganism and magic has become an enduring and popular trope of Ripperature. It relates to an obscure theory that drawing lines between the locations of the first four Ripper murders created Satanic and profane religious symbols, suggesting that they were predetermined locations for a black magic ritual (Odell 217). This theory was expanded upon most extensively in Alan Moore’s graphic novel From Hell, published in 1999. In From Hell, Jack connects several important historical and religious sites around London by drawing a pentacle on a map of the city. He explains the murders as a reinforcement of the pentacle’s “lines of power and meaning (...) this pentacle of sun gods, obelisks and rational male fire, within unconsciousness, the moon and womanhood are chained” (Moore 4.37). London becomes a ‘textbook’, a “literature of stone, of place-names and associations,” stretching back to the Romans and their pagan gods (Moore 4.9). Buck’s Row, the real location of the murder of Mary Ann Nichols, is pagan in origin; named for the deer that were sacrificed on the goddess Diana’s altars. However, Moore’s Whitechapel is also Hell itself, the result of Jack slipping further into insanity as the murders continue. From Hell is illustrated in black and white, which emphasises the shadows and darkness of Whitechapel. The buildings are indistinct scrawls of shadow, Jack often nothing more than a silhouette, forcing the reader to occupy the same “murky moral and spiritual darkness” that the Ripper does (Ferguson 58). Artist Eddie Campbell’s use of shade and shadow in his illustrations also contribute to the image of Whitechapel-as-Hell as a subterranean place. Therefore, in tracing the representations of Whitechapel in the London press and in Ripperature from 1888 onwards, the development of Whitechapel as a Gothic location becomes clear. From the geographical setting of the Ripper murders, Whitechapel has become a Gothic space, complicit in Jack’s work if not actively inspiring the murders. Whitechapel, although known to the public before the Ripper as a crime-ridden slum, developed into a Gothic space because of the murders, and continues to be associated with the Gothic in contemporary Ripperature as an uncanny and malevolent space “which seems to compel recognition as not of this earth" (Ackroyd 581). References Anonymous. “An Autumn Evening in Whitechapel.” Littell’s Living Age, 3 Nov. 1888. Anonymous. “The Nemesis of Neglect.” Punch, or the London Charivari, 29 Sep. 1888. Ackroyd, Peter. London: The Biography. Great Britain: Vintage, 2001. Brewer, John Francis. The Curse upon Mitre Square. London: Simpkin, Marshall and Co, 1888. De Quincey, Thomas. Confessions of an English Opium-Eater. Boston: Ticknor, Reed and Fields, 1850. Dimolianis, Spiro. Jack the Ripper and Black Magic: Victorian Conspiracy Theories, Secret Societies and the Supernatural Mystique of the Whitechapel Murders. North Carolina: McFarland and Co, 2011. Ferguson, Christine. “Victoria-Arcana and the Misogynistic Poetics of Resistance in Iain Sinclair’s White Chappell, Scarlet Tracings and Alan Moore’s From Hell.” Lit: Literature Interpretation Theory 20.1-2 (2009): 58. Harkness, Mary, In Darkest London. London: Hodder and Staughton, 1889. Hudson, Samuel E. Leather Apron; or, the Horrors of Whitechapel. London, Philadelphia, 1888. Johnstone, Lisa. “Rippercussions: Public Reactions to the Ripper Murders in the Victorian Press.” Casebook 15 July 2012. 18 Aug. 2014 ‹http://www.casebook.org/dissertations/rippercussions.html›. London, Jack. The People of the Abyss. New York: Lawrence Hill, 1905. Mayhew, Henry. London Labour and the London Poor, Volume 1. London: Griffin, Bohn and Co, 1861. Moore, Alan, Campbell, Eddie. From Hell: Being a Melodrama in Sixteen Parts. London: Knockabout Limited, 1999. Morrison, Arthur G. “Whitechapel.” The Palace Journal. 24 Apr. 1889. Odell, Robin. Ripperology: A Study of the World’s First Serial Killer and a Literary Phenomenon. Michigan: Sheridan Books, 2006. Paulden, Arthur. “Sensationalism and the City: An Explanation of the Ways in Which Locality Is Defined and Represented through Sensationalist Techniques in the Gothic Novels The Beetle and Dracula.” Innervate: Leading Undergraduate Work in English Studies 1 (2008-2009): 245. Phillips, Lawrence, and Anne Witchard. London Gothic: Place, Space and the Gothic Imagination. London: Continuum International, 2010. Poe, Edgar Allen. “The Man of the Crowd.” The Works of Edgar Allen Poe. Vol. 5. Raven ed. 15 July 2012. 18 Aug. 2014 ‹http://www.gutenberg.org/files/2151/2151-h/2151-h.htm›. Punter, David. A New Companion to the Gothic. Sussex: Blackwell Publishing, 2012. Stead, William Thomas. “The Maiden Tribute of Modern Babylon.” The Pall Mall Gazette, 6 July 1885. Sugden, Peter. The Complete History of Jack the Ripper. London: Robinson Publishing, 2002. Walkowitz, Judith R. City of Dreadful Delight: Narratives of Sexual Danger in Late-Victorian London, London: Virago, 1998. Woodford, Elizabeth. “Gothic City.” 15 July 2012. 18 Aug. 2014 ‹http://courses.nus.edu.au/sg/ellgohbh/gothickeywords.html›.

