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Journal articles on the topic 'Protest action'
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Roberts, Benjamin James, Narnia Bohler-Muller, Jare Struwig, Steven Lawrence Gordon, Ngqapheli Mchunu, Samela Mtyingizane, and Carin Runciman. "Protest Blues: Public opinion on the policing of protest in South Africa." South African Crime Quarterly, no. 62 (December 13, 2017): 63–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/2413-3108/2017/v0n62a3040.
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The policing response to rising protest action in the country has received increased attention in the last decade. This is particularly owing to concerns over confrontations during which protesters have been arrested, injured and in some instances killed by the police. Despite the criticism voiced by various stakeholders about the manner in which the police manage crowd gatherings, relatively little is known about the views of South African adults on the policing of protest action and the factors that shape such attitudes. To provide some insight, this article draws on data from a specialised module on protest-related attitudes and behaviour that was fielded as part of the 2016 round of the Human Sciences Research Council’s South African Social Attitudes Survey (SASAS) series. This nationally representative survey included specific questions probing the public’s overall evaluation of the performance of the police in dealing with protests, and the justifiability of the use of force in policing protest action. The article will present a national picture of people’s views on the policing of protest, based on these measures, and then determine the extent to which there are distinct underlying socio-demographic cleavages in these data. A combination of bivariate and multivariate analysis is undertaken in order to understand how perceptions of effectiveness, acceptability and reported participation in protest (especially disruptive and violent actions) shape people’s views regarding policing of protest. The article concludes with a discussion that reflects on the implications of the research for the policing of protest action in future, given the appreciable rise in the incidence of protest since the mid-2000s and the mounting tensions between state institutions and communities over the political, moral and constitutional arguments for and against such actions.
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Passini, Stefano. "Promoting or opposing social change: Political orientations, moral convictions and protest intentions." Europe’s Journal of Psychology 15, no. 4 (December 19, 2019): 671–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.5964/ejop.v15i4.1693.
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The issue of the motivations behind the decision as to whether or not to join protest actions has been investigated by many scholars. In particular, recent studies have considered violations of one’s own moral convictions and identification with the protest group as the main predictors of collective actions. The present research will focus on the three orientations to the political system identified by Kelman and Hamilton (1989), which consider distinct reasons behind the attachment to the political system and explain the motivations behind supporting or opposing the institutions. The aim is to examine whether these three orientations have an effect on collective action (through moral convictions, politicized identification, anger, and efficacy) considering social protests both against and in favor of the status quo. Specifically, the political orientations should explain why individuals hold a given attitude (positive or negative) towards a policy position, hold it with moral conviction, and decide to join a protest action. The results of three studies confirm the relevance of considering political orientations. Depending on the aim of the protest, each political orientation has a distinct effect on collective action.
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Snow, David A., and Dana M. Moss. "Protest on the Fly." American Sociological Review 79, no. 6 (October 24, 2014): 1122–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0003122414554081.
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This article reexamines spontaneity as an important, albeit neglected, mechanism in collective action dynamics, and elaborates on its operation and effects in protest events and social movements. We do not presume that spontaneity is routinely at play in all collective actions. Rather, based on our grounded analysis of historical and ethnographic data, we contend that spontaneity is triggered by certain conditions: nonhierarchical organization; uncertain/ambiguous moments and events; behavioral/emotional priming; and certain ecological/spatial factors. We conclude by elaborating why the activation of spontaneous actions matters in shaping the course and character of protest events and movements, and we suggest that spontaneity be resuscitated in the study of collective action and everyday life more generally.
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Il'in, Il'ya. "Demonstrative protest crime: the limits of criminological analysis." Vestnik of the St. Petersburg University of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia 2021, no. 4 (December 20, 2021): 78–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.35750/2071-8284-2021-4-78-83.
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Classical and network protest always assumes mass character. In this regard, the study of protest movements should assume: a) The analysis of many protest actions; b) the analysis of each individual protest action as a manifestation of the phenomenon of collective behavior. At the same time, the first level is important in the context of ensuring the representativeness of the second type of research. «Collective action» and «action of a team member» are fundamentally important. The regulatory system always deals with the assessment of the behavior of a particular person. In this regard, criminology and criminal law should not focus on the protest actions themselves, but on the behavior of individuals within the framework of these actions. In the theoretical analysis of the behavior of these individual participants of mass actions, it is necessary to distinguish: a) actions performed during a mass action, and actions that ensure the protest action itself, which can be performed both before and after it; b) actions of organizers, inspirers, leaders of protest actions, and actions of ordinary participants of the protest action; c) actions related to the organization and participation in mass actions coordinated by the official authorities, and in those not coordinated by the official authorities; d) lawful actions and illegal actions, and among the latter - criminally illegal and administratively illegal; e) intellectual, informational actions, and physical actions.
