To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Protest action.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Protest action'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 dissertations / theses for your research on the topic 'Protest action.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse dissertations / theses on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Cable, Jonathan. "Protest in action : an examination of the production, media representation and reflexivity of protest group communications strategies and protest tactics." Thesis, Cardiff University, 2012. http://orca.cf.ac.uk/33637/.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis analyses the media coverage and dominant institution responses to the media and protest tactics employed by three different protest groups. The three case studies examine the interactions between protest groups, their political targets, and the mainstream media. It pays particular attention to each group's media and protest tactics, and how their messages transition from protest action into media coverage and political debates. The three different protest groups comprise of a Cardiff community campaign to save a pub called Save the Vulcan, the environmental direct action group Plane Stupid and their protests against airport expansion, and the mass protests of G20Meltdown against the G20 summit held in London in April 2009. This thesis analyses the media coverage of each group using the concept of political opportunity structures to ascertain the influence of the political and media context on protest groups and their actions. Interviews with activists involved in all three protest groups, and ethnography conducted from within one of the groups, namely, the Save the Vulcan campaign revealed differing attitudes towards the choice of media and protest tactics. All three groups were aware of their portrayal in media coverage, and actively geared their tactics towards attracting media attention. The research analysed protester communications on the internet and leaflets to explore how they represented their issues. A content analysis of British newspaper articles examined the impact of each group's media and protest tactics on press coverage. Offical documents from the dominant institutions of the police and centralised political institutions were examined to ascertain the debates surrounding the issues. On the basis of these empirical findings and discussion this thesis argues for a revision of the theorisation of political opportunity structures. This grants increased recognition of media coverage and importance of protest group aims and goals in the assessment of their success and failure to communicate their messages. Finally, the thesis argues that political and media opportunities do influence the success and failure of protest groups, but it is the effective use of media and protect tactics that puts protest groups into a position to succeed or fail.
2
Anderson, Jonathan Mark. "Environmental direct action : making space for new forms of political community?" Thesis, University of Bristol, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/1983/470c8929-f448-4d1f-876b-78bdbad5f40c.
Full text
3
Landman, Todd. "Agents of change : the comparative impact of social movements." Thesis, University of Essex, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.310084.
Full text
4
Purkis, Jonathan. "A sociology of environmental protest : Earth First and the theory and practice of anarchism." Thesis, Manchester Metropolitan University, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.341396.
Full text
5
Roseneil, Sasha. "Feminist political action : the case of the Greenham Common Women's Peace Camp." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.283148.
Full textAbstract:
The thesis is a sociological study of the Greenham Common Women's Peace Camp. It addresses the question of how it is possible for women to act collectively to promote social change: primarily, to resist and transform relations of male domination and female subordination, and, secondarily, to resist the forces of militarism. It highlights the importance for feminist sociology of theoretical and substantive attention to women's agency. The thesis offers an analysis of the origins of Greenham, thereby developing a critique of the gender-ignorance of previous theoretical work on social movements and arguing the importance of attention to macro-, ineso- and micro-level processes in the studying of the creation of collective politA.cal action. The particular character and ethos of Greenham as a form of feminist politics is explored, both in terms of the internal workings of the movement and in its actions confronting the outside world. The responses of the forces which were challenged by Greenham are analyzed, in order to assess its impact. Finally, the transformations in consciousness and identity experienced by women who had been involved with Greenham are discussed, contributing both theoretically and substantively to feminist understandings of women's consciousness and identity.
6
McKahan, Jason Grant. "Hollywood counterterrorism: violence, protest and the Middle East in U.S. action feature films /." Tallahassee, Florida : Florida State University, 2009. http://etd.lib.fsu.edu/theses/available/etd-11162009-124125/.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (Ph. D.)--Florida State University, 2009.Advisor: Andrew Opel, Florida State University, College of Communication and Information, School of Communication. Title and description from dissertation home page (viewed on May 26, 2010). Document formatted into pages; contains x, 370 pages. Includes bibliographical references.
7
Daly, Belinda Merle Joanne. "Direct action environmental protest in Britain : a critique of radical environmentalism and environmrntal ethics." Thesis, Imperial College London, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10044/1/11216.
Full text
8
Åkerström, Linda. "Ny Protest? : En fallstudie av rörelsen Planka.nu." Thesis, Södertörn University College, School of Social Sciences, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-470.
Full textAbstract:
The aim of this paper is to analyse the social movement Planka.nu with reference to the theory of new social movements in order to engage in a discussion about the presence of “old” tradition and “new” trends. As well as empirical, the purpose is also theoretical and methodological: to examine, and extend, the discussion about new and old social movements. A qualitative method is used. The analytical framework is based on a combination of theories of social movements and new social movements. Planka.nu was started in 2003 in Stockholm. The movement uses the Internet to organise free-riding on the public buses and trains with the aim of pressuring regional politicians into fully financing public transportation by progressive taxation. In all aspects discussed, both old and new characteristics were found. Behind a rhetoric that to a large extent resembles that of the traditional Swedish labour movement lies a redefinition of values, ideas and strategies that correspond with the theory of new social movements. By adopting a theoretical outlook on social movements that questions the existence of two divided blocs, a more nuanced discussion of the combination of old and new aspects could be held.
9
Di, Méo Marion. "Une démocratie à l’épreuve des mouvements sociaux : le cas du Chili post-dictatorial de 1988 à nos jours." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018AIXM0656.
Full textAbstract:
Cette thèse vise à rendre compte de l'évolution, au Chili, de la gestion des événements protestataires par les institutions en charge de l'ordre public depuis le retour à la démocratie en 1990. Il s'agit d'examiner la manière dont un pays autrefois gouverné par la répression encadre, une fois la démocratie retrouvée, les protestations de différents groupes de la société. La thèse interroge aussi l'existence d'un traitement différencié de la contestation en fonction du public mobilisé. L'enquête a été menée entre mars 2015 et mai 2017 et repose sur un matériau composé d'observations, d'entretiens, d'archives de presse. Ce travail est composé de trois parties. La première revient sur les éléments qui ont façonné le contexte politique chilien de la transition, largement défavorable à la contestation. Il s'agit également de s'intéresser aux caractéristiques et à la culture institutionnelle de la police en charge du maintien de l'ordre, en observant comment s'articulent le caractère militaire de cette institution et les fondements de la doctrine du maintien de l'ordre. Dans la seconde, les mobilisations des peuples autochtones et des étudiants chiliens sont longuement décryptées, en particulier la question de leur répertoire d'action et les interactions entre ces groupes, l'État chilien et les forces de l'ordre. La troisième partie est consacrée à la manière dont le passé récent du Chili devient l'enjeu de discours et de mobilisations, et s'intéresse de près à différentes journées de commémoration. Elle examine enfin les effets de la militarisation de la police sur le maintien de l'ordre, et sur les représentations du monde qui entourent ses pratiques professionnellesThis thesis aims to give an account of the evolution, in Chile, of the management of the protest events by the institutions in charge of public order since the return to democracy in 1990. It aims to examine the way in which a country once ruled by repression frames, once the democracy returned, the protests of different groups of society. The thesis also questions the existence of a differentiated treatment of the protest events according to the public mobilized. The investigation was conducted between March 2015 and May 2017 and is based on a material consisting of observations, interviews, press archives. This work is composed of three parts. The first examines the elements that have shaped the Chilean political context of the transition, which is largely unfavorable to collective action. It also analyzes the characteristics and the institutional culture of the police in charge of policing protest, by observing how are articulated the military character of this institution and the bases of the doctrine of protest policing. In the second, the mobilizations of the indigenous peoples and students of Chile are lengthily deciphered, in particular the question of their repertoire of action and the interactions between these groups, the Chilean State and the police forces. The third part is devoted to the way in which the recent past of Chile becomes the issue of speeches and mobilizations, and is closely interested in different days of commemoration. Finally, it examines the effects of police militarization on law enforcement, and on the representations of the world surrounding its professional practices
10
Asterlund, Kent. "The Gezi Protest : A study of different processes behind the mass mobilization." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för samhällsstudier (SS), 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-35231.
Full text
11
Westin, Gustaf. "Voter Elasticity and Political Protest : A quantitative analysis in an American context." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-431226.
Full textAbstract:
The purpose of this thesis is to study the relationship between prevalence of swing voters and the occurrence of political protest. Taking a Rational Choice approach, I hypothesize that fewer swing voters will lead to more protests, because it would incentivize polarizing behavior by political candidates. The hypothesis is tested using protest data from US congressional districts during six months of 2020 as the dependent variable, and the concept of voter elasticity as the main independent variable in a multiple regression analysis, along with various control variables. The results tentatively indicate that the hypothesis is correct, but exhibit high levels of uncertainty, highlighting potential for future research.
12
Sebastian, Eugene Francis. "PROTEST FROM THE FRINGE: Overseas Students and their Influence on Australia’s Export of Education Services Policy 1983-1996." Discipline of Government and International Relations, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/5833.