This issue of M/C Journal reclaims the language of “freedom”. The selected articles demonstrate that today freedom is frequently overruled in the name of a permanent state of emergency. Present-day politics shows countless instances in which information, knowledge and culture are not seen as an inalienable right but are rather oppressed and distorted. Freedom is the freedom to say “no”, to withdraw your collaboration, to refuse friendly cooperation! To be “free” means to be able to enact your identity without having to capitulate to the ruling forces that dictate which discourses are and are not permissible in the public sphere(s). Citizens worldwide are armchair passengers on the nightly TV news train; they dream of their lives as being “free”. After all, to be free is a guaranteed human right, enshrined by the United Nations. Are freedom, independence and autonomy merely illusions, or are sociable media succeeding in empowering citizens for a participatory democracy as Yochai Benkler argues? If information “wants to be free”, the battle between intellectual “property” and creativity must be resolved. Technology does not make freedom inevitable: the on-the-ground-realities of network and hardware access make what seems to be “open” and “free”, closed and expensive for most people on this planet. The feature article for this issue of M/C Journal is a statement on the state of free speech in a free country: in “Depiction of Muslims in Selected Australian Media: Free Speech or Taking Sides”, Dr Nahid Kabir examines the publication of 12 cartoons depicting images of the Prophet Mohammad in 2005. In exploring the response of two Australian newspapers to the Danish controversy, the article considers whether the debate in the name of “free speech” has ended in a “form of attack” on Australian Muslims. In “Freedom, Hate, Fronts”, Patrick Lynn Rivers reflects on the use of the Internet by the predominantly Afrikaner “Vryheidsfront Plus” political party to construct whiteness in post-apartheid South Africa. The creation of a politics centred on racial “cyborgs” points to the facilitation of freedom of an “oppressed minority”, continuing the Afrikaners’ historical struggle for self-determination and independence. Problematising this approach, Rivers concludes that, like freedom, whiteness after apartheid is far from defined. Authors Amita Nijhawan and Sukhmani Khorana both address Deepa Mehta’s highly-acclaimed film trilogy Fire, Earth, and Water. As a female Hindu director, Mehta engages controversial issues for Indian society: the life of widows who are forced into prostitution, for example. As observed, the trilogy has been subject to critiques of too much freedom from inside the country, counterbalanced by those outside the country condemning the Indian body-politic for its lack of freedom. In exploring post-colonial discourses in India’s construction of nation and gender, Nijhawan and Khorana present complementary accounts of the director’s struggle to resist government censorship. Hegemonic power is played out in the definition of freedom in relation to contested questions of self-representation in Indian society. Freedom of use and the notion of “property talk” are discussed by Australian lawyer and academic Steve Collins, commenting on the revival of values from Blackstonian copyright, in which ownership is seen to preclude the rights of others. Collins observes that talk of “property” risks making transformative works an elitist form of creativity, available only to those with the financial resources necessary to meet the demands for license fees. The notion of “property” thus challenges the freedom to create and to transform. Collins notes that this is no longer a philosophical question, but a practical one, as he entreats courts to move beyond the propertarian paradigm. A further angle on the issue of freedom is put forward by Nadine Henley in “Free to be Obese?” Here, Henley tackles the boundaries of state governance in controlling the bodies of its citizens: Is it ethical for a government to enforce the health of its citizens, or should obesity, for example, be a rightful choice? Two emotive Freedom Poems by Kathryn Waddell Takara conclude this issue. The editors have