To describe these actions, the article suggests using the term «demonstrative protest crimes». They are: a) associated with a well-defined sphere of public relations that arise in the process of interaction between a person, society and the authorities; b) they are imbued with the unity of motivational factors and the characteristics of the personality of the participants; c) they have a common determinative complex and a common mechanism for their commission; d) they have a distinct separation by the place and time of their commission; e) they assume a specific type and mechanism for the implementation of preventive measures. These signs allow us to consider demonstrative protest crimes as a separate, independent type of crime.
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Bohler-Muller, Narnia, Benjamin James Roberts, Jare Struwig, Steven Lawrence Gordon, Thobeka Radebe, and Peter Alexander. "Minding the Protest: Attitudes towards different forms of protest action in contemporary South Africa." South African Crime Quarterly, no. 62 (December 13, 2017): 81–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/2413-3108/2017/v0n62a3041.
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This article focuses on providing new insights into the nature of public opinion about protest action in South Africa. Since the mid-2000s the country has experienced one of the world’s highest levels of popular protest and strike action, combined with the recent resurgence of an active student protest movement. Sociological research into these protests has suggested that they represent distinct phenomena and that local protests have assumed plural forms that cut across simple violent/non-violent and orderly/disorderly binary distinctions. Despite the rapid growth of literature on South African protests, surprisingly little is known about public opinion relating to various forms of protest. Consequently, this article aims to examine differences with regard to the acceptability, perceived effectiveness and participation in respect of three categories of protest action, namely orderly, disruptive and violent protests. The article uses data from a protest module included as part of the 2016 round of the South African Social Attitudes Survey, a nationally representative series conducted annually by the Human Sciences Research Council. Apart from determining the nature and extent of variation in opinion regarding the three types of protest action on aggregate, the article explores patterns of similarity and differentiation across societal groups, based on class, age, race, gender and geography. Finally, we analyse how and for whom perspectives on the three forms of protest have changed over the course of a generation by drawing on functionally equivalent data collected in 1995. The article concludes by reflecting on whether the evidence supports key hypotheses regarding the ‘rebellion of the poor’1 in the country.
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Corrigall-Brown, Catherine, and Rima Wilkes. "Picturing Protest." American Behavioral Scientist 56, no. 2 (December 12, 2011): 223–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764211419357.
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Images of collective action shape public understanding of social movement campaigns and issues. Modern media includes more images than ever before, and these images are remembered longer and are more likely to elicit emotional responses than are textual accounts. Yet when it comes to media coverage of collective action, existing research considers only the written accounts. This means that little is known about the extent to which images of collective action events conform to or diverge from the “protest paradigm,” a pattern of reporting found in articles that tends to marginalize protesters and legitimizes authorities. The authors address this gap by analyzing newspaper photographs of one of the most significant recent cases of Indigenous-state conflict in North America—the 1990 “Oka Crisis.” This 78-day armed standoff between Indigenous peoples and Quebecois and Canadian authorities was sparked by the attempted expansion of a golf course onto Mohawk territory. The mass media produced thousands of articles and photographs in their coverage of the event. This article uses these photographs to assess the manner in which images frame collective action and collective actors. The authors find that images of collective action frame these events differently and in a more nuanced way than do textual accounts. For example, while challengers are just as likely to be shown in images of collective action, they are less likely to be specifically named. In addition, officials are more likely to be shown in dominant positions, but certain groups of officials (particularly government representatives) are also the most likely to be shown as emotional and angry. These findings illustrate the sometimes conflicting messages depicted in images of collective action.
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Selvanathan, Hema Preya, and Brian Lickel. "A field study around a racial justice protest on a college campus: The proximal impact of collective action on the social change attitudes of uninvolved bystanders." Journal of Social and Political Psychology 7, no. 1 (July 17, 2019): 598–619. http://dx.doi.org/10.5964/jspp.v7i1.1063.
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Social movements often use protests and other collective actions to draw public attention to their cause, yet the psychological reactions to such actions from their targeted audience is not well understood. This research investigates uninvolved bystanders’ immediate responses to collective action using a quasi-experimental field study designed around a racial justice protest that took place at a large public university in the United States. We surveyed two student samples exactly one week apart at the same time and location, first in the absence of protest and then again at the time of a racial justice protest (Total N = 240). We found that participants who believed that racism was not a problem on campus had more negative attitudes toward racial justice protests and protesters, as well as lower support for anti-racist efforts on campus on the day of the protest, compared to the day without a protest. These findings provide initial evidence that a protest encounter may trigger a backlash effect amongst those who have the most resistant attitudes toward social change.
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Evans, L. "Italian doctors plan protest action." BMJ 309, no. 6968 (December 10, 1994): 1531. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmj.309.6968.1531.
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Duane, Aidan, and Patrick Finnegan. "Dissent, Protest and Transformative Action." Information Resources Management Journal 20, no. 1 (January 2007): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/irmj.2007010101.
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STEINERT-THRELKELD, ZACHARY C. "Spontaneous Collective Action: Peripheral Mobilization During the Arab Spring." American Political Science Review 111, no. 2 (April 19, 2017): 379–403. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055416000769.