Full textAbstract:
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)The thesis investigates the motivations behind, the methods used in, and the results of the overseas students’ collective action contesting the measures, which the Australian government introduced from 1983 to 1996. As a group of temporary residents located outside the boundaries of domestic political systems, yet within the core of Australia’s revenue earnings, overseas students independently mobilised in an attempt to influence the Australian Government policy on education from a position of limited political, social and legal rights. As temporary residents on short-term permits fully regulated under prescribed immigration rules, overseas students employed conventional repertoires of contention— they established formal structures, adopted action tools, framed their claims, internationalised their protest, formed alliances — in an attempt to mobilise resources and access existing avenues to influence government’s export of education services policy. Their mobilisation response and campaign strategy achieved modest success in securing some policy concessions, particularly during the early stages of education aid reform. Their strategy, however had to evolve as the fledgling export of education services expanded and eventually they shifted their position to fully embrace and reinterpret the government’s own ‘language of liberalisation’, which they used to greater effectiveness in making subsequent claims. Overseas students ability to procure concessions is derived not from their political or universal rights to education, but from their ability to influence policy changes based on their importance and strategic location in the Australian economy. In other words, government, universities and industry stakeholders have increasingly become dependent on substantial revenue earnings derived from overseas students and have become susceptible to potential chaos that may be precipitated if current students withdrew from the economy, or potential students choosing alternative education service destinations.
13
Holm, Tanya. "Agens : om konsten att se handling bortom det förväntade." Thesis, Södertörn University College, School of Social Sciences, 2005. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-326.
Full textAbstract:
The law which makes the purchase, or the attempt to purchase, temporary sexual services a criminal offence has been implemented in Sweden for more than six years. It appears as if very few, possibly no, sex-selling women have used the law to report men who have bought their services during these years. How can this be understood? With this thesis I suggest a new way of thinking on agency. A way which questions the traditional view on action whereby agency equals to act in certain, predefined ways. My theoretical perspective proceeds from the idea that action manifests not only in forms we usually discern but also in shapes we tend to overlook, that agency as a phenomena exists independently of beholders’ abilities to see and recognize actions for what they mean to the performer. By examining what the act to not report sex-buyers means for four women I find that women express their dislike of the law as such as well as of the dogmas it’s based upon by not using it. The women also find reporting incompatible with their own interests as they define them. Therefore I conclude that their repudiation from the law is a political practice, a protest against a law they find unjust and a possibility, for those who wish, to see their opposition against Swedish prostitution policy.
14
Rawlins, L. Shelley. "Collective Protesting as Existential Communication: A Phenomenology of Risk, Responsibility, and Ethical Attendance." OpenSIUC, 2020. https://opensiuc.lib.siu.edu/dissertations/1791.
Full textAbstract:
This dissertation explores the experience of participating in collective protest. I performed an existential-phenomenological analysis of five participants’ in-depth accounts of their involvements participating in collective protest. I considered my interviewees’ discourse to be reflective of their lived, embodied experiences of being in protest with others. Participants each described distinct protesting experiences. I explored their accounts in relation to six basic aspects of existence: self, other, embodiment, time, space, and choice/freedom. From within these existential realms, participants’ accounts revealed five key existential themes of participating in collective protest: (1) Existential Crises and Activation; (2) Existential Magnification; (3) Existential Horizons; (4) Existential Stakes; and (5) Existential Time-Space. These themes emerged from the ways my participants discussed their experiences in contingent and concrete interrelationships with the six basic states of existence. I considered phenomenological similarities and departures across participants’ descriptions and uncovered 30 distinct modes, or manners in which they experienced their participation in embodied collective protest. My insights suggest that collective protests frequently emerge during periods of heightened cultural disorder. During such anxious times, many participants seek the company of others in collective protest to have their voices heard and to be with people who are similarly concerned. Participants discussed the importance of preserving and exercising their First Amendment rights to publicly communicate dissent in this way. My interviewees also described understandings that protesting is a potentially dangerous activity, but that the risks are assumed collectively. While protesting can be unsafe, this collective action pertains to individuals banding together to make an ethical statement addressing the sense that something bad is on the horizon. While in protest together, people often meet like-minded others, and sometimes these connections bond members in enduring activist communities. At the heart of participating in collective protest are individuals who make a personal choice to adventure out in public to demonstrate in communicative interaction with fellow citizens.
15
Niyazbekov, Nurseit. "Protest mobilisation and democratisation in Kazakhstan (1992-2009)." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:494a3742-e7d6-4adf-8728-e644a3f7f249.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis consists of two objectives which divide it into two parts. Thus, part one explores the cyclicity of protest mobilisation in post-Soviet Kazakhstan in the 1992–2009 period and part two investigates the relationship between protest mobilisation and democratisation in the 1990s, a decade marked by early progress in democratisation followed by an abrupt reversal to authoritarianism. Acknowledging the existence of numerous competing explanations of protest cyclicity, the first part of this study utilises four major social movement perspectives – relative deprivation (RD), resource mobilisation (RMT), political opportunity structures (POS) and collective action frames (CAF) – to explain variances in protest mobilisation in Kazakhstan over time and four issue areas. Adopting a small-N case study and process-tracing technique, the thesis’s first research question enquires into which of these four theoretical perspectives has the best fit when seeking to explain protest cyclicity over time. It is hypothesised that the ‘waxing and waning’ of protest activity can best be attributed to the difficulties surrounding the identification and construction of resonant CAFs. However, the study’s findings lead to a rejection of the first hypothesis by deemphasising the role of CAFs in predicting protest cyclicity, and instead support the theoretical predictions of the POS perspective, suggesting the prevalence of structural factors such as the regime’s capacity for repression and shifts in elite alignments. The second research question revolves around variations in protest mobilisation across four issue areas and explores the reasons why socioeconomic grievances mobilised more people to protest than environmental, political and interethnic ones. According to the second hypothesis, people more readily protest around socioeconomic rather than political and other types of grievances due to the lower costs of participation in socioeconomic protests. While the regime’s propensity for repressing political protests could explain the prevalence of socioeconomic protests in the 2000s, the POS perspective’s key explanatory variable failed to account for the prevalence of socioeconomic protests in the early 1990s, resulting in the rejection of the second hypothesis. The second part of the thesis attempts to answer the third research question: How does protest mobilisation account for the stalled transition to democracy in Kazakhstan in the 1990s? Based on the theoretical assumption that instances of extensive protest mobilisation foster democratic transitions, the study’s third research hypothesis posits that transition to democracy in Kazakhstan stalled in the mid-1990s due to the failure of social movement organisations to effectively mobilise the masses for various acts of protest. This assumption receives strong empirical support, suggesting that protest mobilisation is an important facilitative factor in the democratisation process. The thesis is the first to attempt to employ classical social movement theories in the context of post-communist Central Asian societies. Additionally, the study aims to contribute to the large pool of democratisation literature which, until recently (following the colour revolutions), seemed to underplay the role of popular protest mobilisation in advancing transitions to democracy. Finally, the research is based on the author’s primary elite-interview data and content analysis of five weekly independent newspapers.
16
Doolen, Joseph. "Protest Movements and the Climate Emergency Declarations of 2019: A New Social Media Logic to Connect and Participate in Politics." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för informatik och media, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-421114.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis investigates the relationship between contemporary climate protest movements (Extinction Rebellion and Fridays For Future) and governmental bodies in European countries that declared a climate emergency in 2019. The primary contribution of this thesis is to demonstrate how emerging communication practices by these movements compare to the perceived influence of such practices among political decisionmakers in their governing bodies’ votes for a climate emergency declaration. Twitter content (tweets by movement accounts) surrounding protest actions of the climate movements was coded using concepts deduced from theoretical literature of participation, media and communication. Themes induced from this data were also used for coding. A thematic analysis of empirical interview text from semi-structured interviews of nine politicians in eight governmental bodies (six German city councils, that of Innsbruck, Austria and the Swiss cantonal parliament of Vaud) on this subject matter was done similarly. Relational thematic analyses of both datasets influenced the coding of one another. A frame analysis grounded in these data studied the use of social media imagery and text by the two movements. Another look at the interview data reflects the influence these movements had on climate emergency declarations via comparison of politicians’ stated impressions of the movements’ participation/influences with formations of tweeted movement frames. The data support the hypothesis that citizens engage via the connective power of personalized participatory culture on social media, enabling political participation. Today, we see a shift away from a political logic of social movements abiding to strong shared identity and meaning through frames of collective action. Instead, a social media logic, which aims to achieve the same functions, operates in loosely networked movements based on individualized frames of youth identity. This ‘connective identity’ bridges the participatory culture of social media with offline political participation in the streets and halls of power.
17
Manukyan, Alla. "Fraudulent Elections, Political Protests, and Regime Transitions." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2011. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/political_science_diss/21.
Full textAbstract:
This research studies protests after fraudulent elections in a collective action framework, examining the impact of the potential cost, benefit and likelihood of success of protest on the occurrence and intensity of protests. Quantitative analysis of fraudulent elections in about 100 countries from 1990 to 2004 shows that the odds of protest after fraudulent elections are greater when the level of state repression is moderate with a possible backlash effect of high repression, when the opposition is united, and when international monitors denounce election results. The analysis only partially supports the benefit of protest argument. Also, the research uses case studies from Eurasia (Armenia, Belarus, Georgia, and Russia) and mini-case studies from Africa and Latin America to study in more detail the effects of the factors identified in the quantitative analysis and to identify overlooked but important explanatory factors using a set of extensive interviews conducted in the United States and during fieldwork in Armenia, Georgia, and Russia with politicians, domestic and international election monitors, and country experts.