selected “Angela Davis” and “Mumia Abu Jamal: Knight for Justice” from the larger body of Takara’s work, Root Tapping, as representing the desire to celebrate freedom. The expectation of Angela Davis’ arrival and the transcendent revenge for the imprisonment of political activist Mumia Abu Jamal speak of the power of radical opposition in the face of oppression. The cover image of this issue, “Free” by John Fairley (“Bostich”), has been derived from the photo-sharing Flickr.com, which supports the Creative Commons licensing scheme. Acknowledgments: The editors thank all contributors and reviewers involved in this issue for their continuing dialogue and critical reflection on the notion of “freedom”. We wish to kindly acknowledge the adept assistance of copy editors Laura Marshall and Donna Paichl, and the continuing guidance of M/C General Editor Dr Axel Bruns. Citation reference for this article MLA Style Scholz, Trebor, and Rachel Cobcroft. "Free." M/C Journal 9.4 (2006). echo date('d M. Y'); ?> <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0609/0-editorial.php>. APA Style Scholz, T., and R. Cobcroft. (Sep. 2006) "Free," M/C Journal, 9(4). Retrieved echo date('d M. Y'); ?> from <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0609/0-editorial.php>.

This article explores how fat women protesting challenges norms of womanhood, the place of women in society, and who has the power to have their say in public spaces. We use the term fat as a political reclamation; Fat Studies scholars and fat activists prefer the term fat, over the normative term “overweight” and the pathologising term “obese/obesity” (Lee and Pausé para 3). Who is and who isn’t fat, we suggest, is best left to self-determination, although it is generally accepted by fat activists that the term is most appropriately adopted by individuals who are unable to buy clothes in any store they choose. Using a tweet from conservative commentator Ann Coulter as a leaping-off point, we examine the narratives around women in the public sphere and explore how fat bodies might transgress further the norms set by society. The public representations of women in politics and protest are then are set in the context of ‘activist wisdom’ (Maddison and Scalmer) from two sides of the globe. Activist wisdom gives preference to the lived knowledge and experience of activists as tools to understand social movements. It seeks to draw theoretical implications from the practical actions of those on the ground. In centring the experiences of ourselves and other activists, we hope to expand existing understandings of body politics, gender, and political power in this piece. It is important in researching social movements to look both at the representations of protest and protestors in all forms of media as this is the ‘public face’ of movements, but also to examine the reflections of the individuals who collectively put their weight behind bringing social change.A few days after the 45th President of the United States was elected, people around the world spilled into the streets and participated in protests; precursors to the Women’s March which would take place the following January. Pictures of such marches were shared via social media, demonstrating the worldwide protest against the racism, misogyny, and overall oppressiveness, of the newly elected leader. Not everyone was supportive of these protests though; one such conservative commentator, Ann Coulter, shared this tweet: Image1: A tweet from Ann Coulter; the tweet contains a picture of a group of protestors, holding signs protesting Trump, white supremacy, and for the rights of immigrants. In front of the group, holding a megaphone is a woman. Below the picture, the text reads, “Without fat girls, there would be no protests”.Coulter continued on with two more tweets, sharing pictures of other girls protesting and suggesting that the protestors needed a diet programme. Kivan Bay (“Without Fat Girls”) suggested that perhaps Coulter was implying that skinny girls do not have time to protest because they are too busy doing skinny girl things, like buying jackets or trying on sweaters. Or perhaps Coulter was arguing that fat girls are too visible, too loud, and too big, to be taken seriously in their protests. These tweets provide a point of illustration for how fat women protesting challenge norms of womanhood, the place of women in society, and who has the power to have their say in public spaces While Coulter’s tweet was most likely intended as a hostile personal attack on political grounds, we find it useful in its foregrounding of gender, bodies and protest which we consider in this article, beginning