18
Lukyanova, Yulia. "Manufacturing dissent in Russia : a discursive psychological analysis of protesters' talk." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/23578.
Full textAbstract:
This study sets out to explore how people who took part in mass protests in Russia produce and negotiate accounts of their protest involvement in talk. Although there has been a proliferation of research on protest in Russia, especially after the first mass demonstration in December 2011, the existing literature tends to prioritise the role of structural and demographic factors in mobilising dissent. However, there has been little investigation into how protesters themselves account for protest involvement and how they make such factors relevant. In addition, no in-depth social psychological exploration of protesters’ views has been conducted in Russia to date. This thesis addresses these gaps by offering a detailed empirical investigation of autobiographical accounts produced by Russian protesters regarding the reasons and motives for taking part in active protest and the subjective interpretations of what being a protester means. Semi-structured interviews with 48 Russian participants were collected, transcribed and translated. The data were analysed within the framework of discursive social psychology (DP). The analysis focused on how particular descriptions were used by protesters in talk to justify and contest certain versions of reality, and on the social actions thereby accomplished. The analysis led to novel insights into how protesters in Russia construct the causes and motives of their dissent, negotiate problematic identity categories and manage issues revolving around accountability and blame. For example, the analysis illustrated the potentially problematic nature of defining protesters’ interests and objectives as ‘political’. That is, when asked about their political attitudes, the interviewees actively justified these as not intentional. They mobilised various discursive resources to imply that they did not intend to become interested in politics and protest, but rather experienced situations that ‘naturally’ led to the acquisition of political interest. Similarly, when talking about motives for active protest participation, protesters tended to downplay explicitly political motivations. Instead, they portrayed their actions as a logical consequence of the deteriorating situation: some participants justified their involvement in terms of duty to defend their loved ones and the country in general, while others defended the appropriateness of active resistance through invoking powerful negative emotions. Such accounts functioned to protect protesters from being seen as motivated by personal or economic concerns, and warranted active protest as the only available means to address the unjust state of affairs in the country. Furthermore, I have shown that identifying with the label of ‘opposition’ is problematic for protesters, with oppositional membership being either denied or delimited in a number of ways. For example, the analysis demonstrated how respondents accomplished denials by making claims about the activities and attributes associated with the category of ‘member of the opposition’ and by invoking the negative connotations of the very term ‘opposition’. The instances of self-ascription of opposition membership further illustrated the sensitive nature of the topic: affirmation accounts were often modified to delimit the extent and nature of membership, with it being portrayed as a logical consequence of a speaker’s views, rather than in terms of emotional or psychological basis, such as shared identity or desire to belong. Finally, my study focused on the arguments relating to the people who do not protest. Interestingly, I found that, despite routinely warranting rationality and necessity of active protest, respondents portrayed the passive members of the public as not blameworthy. The behaviour of non-protesters was justified through attributing it to various practical hindrances and to specific cultural/generational mindsets, thereby placing it outside of peoples’ control. Overall, my thesis contributes to the social psychological literature on protest, by providing a complementary model of contention through the prism of protesters’ own orientations. The study demonstrated that, for protesters in Russia, protest experiences appear to be closely linked with interpersonal and normative considerations, with dissent being manufactured as a necessary and inherently moral act aimed at protecting Russia and its people. The study thus illustrated the utility of putting people’s accounts at the forefront of the analysis and treating them as valuable in their own right. In adopting a novel methodological approach to exploring protest realities as products of interaction, this thesis created an opportunity for a better understanding of the complexities and challenges of popular protest in Russia.
19
Hoffmann, Matthias Christoph. "Exploring the Facebook Networks of German Anti-Immigration Groups." Doctoral thesis, Università degli studi di Trento, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/11572/254712.
Full textAbstract:
This dissertation investigates the role of digital media for contentious collective action. More precisely, it focuses on German anti-asylum-shelter (AAS) groups on Facebook and the way these organizations’ usage of platform affordances can be read from an adaptation of the framework of Modes of Coordination (MoC) of collective action. To do so, the thesis starts with an inquiry of the theoretical debate on the role of information and communication technology for social movements and collective action and highlights some misconceptions and discrepancies, especially on the role of formal organizations (chapter II). It argues to carefully explore the different interorganizational ties that form between AAS-groups and the networks that emerge from these in light of the two dimensions of resource exchange and boundary definition. After that, chapter III provides detailed accounts of case selection and data collection and of the research questions that structure the subsequent analyses. To answer these, chapter IV-i explores the temporal and spatial activity patterns of AAS-groups both on- and offline, finding a clear correspondence between the two. Chapter IV-ii uses topic modelling to explore the content of groups’ communication, identifying a narrative of the reasonable and peaceful in-group and a combination of criminal (asylum-seekers), treacherous (politicians) and lying (press) outgroups. This clearly debunks a narrative of centrist “concerned citizens” and shows the deeply racist and right-wing extremist nature of AAS activity. The third empirical part (chapter IV-iii) discusses five types of networks that emerge from groups’ activities and combines these into four different MoC. We can identify a prevalence of the organizational mode of coordination, that involves limited exchange in terms of both resource exchange and boundary definition. However, a small but dense network also emerges from those ties that are defined by the social movement mode. Exponential Random Graph Modelling shows that while spatial proximity is a key determinant for tie formation across all modes, the role of formal organizations (right-wing parties) must not be dismissed. In fact, it differs both by party and by MoC in question. Overall, as chapter V sums up, the dissertation proves the relevance of a relational perspective to the study of digitally mediated collective action in general, as well as of an adapted framework of MoC in particular.
20
Wilkins, Denise Joy. "Power to the Tweeple? : the role of social media in the bridging and setting of boundaries in collective action." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/33706.
Full textAbstract:
Social media is increasingly used for social protest, but does online participation advance the aims of social movements, or does it undermine efforts for social change? We explore this question in the present thesis by examining how the use of social media for collective action shapes, and is shaped by, the social psychological concerns of technology users. Adopting a diverse approach in terms of research questions and methodology, we examine how collective action is affected by: (1) features of the digital environment, (2) internet-enabled modes of participation, and (3) digitally-facilitated communities. Our findings demonstrate that group-level representations of the self and salient others are integral to the relationship between digital technology and collective action. Ultimately, we argue that digital technology can act as both a psychological bridge and barrier between disparate groups and issues; in this way it can both facilitate and undermine mobilisation efforts and broader aims for social change.
21
Zabic, Sarah D. "Praxis, Student Protest, and Purposive Social Action: The Humanist Marxist Critique of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia, 1964-1975." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1279565524.
Full text
22
Koen, Devon William. "Investigating the potential of social media in instigating protest action : comparative study between Occupy Wall Street and Occupy JSE events." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1021071.
Full textAbstract:
In light of the cyber-activist simulated incidences dubbed Occupy Wall Street in New York City, New York, USA and the mirrored Occupy JSE movement in Johannesburg, South Africa, the internet and its social media networking sites have been instrumental in facilitating both the dissemination of information as well as facilitating a mediated environment for activists to coordinate online and offline protest action. This research examines the extent to which activists for social change have used social media sites such as Facebook, YouTube, web blogs and other online forums to garner support for their cause as well as generate social mobilization by creating awareness of the economic disparities in their respective societies. Established theories of social presence have been used to explain the relevance and role of social media tools in instigating social mobilization whether online or offline. This discussion focuses on the Occupation Movements staged in various countries globally and to what extent social media played in facilitating social change. It is important to note that the video footage and other social media data under analysis is specifically that which was uploaded onto YouTube and the subsequent URL links posted on Facebook. By scrutinizing these videos and calls for action as well as the comments posted by the international online community, this research elucidates the ‘trickling down effect’ of this type of cyber-activism on the behavioural patterns of contemporary South African society, and further argues that this process is indicative in the resultant Occupy JSE movement.
23
Daku-Mante, Jacqueline G. "An analysis of civil disobedience with specific reference to the role of the United Democratic Front in South Africa." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/43307.
Full textAbstract:
The main objective of this study is to analyse the concept of civil disobedience by
providing an overview of its historical development; its objectives and strategies, and
how this was applied in South Africa by the United Democratic Front in the 1980s.
The sub-objectives were to determine if civil disobedience as a concept is going
through, or has gone through any notable changes since its inception; to assess the
extent to which United Democratic Front policies and strategies were in accordance
with civil disobedience; and to briefly compare manifestations of civil disobedience in
South Africa in the pre-1994 period, with some manifestations in the post-1994
period.
The study included an assessment of the Defiance Campaign, analysing its impact
and demise. It focused on the ANC strategy of mass action and assessed the role of
the Pan African Congress. It outlined the formation of the UDF, assessing its vision,
broad principles, organisation and objectives.