with a review of fat girls’ role in social justice movements.Across the world, we can point to fat women who engage in activism related to body politics and more. Australian fat filmmaker and activist Kelli Jean Drinkwater makes documentaries, such as Aquaporko! and Nothing to Lose, that queer fat embodiment and confronts body norms. Newly elected Ontario MPP Jill Andrew has been fighting for equal rights for queer people and fat people in Canada for decades. Nigerian Latasha Ngwube founded About That Curvy Life, Africa’s leading body positive and empowerment site, and has organised plus-size fashion show events at Heineken Lagos Fashion and Design Week in Nigeria in 2016 and the Glitz Africa Fashion Week in Ghana in 2017. Fat women have been putting their bodies on the line for the rights of others to live, work, and love. American Heather Heyer was protesting the hate that white nationalists represent and the danger they posed to her friends, family, and neighbours when she died at a rally in Charlottesville, North Carolina in late 2017 (Caron). When Heyer was killed by one of those white nationalists, they declared that she was fat, and therefore her body size was lauded loudly as justification for her death (Bay, “How Nazis Use”; Spangler).Fat women protesting is not new. For example, the Fat Underground was a group of “radical fat feminist women”, who split off from the more conservative NAAFA (National Association to Aid Fat Americans) in the 1970s (Simic 18). The group educated the public about weight science, harassed weight-loss companies, and disrupted academic seminars on obesity. The Fat Underground made their first public appearance at a Women’s Equality Day in Los Angeles, taking over the stage at the public event to accuse the medical profession of murdering Cass Elliot, the lead singer of the folk music group, The Mamas and the Papas (Dean and Buss). In 1973, the Fat Underground produced the Fat Liberation Manifesto. This Manifesto began by declaring that they believed “that fat people are full entitled to human respect and recognition” (Freespirit and Aldebaran 341).Women have long been disavowed, or discouraged, from participating in the public sphere (Ginzberg; van Acker) or seen as “intruders or outsiders to the tough world of politics” (van Acker 118). The feminist slogan the personal is political was intended to shed light on the role that women needed to play in the public spheres of education, employment, and government (Caha 22). Across the world, the acceptance of women within the public sphere has been varied due to cultural, political, and religious, preferences and restrictions (Agenda Feminist Media Collective). Limited acceptance of women in the public sphere has historically been granted by those ‘anointed’ by a male family member or patron (Fountaine 47).Anti-feminists are quick to disavow women being in public spaces, preferring to assign them the role as helpmeet to male political elite. As Schlafly (in Rowland 30) notes: “A Positive Woman cannot defeat a man in a wrestling or boxing match, but she can motivate him, inspire him, encourage him, teach him, restrain him, reward him, and have power over him that he can never achieve over her with all his muscle.” This idea of women working behind the scenes has been very strong in New Zealand where the ‘sternly worded’ letter is favoured over street protest. An acceptable route for women’s activism was working within existing political institutions (Grey), with activity being ‘hidden’ inside government offices such as the Ministry of Women’s Affairs (Schuster, 23). But women’s movement organisations that engage in even the mildest form of disruptive protest are decried (Grey; van Acker).One way women have been accepted into public space is as the moral guardians or change agents of the entire political realm (Bliss; Ginzberg; van Acker; Ledwith). From the early suffrage movements both political actors and media representations highlighted women were more principled and conciliatory than men, and in many cases had a moral compass based on restraint. Cartoons showed women in the suffrage movement ‘sweeping up’ and ‘cleaning house’ (Sheppard 123). Groups like the Women’s Christian Temperance Union were celebrated for protesting against the demon drink and anti-pornography campaigners like Patricia Bartlett were seen as acceptable voices of moral reason (Moynihan). And as Cunnison and Stageman (in Ledwith 193) note, women bring a “culture of femininity to trade unions … an alternative culture, derived from the particularity of their lives as women and experiences of caring and subordination”. This role of moral guardian often derived from women as ‘mothers’, responsible for the physical and moral well-being of the nation.The body itself has been a sight of protest for women including fights for bodily autonomy in their medical decisions, reproductive justice, and to live lives free from physical and sexual abuse, have long been met with criticisms of being unladylike or inappropriate. Early examples decried in NZ include the women’s clothing movement which formed part of the suffrage movement. In the second half of the 20th century it was the freedom trash can protests that started the myth of ‘women burning their bras’ which defied acceptable feminine norms (Sawer and Grey). Recent examples of women protesting for body rights include #MeToo and Time’s Up. Both movements protest the lack of bodily autonomy women can assert when men believe they are entitled to women’s bodies for their entertainment, enjoyment, and pleasure. And both movements have received considerable backlash by those who suggest it is a witch hunt that might ensnare otherwise innocent men, or those who are worried that the real victims are white men who are being left behind (see Garber; Haussegger). Women who advocate for bodily autonomy, including access to contraception and abortion, are often held up as morally irresponsible. As Archdeacon Bullock (cited in Smyth 55) asserted, “A woman should pay for her fun.”Many individuals believe that the stigma and discrimination fat people face are the consequences they sow from their own behaviours (Crandall 892); that fat people are fat because they have made poor decisions, being too indulgent with food and too lazy to exercise (Crandall 883). Therefore, fat people, like women, should have to pay for their fun. Fat women find themselves at this intersection, and are often judged more harshly for their weight than fat men (Tiggemann and Rothblum). Examining Coulter’s tweet with this perspective in mind, it can easily be read as an attempt to put fat girl protestors back into their place. It can also be read as a warning. Don’t go making too much noise or you may be labelled as fat. Presenting troublesome women as fat has a long history within political art and depictions. Marianne (the symbol of the French Republic) was depicted as fat and ugly; she also reinforced an anti-suffragist position (Chenut 441). These images are effective because of our societal views on fatness (Kyrölä). Fatness is undesirable, unworthy of love and attention, and a representation of poor character, lack of willpower, and an absence of discipline (Murray 14; Pausé, “Rebel Heart” para 1).Fat women who protest transgress rules around body size, gender norms, and the appropriate place for women in society. Take as an example the experiences of one of the authors of this piece, Sandra Grey, who was thrust in to political limelight nationally with the Campaign for MMP (Grey and Fitzsimmons) and when elected as the President of the New Zealand Tertiary Education Union in 2011. Sandra is a trade union activist who breaches too many norms set for the “good woman protestor,” as well as the norms for being a “good fat woman”. She looms large on a stage – literally – and holds enough power in public protest to make a crowd of 7,000 people “jump to left”, chant, sing, and march. In response, some perceive Sandra less as a tactical and strategic leader of the union movement, and more as the “jolly fat woman” who entertains, MCs, and leads public events. Though even in this role, she has been criticised for being too loud, too much, too big.These criticisms are loudest when Sandra is alongside other fat female bodies. When posting on social media photos with fellow trade union members the comments often note the need of the group to “go on a diet”. The collective fatness also brings comments about “not wanting to fuck any of that group of fat cows”. There is something politically and socially dangerous about fat women en masse. This was behind the responses to Sandra’s first public appearance as the President of TEU when one of the male union members remarked “Clearly you have to be a fat dyke to run this union.” The four top elected and appointed positions in the TEU have been women for eight years now and both their fatness and perceived sexuality present as a threat in a once male-dominated space. Even when not numerically dominant, unions are public spaces dominated by a “masculine culture … underpinned by the undervaluation of ‘women’s worth’ and notions of womanhood ‘defined in domesticity’” (Cockburn in Kirton 273-4). Sandra’s experiences in public space show that the derision and methods of putting fat girls back in their