Certain assumptions were assessed in the concluding chapters, namely that civil
disobedience has developed into a broader concept than the original concept of
passive resistance; that the policies and strategies of the United Democratic Front
initially resembled some aspects of civil disobedience but eventually deviated from
this due to a change in strategy; and that some contemporary manifestations of civil
disobedience in South Africa resemble certain methods used in the 1980s, but the
objectives differ.Dissertation (MA)--University of Pretoria, 2013.
lk2014
Political Sciences
MA
Unrestricted
24
Rios, Flavia Mateus. "Institucionalização do movimento negro no Brasil contemporâneo." Universidade de São Paulo, 2009. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8132/tde-29102009-170307/.
Full textAbstract:
Nesta dissertação, investigo o processo de institucionalização do Movimento Negro no Brasil contemporâneo. Este fato social tem requerido uma progressiva profissionalização dos militantes, a formalização e burocratização das organizações, bem como novas estratégicas de mobilização de recursos e especialização do ativismo. Em grande medida, essa institucionalização está ligada ao modo pelo qual o movimento se apropriou das oportunidades políticas oferecidas pelo Estado e pelo ambiente civil a partir da redemocratização brasileira. A dinâmica das organizações e o estilo dos protestos negros, objetos empíricos deste trabalho, expressam o modo como a ação coletiva negra se insere no cenário político atual.In this dissertation I analyse the institutionalization of black movement in Contemporary Brazil. This social fact have been imply progressive professionalization of militants, more formal and bureaucratic organizations, new strategies to resource mobilizations and specialization of activism. The institutionalization is related to the way through the movement used the political opportunities offered by state and environment civil since the emergency of Brazilian democracy in the 1980s. The dynamic of organizations and the style of black protest, empiric objects of this work, express how the collective actions inside nowdays political context.
25
McDuffie, Scott Patterson. "James Lawson leading architect and educator of nonviolence and nonviolent direct action protest strategies during the student sit-in movement of 1960 /." NCSU, 2007. http://www.lib.ncsu.edu/theses/available/etd-03212007-153100/.
Full textAbstract:
James Morris Lawson, Jr. grew up in Massillion, Ohio, in a loving Christian home. He became a pacifist at an early age after a memorable encounter with racism. As he matured, he studied nonviolence from the perspectives of Jesus Christ and the great Indian revolutionary, Mohandas Gandhi. After meeting the famous Christian pacifist, A. J. Muste, Lawson became a member of the Fellowship of Reconciliation and a conscientious objector to war. He spent fourteen months in a federal prison after refusing to be drafted into the U.S. military. After prison, Lawson worked in India as a missionary and learned nonviolent direct action strategies from Gandhi?s followers.Inspired by the Montgomery Bus Boycott, Lawson left India and returned to America in 1956 to join the struggle to end racial segregation in America. That same year, Lawson met Martin Luther King, Jr. and upon King?s request, moved to the South to teach nonviolence. Lawson eventually settled in Nashville, Tennessee, to teach nonviolence to a group of young men and women who would become some of the most important ?leaders? in the American Civil Rights Movement. James Lawson made a significant contribution to the student sit-in movement of 1960 by teaching a new idea?nonviolent direct action?to an elite group of student activists. However, his influence has been ignored by most histories of the movement. The following essay brings this elusive figure to the forefront and highlights his impact on the first wave of student activists who spearheaded the nonviolent campaign to overturn segregation.
26
Chen, Yen-Hsin. "Protests in China: Why and Which Chinese People Go to the Street?" Thesis, University of North Texas, 2017. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc984256/.
Full textAbstract:
This research seeks to answer why and which Chinese people go to the street to protest. I argue that different sectors of Chinese society differ from each other regarding their tendencies to participate in protest. In addition to their grievances, the incentives to participate in protest and their capacities to overcome the collective action problem all needed to be taken into account. Using individual level data along with ordinary binary logistic regression and multilevel logistic regression models, I first compare the protest participation of workers and peasants and find that workers are more likely than peasants to participate in protests in the context of contemporary China. I further disaggregate the working class into four subtypes according to the ownership of the enterprises they work for. I find that workers of township and village enterprises are more likely than workers of state-owned enterprises to engage in protest activities, while there is no significant difference between the workers of domestic privately owned enterprises and the workers of foreign-owned enterprises regarding their protest participation. Finally, I find that migrant workers, which refers to peasants who move to urban areas in search of jobs, are less likely than urban registered workers to participate in protests.ix, 193 pages
27
Jämte, Jan. "Antirasismens många ansikten." Doctoral thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-81637.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis contributes to the knowledge and understanding of the anti-racist movement in Sweden by describing its development from the early 1930s to the mid-2000s. It pays special attention to mapping and analyzing the ideas that have motivated anti-racist activities and their importance for mobilizing support and movement activity. Using the theoretical toolbox of the framing perspective, the strengths, weaknesses, possibilities and limitations of different anti-racist frames are discussed, as are the consequences of different types of intra-movement frame disputes and frame contests with external actors. By tracing and describing the historical development of the movement and different types of anti-racist frames, I create a typology of different anti-racist actors - what I call pragmatic, radical and moderate anti-racists. The activities of these types of actors are described throughout the long and winding history of the movement. In the thesis, the movement’s history is divided into four waves of protest. The movement’s roots stretch back to the 1930s and the struggle against Fascism and Nazism. It continues during the 1960s and onwards with the anti-apartheid movement, the 1980s mass mobilizations against domestic racist groups and the intensified struggles of the last decades against racist extremism, right-wing populism and various aspects of structural racism. Based on the typology, three cases are selected for further scrutiny. Pragmatic anti-racism is studied through the activities of Stoppa rasismen (Stop racism) in the 1980s, radical anti-racism through Antifascistisk aktion (Antifascist action, also known as AFA) during the 1990s and moderate anti-racism through Samling mot rasism och diskriminering (Gathering against racism and discrimination) at the turn of the millennium. By gaining access to extensive empirical material I have been able to follow each case from its first steps to its downfall. The material has been gathered from a variety of sources using different qualitative techniques. I have conducted semi-structured interviews with activists and analyzed protocols, pamphlets, journals, internal bulletins, mails, posters, speeches, web pages that have been disbanded, pictures, films and books. The analysis shows that the different types of actors face different challenges, and have different strengths and weaknesses when it comes to mobilizing consensus and fostering participation. However, the three actors have also faced common challenges when trying to mobilize against racism given the national context, the self-image of Sweden as a tolerant, open and egalitarian country and the dominant views of racism, which taken together has turned racism into a serious but fairly marginal problem. The analysis also shows the effects of frame disputes and frame contests with regard to diagnostic, prognostic and motivational aspects of framing. At times the dividing lines have led to a broadening of the movement and its work, creating a wide mobilization potential and a strong multitudinous movement. During other periods the differences have contributed to long and profound conflicts that have drained the organizations and activists of time, resources and energy. Instead of focusing on combating their opponents, the anti-racist groups have been engulfed in internal strife, which has severely fragmented, divided and weakened the movement and hindered mobilization – contributing to turning the movement into a dispersed “milieu” by the mid-2000s. The thesis concludes with a chapter discussing how the empirical applicability of the framing perspective can be improved.
28
Castillo, Ulloa Ignacio [Verfasser], Angela [Akademischer Betreuer] Million, Simon [Akademischer Betreuer] Güntner, Angela [Gutachter] Million, and Simon [Gutachter] Güntner. "Space and radical planning: Linking protest action and local community self-development / Ignacio Castillo Ulloa ; Gutachter: Angela Million, Simon Güntner ; Angela Million, Simon Güntner." Berlin : Technische Universität Berlin, 2020. http://d-nb.info/1206245751/34.
Full text
29
Wright, Devon A. "Conservative Right-Wing Protest Rhetoric in the Cold War Era of Segregationist Mobilization." FIU Digital Commons, 2017. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/3457.
Full textAbstract:
In the early Cold War decades, the Citizens’ Councils of America (CCA) became the flagship conservative right-wing social movement organization (SMO). As part of its organizational activities, it engaged in a highly sophisticated propaganda effort to mobilize pro-segregationist opinion, merging traditional racist arguments with modern Cold War geopolitics to characterize civil rights activism and federal civil rights reforms as an effort to bring about a tyrannical, Soviet-inspired, dictatorship. Through a content discourse analysis, this research aims to contribute to understanding what factors determine how SMO’s deploy propaganda rhetoric. The main hypothesis is that geopolitical factors, defined here as specific geographic contexts in which sociopolitical issues are situated and from which propaganda rhetoric is deployed, are influential determinants. Since SMO rhetoric reflects its larger ideological orientation, SMO ideology is also influenced by geopolitical factors. For comparative analysis, propaganda literature from the Ku Klux Klan, as well as elite segregationist rhetoric from the same period is included. Relying on frame theory all rhetoric is quantitatively analyzed centering on the question of what factors drive SMO frame messaging. To contribute to frame theory a concept is proposed called frame constellation, which is a web of SMO frame rhetoric and symbolism that functions as an overlapping, intersecting and interrelated system of ideas which revolve around a central intellectual logic for collective action.
30
Caulfield, Thomas E. "Nonviolent Resistance to Security Policy in Nationalist Northern Ireland, 1970-1981." ScholarWorks, 2019. https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/6186.