place varies dependent on whether the challenge to power is posed by a single fat body with positional power and a group of fat bodies with collective power.Fat Girls Are the FutureOn the other side of the world, Tara Vilhjálmsdóttir is protesting to change the law in Iceland. Tara believes that fat people should be protected against discrimination in public and private settings. Using social media such as Facebook and Instagram, Tara takes her message, and her activism, to her thousands of followers (Keller, 434; Pausé, “Rebel Heart”). And through mainstream media, she pushes back on fatphobia rhetoric and applies pressure on the government to classify weight as a protected status under the law.After a lifetime of living “under the oppression of diet culture,” Tara began her activism in 2010 (Vilhjálmsdóttir). She had suffered real harm from diet culture, developing an eating disorder as a teen and being told through her treatment for it that her fears as a fat woman – that she had no future, that fat people experienced discrimination and stigma – were unfounded. But Tara’s lived experiences demonstrated fat stigma and discrimination were real.In 2012, she co-founded the Icelandic Association for Body Respect, which promotes body positivity and fights weight stigma in Iceland. The group uses a mixture of real life and online tools; organising petitions, running campaigns against the Icelandic version of The Biggest Loser, and campaigning for weight to be a protected class in the Icelandic constitution. The Association has increased the visibility of the dangers of diet culture and the harm of fat stigma. They laid the groundwork that led to changing the human rights policy for the city of Reykjavík; fat people cannot be discriminated against in employment settings within government jobs. As the city is one of the largest employers in the country, this was a large step forward for fat rights.Tara does receive her fair share of hate messages; she’s shared that she’s amazed at the lengths people will go to misunderstand what she is saying (Vilhjálmsdóttir). “This isn’t about hurt feelings; I’m not insulted [by fat stigma]. It’s about [fat stigma] affecting the livelihood of fat people and the structural discrimination they face” (Vilhjálmsdóttir). She collects the hateful comments she receives online through screenshots and shares them in an album on her page. She believes it is important to keep a repository to demonstrate to others that the hatred towards fat people is real. But the hate she receives only fuels her work more. As does the encouragement she receives from people, both in Iceland and abroad. And she is not alone; fat activists across the world are using Web 2.0 tools to change the conversation around fatness and demand civil rights for fat people (Pausé, “Rebel Heart”; Pausé, “Live to Tell").Using Web 2.0 tools as a way to protest and engage in activism is an example of oppositional technologics; a “political praxis of resistance being woven into low-tech, amateur, hybrid, alternative subcultural feminist networks” (Garrison 151). Fat activists use social media to engage in anti-assimilationist activism and build communities of practice online in ways that would not be possible in real life (Pausé, “Express Yourself” 1). This is especially useful for those whose protests sit at the intersections of oppressions (Keller 435; Pausé, “Rebel Heart” para 19). Online protests have the ability to travel the globe quickly, providing opportunities for connections between protests and spreading protests across the globe, such as SlutWalks in 2011-2012 (Schuster 19). And online spaces open up unlimited venues for women to participate more freely in protest than other forms (Harris 479; Schuster 16; Garrison 162).Whether online or offline, women are represented as dangerous in the political sphere when they act without male champions breaching norms of femininity, when their involvement challenges the role of woman as moral guardians, and when they make the body the site of protest. Women must ‘do politics’ politely, with utmost control, and of course caringly; that is they must play their ‘designated roles’. Whether or not you fit the gendered norms of political life affects how your protest is perceived through the media (van Acker). Coulter’s tweet loudly proclaimed that the fat ‘girls’ protesting the election of the 45th President of the United States were unworthy, out of control, and not worthy of attention (ironic, then, as her tweet caused considerable conversation about protest, fatness, and the reasons not to like the President-Elect). 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