Full textAbstract:
Political division has plagued Northern Ireland since its partition from the rest of Ireland in the 1920s. Current literature recounts the role of nationalist actors in the violent struggle that erupted in 1969 initiating a 3-decade period of civil strife described as the Troubles. However, very little scholarly coverage exists providing details of nonviolent resistance on the part of some community members. The purpose of this interpretive phenomenological study was to examine the meanings and perceptions evoked from Irish nationalists from Belfast and Derry who chose to challenge security policies through nonviolent actions from 1970 through 1981. Using a chain sampling approach, 14 protesters volunteered to tell their stories. Benet's polarities of democracy unifying model was used as the theoretical framework for the study. The data collected were analyzed using the modified Stevick-Colaizzi-Keen method, which involved a synthesis of meanings generated from respondents. Data analysis revealed 4 major themes that underpinned informant experiences of protest: social identity, coping, perseverance, and empowerment. Data showed in many instances that more aggressive security tactics used against demonstrators incited more intense antistate activities. Public administrators, through a combination of written policy and security personnel training, should, therefore, address sociopolitical grievances in a manner that will promote mediation in an effort to avoid instigation of further and more physical protest actions. State officials, as well as elected legislators who write and analyze public policy, may incorporate the findings of this study to expediate the delivery of more democratic government services and to support and promote nonviolent active citizenry.
31
Mbolela, Aura Yombo. "The relationship between organisational justice perceptions, organisational trust and willingness to engage in protest action for higher wages among low-income employees in South Africa." Master's thesis, Faculty of Commerce, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/32822.
Full textAbstract:
While common in South Africa, workplace protest actions frequently lead to losses on both sides: productivity losses for organisations and loss of income for protesting employees. It is therefore important to investigate which factors may contribute to low-income workers' decision to protest for higher wages. Based on the theoretical integration of social exchange theory and fairness heuristic theory it was argued that fairer treatment (organisational justice) decreases workers' willingness to engage in protest actions through its positive influence on organisational trust. The researcher examined employees' perceptions of fairness shown by their employer, supervisor and co-workers. A descriptive, cross-sectional research design was employed to test this assumption. Data was collected from low-income employees working in South African factories and retail stores who completed a self-report survey (N = 147). The results of a regression analysis confirmed that employees' perceptions of organisational justice predicted their willingness to engage in protest actions for higher wages when gender and previous involvement in protest actions were kept constant. Perceptions of interpersonal justice as shown by the supervisor was the unique predictor of willingness to engage in protest action, indicating that the decision to protest is not primarily driven by monetary concerns (distributive justice) but rather by how low-income workers feel treated in the workplace. Mediation analysis results revealed that the relationship between organisational justice and willingness to engage in protest action is not through mutual trust. Taken together, this research demonstrated that there is a need for organisations to invest in fairness in the workplace. Most specifically, organisations could focus on training supervisors to treat employees with respect and dignity as it could contribute to employees' decision to refrain from protesting at work.
32
Ntliziywana, Phindile. "Professionalisation of local government: Legal avenues for enforcing compliance with competency requirements." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2009. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_6738_1284067820.
Full textAbstract:
This study is a response to the dilemma of poor service delivery or the lack thereof. In this regard, this study posits the professionalisation of local government as part of the solution. The focus is on the administrative arm of local government, which is the major conduit for service delivery. Professionalisation of local government is a broader theme. For the present purposes, focus will be devoted to the competency component which entails attracting qualified personnel competent to discharge local government responsibilities. However, it is not limited to attracting already competent and professional staff. It also entails developing the skills of existing staff. This definition, in essence, relates to qualification through training, learning and specialisation.11 In essence, professionalisation of local government ensures that all employees act and behave in a professional way. In this regard, this study seeks to identify the competency standards set by the legislative framework and then explore the legal avenues for enforcing compliance, by the municipal administration, with such standards. This requires one to look at and answer the following questions: What constitutes municipal staff?
What is the content of the competency framework in question?
What are the enforcement mechanisms currently in place?
Whose role is it to enforce compliance with the competency framework?
Broadly speaking, enforcement can take two forms: hard enforcement and soft enforcement. The hard form of enforcement relates to giving incentives for compliance with the competency framework and dismissal for non-compliance. Softer enforcement, in turn, relates to correction and monitoring.
33
Almeida, Juniele Rabelo de. "Tropas em protesto: o ciclo de movimentos reivindicatórios dos policiais militares brasileiros no ano de 1997." Universidade de São Paulo, 2010. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8138/tde-12112010-150942/.
Full textAbstract:
Este trabalho propõe um estudo sobre o ciclo de movimentos reivindicatórios dos policiais militares brasileiros, ocorrido ao final do primeiro semestre do ano de 1997. As manifestações dos praças da Polícia Militar de Minas Gerais se tornaram um estandarte tático para a ação coletiva dos PMs de diversas localidades do território nacional. Quatorze estados integraram o ciclo nacional de protestos: Alagoas, Bahia, Ceará, Goiás, Mato Grosso, Mato Grosso do Sul, Minas Gerais, Pará, Paraíba, Pernambuco, Piauí, Rio Grande do Sul; e, sem movimento organizado, São Paulo e Rio de Janeiro. Narrativas, em história oral de vida, revelaram o diálogo entre as especificidades regionais e uma cultura policial militar nacionalmente constituída. Múltiplas questões, para o estudo da história dos movimentos sociais e da segurança pública no Brasil, foram problematizadas por meio de quatro redes de análise que indicam o repertório da ação coletiva policial militar: 1ª rede) Policiais militares de Minas Gerais: o início do ciclo de protestos; 2ª rede) Policiais militares de Alagoas, Ceará, Pernambuco e Pará: conflitos armados e ameaças; 3ª rede) Policiais militares da Paraíba, Bahia, Mato Grosso e Mato Grosso do Sul: acampamentos e negociações; 4ª rede) Policiais militares do Rio Grande do Sul, Piauí, Goiás, São Paulo e Rio de Janeiro: manifestações disciplinadas e articulações políticas à margem do ciclo de protestos. A crise policial militar brasileira representou conjuntura em que elementos próprios da corporação se desgastaram, mas não o suficiente para minar as bases institucionais. O trabalho indica possíveis conexões entre uma cultura policial militar, expressa pelos pilares militarizantes referentes a valores e normas institucionais, e preceitos relacionados à democratização que se passa nas sociedades contemporâneas.The purpose of this research is to look at the movement cycle of Brazilian military police demands which occurred at the end of the first semester of 1997. The police officers protests in Minas Gerais became a tactical banner for military police collective actions in various parts of Brazil. Fourteen states participated in the first national protest cycle: Alagoas, Bahia, Ceará, Goiás, Mato Grosso, Mato Grosso do Sul, Minas Gerais, Pará, Paraíba, Pernambuco, Piauí, Rio Grande do Sul; and, without an organized movement, São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro. Oral life history narratives revealed interactions between specific state-level military police groups and the nationally constituted organizational culture of the military police. Multiple issues of social movements and public safety in Brazil were addressed in four networks: 1st) Military Police in Minas Gerais: the beginning of the protest cycle cycle of protests; 2nd) Military Police of Alagoas, Ceará, Pernambuco and Pará: armed conflicts and threats; 3rd) Military Police of Paraíba, Bahia, Mato Grosso and Mato Grosso do Sul: encampments and negotiations; 4th) Military Police of Rio Grande do Sul, Piauí, Goiás, São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro: disciplined demonstrations and political articulation on the sidelines of the protest cycle. This analysis indicated different repertoires of collective action by the military police, which damaged the organizational elements, but not enough to undermine its institutional foundations. This research indicates possible connections between the organizational culture of the military police, expressed by the militarized precepts regarding institutional values and norms, and precepts of democratization prevalent in modern societies.
34
Zvoutete, Jackie Tatenda. "Impact of institutional diversity on unions and NGO's efforts to represent and articulate farm workers' grievances: case study of the 2012 Western Cape farm workers strike and protest action." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/6824.
Full textAbstract:
Following a disconcerting pattern in South Africa's recent labour history, a violent strike and protests gripped the De Doorns area in the Hex Valley River Valley of Western Cape Province in the late months of 2012 and early 2013. Literature on collective action and mobilisation shows that many of these incidents are triggered by occasions where there is a clash or disagreement of interests between groups. The existence of groups with diverging interests creates the basis of conflict;; this dichotomy is the initial form of diversity. Through debunking and qualitatively analysing the role and responsibilities of the worker representative groups during the strikes, the study reveals that there is a weak representation structure which is worsened due to the diverse interests of the institutions. This ultimately negatively affects the process of attaining a practical solution for the farm workers' issues. The paper explores the layered disparities of the workers within the farms, showing that a group's view is an aggregation of individuals' different opinions and experiences;; this is important to acknowledge in the study of conflict. This dissertation is a presentation of the need for an adoption and inclusion of institutional diversity in the study of labour conflict in South Africa. Racial lines prominently draw diversity within a South African setting but this study proposes that diversity in other forms is crucial in understanding these protest situations and in seeking solutions. The paper makes this suggestion through an observation of the 2012 Western Cape Farm Worker Strike and protest action, by questioning how worker representative groups handled the responsibility of representing and articulating farm worker problems. Although each party may believe they are doing what is best for the farm workers plight, they each have different operational values and they strongly embody their own interests. This varied mix of agenda's and modes of operation leads to a lack of constructive dialogue. This break in effectual communication plays a role in weakening the representational abilities of the unions and organisations and consequently abates the possibilities of attaining the practicable resolutions which are best for the group that the parties claim to represent;; the farm workers. The paper identifies this as a problem and subsequently suggests an immediate evaluation of communication methods from all these parties in order to improve negotiations in the future. This thesis not designed as a solution but functions as a presentation or a sketch of the complex milieu that surround strikes and protest action in order to encourage new ways of thinking about farm disputes and ways to resolve them.
35
Bertz, Wågström Magda. "The Welfare State Upholders: Protests against Cuts in Sickness Benefits in Sweden 2006-2019 : A Case Study of Political Action against Welfare Retrenchment." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-415482.
Full textAbstract:
The debate between the Power Resource Approach and the New Politics thesis has been ongoing for decades. The PRA claims that the labor movement continues to be the most prominent defender of the welfare state. The NP-thesis, on the other hand, claim that the welfare state in itself has created new interest groups, clients of specific welfare state programs, that have largely taken over as the most prominent welfare state upholder. In an attempt to empirically evaluate the usefulness of these two theories, quantitative data on protests against cuts in the sickness benefit program in Sweden during the years of 2006-2019 have been collected through investigating newspaper ma- terial. The results show that the protest engagement among client groups is greater than the engagement among the labor movement when looking at protests directed specifi- cally against cuts in the sickness benefit program. This result lends credibility to the NP- thesis while it questions the PRA. When including protest events directed against cuts in the sickness benefit program among other welfare retrenchment related grievances, the results show that the labor movement continues to be a prominent defender of the welfare state. Additionally, the PRA/NP literature is criticized for failing to acknowledge the possibility of protest coalitions between client groups and the labor movement or- ganizations. The results show that coalitions of protest exist, but more research is needed to conclude how coalition building relates to the theoretical debate regarding the welfare state upholders.
36
Allsop, Geoffrey Charles. "Does the labour relations act unjustifiably limit the constitutional right of employees to freedom of assembly? Examining the constitutionality of the prohibition on purely political protest action and gatherings by off-duty employees over disputes of mutual interest." Master's thesis, Faculty of Law, 2019. https://hdl.handle.net/11427/31692.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis examines whether the Labour Relations Act 66 of 1995 (‘LRA’) justifiably limits the constitutional right to employees to freedom of assembly in accordance with s36(1) of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996 (‘the Constitution’). This question is considered in two broad parts. The first part demonstrates two limitations. First, the inability of s77 of the LRA to provide legislative protection to employees who wish to embark on socioeconomic protest action over a purely political issue. Second, the LRA’s prohibition on off-duty employees utilising the Regulation of Gatherings Act 205 of 1993 (‘RGA’) to demonstrate against their employer over a dispute of mutual interest. While no court has yet considered if the LRA prohibits purely political protest action, the Labour Appeal Court in ADT Security v NASUWU 2015 (36) ILJ 152 (LAC) (‘ADT Security’) held that is unlawful for off-duty employees to demonstrate over a dispute of mutual interest under the RGA. The first part begins by establishing how the LRA’s statutory definition of protest action cannot, in its current form, protect purely political protest and how this limits the constitutional right of employees to free assembly. Similarly, it explains how ADT Security clearly establishes that the LRA limits the constitutional right of employees to freedom of assembly by infringing their constitutional right to assemble and demonstrate in compliance with the RGA. The second part tests both limitations against s36(1) of the Constitution, the limitation clause, to assess if either infringement justifiably limits the constitutional right of employees to freedom of assembly, enshrined in s17 of the Bill of Rights. Considering the factors in s36(1)(a)-(e) of the Constitution, and other relevant factors, it examines if the purpose and reasons for either limitation are sufficiently compelling so as to be reasonable and justifiable. It concludes by arguing both limitations unjustifiably limit the constitutional right of employees to free assembly. Two recommendations are made. First, that the LRA be amended to expressly permit employees to demonstrate over disputes of mutual interest, in compliance with the RGA, in certain circumstances. Second, that the LRA be amended to expressly permit purely political protest action, provided the protest action is limited in scope and duration and subject to oversight by the Labour Court.
37
Carneiro, Olavo Brand?o. "TRATORA?O O ALERTA DO CAMPO: Um estudo sobre a??es coletivas e patronato rural no Brasil." Universidade Federal Rural do Rio de Janeiro, 2008. https://tede.ufrrj.br/jspui/handle/tede/655.
Full textAbstract:
Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-28T20:12:59Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1
2008 - Olavo Brandao Carneiro.pdf: 4181517 bytes, checksum: 34ef3ce143d28a1fa82399b93325e4cd (MD5)
Previous issue date: 2008-12-19Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Cient?fico e Tecnol?gico
The purpose of this paper is to gain further understanding of the ways and mechanisms of social and political association that relate to dominant classes and groups in Brazil s countryside by looking at the strains, conflicts, and categories of the identities present at the gathering "Tratora?o - O Alerta do Campo". Organized by the Brazilian Confederation of Agriculture and Livestock (CNA) in June 2005. The Tratora?o mobilized large grain (soybean, corn and rice) and cotton farmers, especially in the Midwest and South areas of the country. Their main claim was to "renegotiate" agricultural debts, but they also demanded issues related to agripolitics, foreign trade and more room in State proceedings. A participative observation in the gathering together with the news broadcasted by CAN s Website comprised the main sources of our investigation, supplemented by interviews with rural and agro-industry business leaders and spokespeople, and surveys in the commercial media. The analysis allowed us to identify the street gathering as a recurrent political action of large rural entrepreneurs and large land owners, which expresses conflicts, strains, coalitions and intraclass and interclass agreements. It also allowed for the observation of how Brazil s rural patronage interests are built and represented as part of a class development process in which local bases manifestations, meetings of leaders from representative entities, and the initiatives of rural congressmen articulate progressively toward approaching the State.
Este trabalho procura melhor compreender as formas e mecanismos de organiza??o social e pol?tica das classes e grupos dominantes no campo brasileiro, a partir da observa??o das tens?es, conflitos, e ordena??es de identidades presentes na manifesta??o Tratora?o - O Alerta do Campo . Organizado pela Confedera??o Nacional da Agricultura e Pecu?ria do Brasil (CNA) em junho de 2005, o Tratora?o mobilizou agricultores de gr?os (soja, milho e arroz) e algod?o, especialmente das regi?es Centro-Oeste e Sul do pa?s. Sua principal reivindica??o foi a renegocia??o de d?vidas agr?colas, mas tamb?m demandavam quest?es relativas a pol?ticas agr?colas, com?rcio exterior e mais espa?o nas inst?ncias de Estado. A observa??o participante da mobiliza??o e as not?cias veiculadas pelo site da CNA constitu?ram as principais fontes da nossa investiga??o, complementadas por entrevistas com lideran?as e porta-vozes patronais rurais e agroindustriais e levantamentos na m?dia comercial. Nossa reflex?o permitiu identificar a manifesta??o de rua como uma a??o pol?tica recorrente dos empres?rios rurais e grandes propriet?rios de terra, construtora e express?o de conflitos, tens?es, alian?as e acordos intraclasse e entre classes sociais. O estudo permitiu a observa??o da constru??o e representa??o de interesses do patronato rural brasileiro como parte de um fazer-se classe, processo no qual manifesta??es locais das bases, reuni?es de dirigentes de entidades de representa??o, e iniciativas dos parlamentares ruralistas se articulam progressivamente para interpelar o Estado.
38
de, Rooij Eline A. "Specialisation of political participation in Europe : a comparative analysis." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2009. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:d85dce69-2abe-44fa-ae1b-5a5c3f292c68.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis answers the question how and why do individuals specialise in different types of political participation? By examining the degree to which individuals concentrate their political activities within one type of political participation, or spread them out across many. This thesis complements previous research on rates of political participation; and adapts and extends existing theories of political participation to explain differences in the degree of specialisation between different groups in society and between countries. Using data from the European Social Survey, covering as many as 21 European countries, and applying a range of different statistical methods, I distinguish four types of political participation: voting, conventional and unconventional political participation and consumer politics. I show that in countries with higher levels of socio-economic development, more democratic experience, and an increased presence of mobilising agents, the degree to which individuals concentrate their political activities within one type of political participation is higher, regardless of the accessibility and responsiveness of their political institutions. This is partly due to the fact that these countries have a higher educated population and that higher educated individuals specialise more. Specialisation also varies along the lines of other socio-demographic divisions, such as those based on gender. Moreover, I show that in contexts in which political issues are salient, such as during an election year, individuals are more likely to engage in non-electoral types of political participation if they also vote. This implies that specialisation is reduced during times of country-wide political mobilisation. The final finding of my thesis is that non-Western immigrants tend to concentrate their political activities less within one type of political participation than the majority population in Western Europe. Western immigrants specialise quite differently, suggesting differences in the way in which they are mobilised. As well as providing an important contribution to the study of political participation, these findings are relevant to discussions regarding citizen engagement and representation.
39
Giguere, Andrew M. ""...and never the twain shall meet:" Baltimore's east-west expressway and the construction of the "Highway to Nowhere."." Ohio : Ohio University, 2009. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1243879048.
Full text
40
Harazaki, Masashi. "Specific Recruitment of SPA-1 to the Immunological Synapse : Involvement of Actin-bundling Protein Actinin." Kyoto University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2433/147566.
Full text
41
Mastnak, Lynne. "The process of engagement in non-violent collective action : case studies from the 1980s." Thesis, University of Bath, 1995. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.307114.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis examines the process of engagement in nonviolent collective action. It is a cross- cultural study - using the methods of life history interview, participant observation and archival research - of twelve individuals drawn from three anti-militarist movements that emerged in the 1980s. The movements were: in Britain, the Greenham Common women; in Poland, Wolnosc i Pokoj: and, in Guatemala, the Runujel Junam Council of Ethnic Communities. Its aim is to understand how individuals move from belief to collective action and how their values are incorporated into the movements in which they engage. My findings challenge the global model of protest behaviour that fails to separate non-violent collective action from other forms of protest. They also challenge the idea of a unitary explanatory model of commitment: in particular, both the psychopathological model - in which political engagement is a decontextualised, irrational process - and the hypothesis that engagement is simply a response to structural injustice. MY findings suggest that political engagement may be not only the result of psychological processes within the individual or merely a response to the external world, but, rather, a unique combination of the two: it is a particular individual's response to a particular set of historical circumstances that produces engagement. Three possible models are proposed: they involve both affective and cognitive processes and depend on the interplay of historical events with the individual's own life circumstances. There are cross-cultural continuities, but also significant differences in the role of fear which are crucial to understanding the timing of initial involvement. Finally, I examine the relationship between choice of method of action and the process of commitment. cuIture can have an overriding influence on the development of a particular moral perspective but no one moral perspective is especially associated with non-violence. Engagement in nonviolent action can foster awareness of the importance of connection and relationship. Moreover, moral perspective and thinking about the useful limits of non-violence appea~ to be related.
42
Felgueiras, Sérgio Ricardo Costa Chagas. "A construção do protesto político: a geração à rasca." Doctoral thesis, Instituto Superior de Ciências Sociais e Políticas, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/12818.
Full textAbstract:
Tese de Doutoramento em Ciências Sociais na especialidade de Ciência PolíticaO protesto político é a manifestação do não-consentimento sobre uma decisão ou um conjunto de decisões políticas, ou o não reconhecimento da legitimidade para o processo de tomada de decisão, a participação política assume, assim, uma nova relevância para a cidadania política e social. A construção social do protesto político é um processo central às dinâmicas do sistemas social e político no estudo dos movimentos sociais. A investigação sobre o protesto político não-institucionalizado procura apreender a sua construção, isto é, a compreensão do fenómeno protesto é expandida para a compreensão do fenómeno da construção do fenómeno protesto abrindo, assim, novas possibilidades para o estabelecimento de linhas de investigação. Conceptualmente a resposta ao presente problema de investigação tem que ser procurada na agenda clássica do estudo dos movimentos sociais, sendo realizada a análise do evento de protesto a “geração à rasca” que ocorreu em Portugal no início do ano 2011, motivada pelo quadro cultural de acção colectiva da precariedade. A presente investigação utilizou metodologicamente a análise dos eventos de protesto expandida com a análise de conteúdo e o biograma
Political protest is the expression of the non-acquiescence about a decision or a set of political decisions, or the non-acknowledgement of the legitimacy for the decision making process. The political intervention is assumed to be, in that case, extremely relevant for the political and social awareness. The social construction of the political protest is a process within the dynamics of the political and social systems meander. The research of the uninstitucionalized political protest aims to comprehend its conception, that is, the very understandment of the protest phenomena shall be expanded to the understandment of its own construction, creating thus, new possibilities for the establishment of lines of investigation. Conceptually, the answer can be found within the roots of the classical study of the social movements, according to the analysis of the “geração à rasca” movement that took place in Portugal in the beginnings of 2011, which was motivated by a precarious cultural frame. Methodocagically, this research applied the analysis of the protest events, as well as the analysis of contents and the biogram
N/A
43
Griaud, François. "Proteomic analysis of leukaemogenic protein tyrosine kinase action." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2012. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/proteomic-analysis-of-leukaemogenic-protein-tyrosine-kinase-action(ff9d490b-5a94-45fc-a857-4f0826e4a11a).html.
Full textAbstract:
Introduction: Chronic myeloid leukaemia is a blood cancer which progresses from a chronic phase to an acute blast crisis if untreated. Disease progression and treatment resistance may be precipitated by the mutator action of BCR/ABL protein tyrosine kinase (PTK), but only few protein phosphosites involved in the DNA damage response have been investigated with respect to BCR/ABL action. Aim: The aim of this PhD project was to demonstrate that BCR/ABL PTK expression can affect the response to genotoxic stress signalling at the protein phosphorylation level. Methodology: Etoposide-induced DNA damage response has been studied in control and BCR/ABL PTK-expressing Ba/F3 cells using apoptosis and γH2AX assays. Quantitative phosphoproteomics was performed with iTRAQ peptide labelling to discover putative modulated phosphorylation sites. Absolute quantification (AQUA ) performed with selected reaction monitoring was used to validate discovery phosphoproteomics. The effect of genotoxic stress on the THO complex protein Thoc5/Fmip was studied using western blots. Results: The expression of BCR/ABL PTK induced γH2AX phosphorylation after etoposide exposure. This was associated with the modulation of H2AX tyrosine 142 phosphorylation, MDC1 (serines 595 and 1053) and Hemogen serine 380 phosphorylation among proteins regulated by both BCR/ABL PTK and etoposide. We identified that leukaemogenic PTKs mediate Thoc5/Fmip phosphorylation on tyrosine 225 via Src proto-oncogene and oxidative stress, while ATM and MEK1/2 may control its phosphorylation. Human CD34+ CD38- leukaemic stem cells showed pronounced level of THOC5/FMIP tyrosine phosphorylation. Expression of phosphomutant Thoc5/Fmip Y225F might reduce apoptosis mediated by etoposide and H2O2. Conclusion: BCR/ABL PTK can sustain, create, block and change the intensity of protein phosphorylation related to genotoxic stress. Modulation of H2AX, MDC1, Hemogen and Thoc5/Fmip post-translational modifications by BCR/ABL PTK might promote unfaithful DNA repair, genomic instability, anti-apoptotic signalling or abnormal cell differentiation, resulting in leukaemia progression.
44
Ostrowski, Stephen M. "Pleiotropic mechanisms of statin action in Alzheimer's Disease." Cleveland, Ohio : Case Western Reserve University, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=case1190669698.
Full text
45
Heesom, Kate J. "The regulation of acetyl-CoA carboxylase by insulin in adipose tissue." Thesis, University of Bristol, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.294552.
Full text
46
Dash, Shantoshini. "Role of M1 protein and actin-associated cellular cofactors in Influenza A Virus assembly and release." Thesis, Montpellier, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017MONTT034.
Full textAbstract:
Le virus de la grippe A (le H1N1) pdm09, généralement connu comme le virus de la grippe porcine, a causé la toute première pandémie du 21e siècle. Le virus de grippe est un virus enveloppé à ARN qui utilise la machinerie cellulaire de l’hôte pour s’assembler à la membrane plasmique de la cellule et être relargué à l’extérieur. Dans cette étude, nous nous sommes intéressés au rôle de la protéine virale de matrice M1 dans ce processus. M1 est la protéine la plus abondante et elle est extrêmement importante pour le virus de la grippe. Les 164 résidus de la protéine M1 situés en N-terminal comprennent deux domaines basiques qui sont : le triplet d’arginine (R76/77/78) sur l'hélice 5 et le signal de localisation nucléaire sur l'hélice 6. Ils sont très bien conservés parmi les sous types de la grippe. Premièrement, pour étudier l'interaction M1-membrane, nous avons développé et standardisé un système minimal regroupant M1+M2+NS1/NEP (±M) dans lequel nous pourrons aussi observer la production de VLPs incorporant M1. En utilisant ce système, nous avons créé des mutations dans le triplet d’arginine de M1 et avons regardé l'accrochage de M1 à la membrane ainsi que l'incorporation de M1 dans les VLPs. La conséquence de ces mutations est que la protéine M1 reste dans le cytosol et qu’il y a une réduction drastique du nombre de VLPs contenant M1 relargués. La mutation du triplet arginine par un triplet alanine inhibe complètement la production de VLPs. De plus, un virus mutant avec ce triplet d’alanine n’est plus capable de produire des virions infectieux. Ainsi nous avons mis en évidence l'importance du triplet arginine dans l'accrochage de M1 à la membrane et la production de virions. Par conséquent, pour étudier l’utilisation de l'actine et de ses cofacteurs par le virus, nous avons utilisé de petits ARN interférents pour inhiber l’expression de gènes dans un système minimal de production de VLPs. Nous avons observé une réduction de la production de VLPs contenant M1 en inhibant Rac1et une augmentation de la libération de VLPs contenant M1 en inhibant RhoA et Cdc42. En utilisant un virus IAV (H3N2)-nanoluciferase sur les cellules A549 pulmonaires, nous avons étudié l'effet de la déplétion des RhoGTPases et de leurs effecteurs sur la production virale. Nous avons observé qu'avec Rac1, l'inhibition de Wave2 et Arp3 réduit aussi le pouvoir infectieux du virus H3N2 au cours des étapes tardives de l'infection sans affecter la phase précoce de d'infection. Les protéines interagissant avec M1 ont été identifiées par LC-MS/MS et incluent la cofiline et l’annexine A2. La cofiline, déjà connue pour participer à la réorganisation de l’actine pendant la phase tardive de l’infection par le virus de la grippe, est aussi un effecteur activé par Rac1, Wave2, Pak1 et LIMK afin de former des lamellipodes. L’annexine A2 est aussi connue pour séquestrer la PS au niveau du feuillet interne de la membrane plasmique cellulaire. La reconnaissance de ces groupes de PS par la protéine virale M1 amorcera finalement le processus d’assemblage viral. Ainsi, nos résultats, en décrivant le mécanisme d'accrochage de M1 à la membrane, montrent aussi que Rac1, Wave2 et Arp3 sont probablement des facteurs pro-viraux de l’assemblage et de la libération des virus de la grippe AThe influenza A(H1N1)pdm09 virus, commonly known as swine flu, caused the very first pandemic of 21st century. Influenza virus, an enveloped RNA virus, uses the host cellular machinery for its assembly and release from the host cell plasma membrane. In this study, we were interested in the role of the viral M1 matrix protein in this process. M1 is the most abundant and vitally important protein present in influenza virus. The N-terminal 164 residues of M1 protein comprise of two basic domains which are the arginine triplet (R76/77/78) on helix 5 and the nuclear localization signal on helix 6, which are very well conserved among the influenza A virus subtypes. Firstly, to study M1-membrane interaction, we developed and standardized a minimal system consisting of M1+M2+NS1/NEP(±M) in which we could also observe production of VLPs incorporating M1. Using this system, we performed mutations in the M1 arginine triplet and looked at changes in M1 membrane attachment and M1 incorporation in VLP. As a result of these mutations, the M1 protein remained cytosolic and there was a drastic reduction in M1 containing VLP release. Mutating the entire arginine triplet to an alanine triplet inhibited VLP production completely. Also, a mutant virus with this alanine triplet failed completely to produce infectious virions. Thus we established the importance of the arginine triplet in M1 membrane attachment and virion production. Consequently, to study manipulation of actin and its cofactors by the virus, we used siRNA mediated gene silencing in the VLP producing minimal system. We observed a reduction in M1 containing VLP production upon inhibition of Rac1 and enhancement of M1 containing VLPs released upon inhibition of RhoA and Cdc42. By using an IAV (H3N2)-nanoluciferase virus on pulmonary A549 cells, we studied effect of depletion of RhoGTPases and their effectors on virus production. We observed that along with Rac1, inhibition of Wave2 and Arp3 also reduces the infectivity of H3N2 virus at the late phase of infection without any effect on the early phase of infection. The proteins interacting with M1 were identified by LC-MS/MS and included cofilin and annexin A2. Cofilin, already known to take part in the actin reorganization during the late phase of influenza A virus infection, is also one of the downstream effector linked to Rac1, Wave2, Pak1 and LIMK, for lamellipodia formation. Annexin A2 is also known to sequester PS at the inner leaflet of the cell plasma membrane. The viral protein M1 is able to recognize these clusters of PS, which ultimately initiates the viral assembly process. Thus, our results, while defining the mechanism of M1 membrane attachment, also indicate the possible involvement of Rac1, Wave2 and Arp3 as pro-viral factors in IAV assembly and release
47
Adusei-Danso, Felix. "Systematic approach to protein crystallization :emphasis on Vaccinia virus complement control protein (VCP)." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2006. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_4781_1188474852.
Full textAbstract:
This work examined the systematic approach to protein crystallization, exploring some of the techniques that have been developed to enhance the success rate of crystallization. The work was centered on two proteins
namely Vaccinia virus complement control protein (VCP) and glutamate dehydrogenase (GDH) from Bacteriodes fragilis. The crystal structures of the full lengthe native VCP and VCP bound to heparin had already been determined. In the same way, the structure of GDH from Bacteriodes fragilis is not known, even though structures of other GDHs from different organisms have been determined.
48
Leo, Vincenzo Carlo. "The mechanism of action of a mutant mitochondrial fission protein." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2013. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/5052/.
Full textAbstract:
Cardiovascular disease is the most common cause of morbidity and mortality worldwide, of which cardiomyopathies account for a proportion. One of the hallmarks of progressive heart disease is diminished energy metabolism associated with cardiac mitochondrial dysfunction. Recent evidence directly implicates malfunctioning mitochondria and altered mitochondrial dynamics in the development of heart disease. Yet, little is known about mitochondrial remodelling changes that might contribute to the development of heart failure. A recently identified mouse mutant in the Dnm1l gene, Python, leads to the development of dilated cardiomyopathy at specific ages. The work reported herein focussed on understanding the mechanisms responsible for the development of cardiomyopathy in this model. Evidence was obtained of alteration in mitochondria, peroxisome and endoplasmic reticulum (ER) morphology in various cell types. There was a suggestion of altered physical interaction between the mitochondria and the ER. Increased cytosolic calcium levels and reduced mitochondrial uptake of calcium were also observed in Python fibroblasts. Mitochondrial membranes were also depolarised. These changes resulted in reduced oxidative phosphorylation activity in the hearts of Python mice, which showed a progressive reduction with age. Ultimately a decrease in ATP levels occurred, which was unsustainable with normal heart function. DNM1L expression was found to increase with age in hearts of wild type mice, but not other tissues. This may be suggestive of an increase in the importance for the DNM1L protein in the ageing heart, though the exact reasons for this remain elusive. Fragmented mitochondria have been postulated to contribute to the development of Huntington’s disease. However, a reduction in fragmentation through introduction of the Python mutation did not alleviate the progressive development of symptoms in these animals. We hypothesize that the Python mutation impairs the ability of mitochondrial-ER tethering. Subsequent dysfunctional mitochondrial calcium uptake and altered mitochondrial membrane potential, leads to a progressive decline in oxidative phosphorylation activity and ATP production.
49
Holmes, Peter. "Structure and mode of action of the TolA-TolB complex from Pseudomonas aeruginosa." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:cccb0c88-5c89-4d21-81eb-70ebf513c7ab.
Full textAbstract:
Protein-protein interactions (PPIs) across the cell envelope of Gram-negative bacteria are critical for mediating signal transduction pathways that underpin cellular homeostasis. The Ton and Tol Pal systems are two conserved, ancestrally related protein networks that are also required for bacterial pathogenesis. Both Ton and Tol-Pal traverse the periplasm to effect different functions at the outer membrane (OM). Tol-Pal is composed of a homologous complex of three inner membrane proteins, TolQ-TolR-TolA (linked to proton motive force) and two additional periplasmic proteins TolB and Pal. The physiological role of the Tol-Pal system is to stabilise the OM, however the mechanism involved is unknown. TolA is however known to form a crucial protein-protein interaction via its C-terminus with the disordered N-terminus of TolB. Prior to this thesis, determination of the molecular features underlying a protein-protein complex between TolA and an endogenous binding partner TolB had never been accomplished. In this work, I describe the first structure comprising the TolA-TolB complex from Gram negative bacteria. The structure of this complex was determined from Pseudomonas aeruginosa by solution NMR spectroscopy. I determined the interaction between P. aeruginosa TolA and a TolB N terminal peptide to be relatively weak using fluorescence anisotropy. I found that TolB interacts with TolA through an analogous mechanism to that seen in TonB-dependent transporters. Based on these studies and bioinformatics analyses, I hypothesize that the evolutionary resilience of the Tol-Pal system to external pressures is contingent on the preservation of the TolA-TolB interface. Structure-based mutations within the TolA-TolB complex were also evaluated for their effect on in vivo function of the Tol-Pal complex and impact on complex formation in vitro. Taken together, the results demonstrate that protein networks which transduce energy to the OM through PMF-dependent systems in bacterial cells appear to follow a common β-strand augmentation mechanism.
50
Alhabashneh, Mohammad Abad Alhameed. "Protect team handler (PTH)." Thesis, University West, Department of Technology, Mathematics and Computer Science, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hv:diva-567.
Full textAbstract:
There is always a need for easy-to-follow processes that enable accurate and non-time consuming solutions. Nowadays we see a lot of different approaches to development processes in software engineering. This project is concerned with how to manage a software development process in a reliable, secure and efficient way. Software is available which provides some help for project managers / administrators to work more productively, with effective communication. Using such systems, it is possible to keep track of all the phases of development, including task distribution, making maximum use of previous hands-on experience and increasing productivity, to deliver a finished product in minimum time. No existing solution, however, fulfills all the desirable criteria. This paper describes the motivation, design and implementation of an improved development management system using Active Server Pages and Microsoft Internet Information Services with a backend Microsoft Access Database developed using a waterfall software development process. The resulting system is described and evaluated. This system will be beneficial for software houses, because they can communicate on the web, allowing efficiency gains by avoiding the need to call meetings for distribution of tasks among employees, with the additional advantage of location-transparent team management through the Internet.