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Who is responsible for protest mobilization? Models of disease and information diffusion suggest that those central to a social network (the core) should have a greater ability to mobilize others than those who are less well-connected. To the contrary, this article argues that those not central to a network (the periphery) can generate collective action, especially in the context of large-scale protests in authoritarian regimes. To show that those in the core of a social network have no effect on levels of protest, this article develops a dataset of daily protests across 16 countries in the Middle East and North Africa over 14 months from 2010 through 2011. It combines that dataset with geocoded, individual-level communication from the same period and measures the number of connections of each person. Those on the periphery are shown to be responsible for changing levels of protest, with some evidence suggesting that the core’s mobilization efforts lead to fewer protests. These results have implications for a wide range of social choices that rely on interdependent decision making.
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Canham, Hugo. "Theorising community rage for decolonial action." South African Journal of Psychology 48, no. 3 (July 23, 2018): 319–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0081246318787682.
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Rage is under-theorised in South Africa. This absence is more pronounced in psychological scholarship. This is a remarkable oversight since we have gained infamy as the world’s epicentre of protest action. In this article, I read the landscape of scholarly production to conduct an analysis of how community rage and protests are made sense of. The analysis focuses on work from the past decade as it has been reported that this period has witnessed the greatest intensity of protest action within the post-apartheid period. I contend that protests are a form of community rage at sedimented oppressions. I demonstrate that the expression of community rage provides us the opportunity to work towards our collective decolonisation. In this analysis, I offer that affective meaning making in the theorisation of rage can craft a scholarship that enables praxis towards decolonial action.
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Lancaster, Lizette. "Unpacking Discontent: Where and why protest happens in South Africa." South African Crime Quarterly, no. 64 (June 29, 2018): 29–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/2413-3108/2018/v0n64a3031.
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High levels of socio-economic dissatisfaction, persistent service delivery issues and increased political contestation necessitate closer monitoring of protest action. This article focuses on where and why protests happen. The findings draw on data collected by the Institute for Security Studies through its Protest and Public Violence Monitor (PPVM). Unlike other reporting systems, which tend to focus on specific types of protest, the PPVM seeks to provide comprehensive coverage and mapping of all forms of protest, including industrial strike action as well as political and group conflict. The findings highlight the wide-ranging nature of protests and illustrate how patterns of protests form over time in specific places. The article concludes by reflecting on how research into protest should not limit itself in scope. The ultimate aim of the research should be to inform the development of more appropriate responses by various role players to prevent violence and to encourage peaceful protests.
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HOLLYER, JAMES R., B. PETER ROSENDORFF, and JAMES RAYMOND VREELAND. "Transparency, Protest, and Autocratic Instability." American Political Science Review 109, no. 4 (November 2015): 764–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055415000428.
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The collapse of autocratic regimes is often brought about through large-scale mobilization and collective action by elements of the populace. The willingness of any given member of the public to participate in actions such as strikes and protests is contingent upon her beliefs about others’ willingness to similarly mobilize. In this article, we examine the effect of a specific form of transparency—the disclosure of economic data by the government—on citizen belief formation, and consequently on collective mobilization. We present a theoretical model in which, under autocratic rule, transparency increases the frequency of protests, and increases the extent to which protest is correlated with incumbent performance. We find empirical support for these claims. Transparency destabilizes autocracies via mass protest.
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Opp, Karl-Dieter. "Collective Political Action." Analyse & Kritik 23, no. 1 (January 1, 2001): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/auk-2001-0101.
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AbstractThis paper describes a research program that focuses on the explanation of political protest and its causes. The starting point is Mancur Olson’s theory of collective action. This theory is modified, extended and applied to explain political protest. In particular, it is argued that only a wide version of Rational Choice theory that includes ‘soft’ incentives as well as misperception is capable of providing valid explanations of protest behavior. Another part of the research program is the utilization of survey research to test the predictions about protest behavior that are generated from the wide version of Rational Choice theory. The research program further aims at (a) comparing empirically Rational Choice and alternative propositions, (b) providing micro-macro explanatory models, (c) dynamic theoretical models, and (d) explaining preferences and beliefs which are usually treated as exogenous variables. The paper further reports, some results of the research program.
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Odağ, Özen, Özden Melis Uluğ, and Nevin Solak. "“Everyday I’m Çapuling”." Journal of Media Psychology 28, no. 3 (July 2016): 148–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1027/1864-1105/a000202.
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Abstract. This contribution examines the 2013 Gezi Park protests in Turkey by drawing on the social identity model of collective action (SIMCA) and the slacktivism versus facilitation debate in the literature on digitally enabled collective action. Contrary to the slacktivism hypothesis that claims online collective action to lack an apparent impact on the real world, the current study indicates a facilitating role of online collective action in the Gezi Park protests. By means of a large-scale online survey (N = 1,127) and a subsequent latent path analysis, the study demonstrates that the endurance of the movement was kept alive by both offline and online collective actions. The relationship between offline/online action and protest motivations was mediated by three predictors of collective action derived from the SIMCA: perceived injustice, social identity, and perceived efficacy. Results show that protestors in Turkey, independent of whether they became active in the digital or the real world, were likely to protest again to the extent that they perceived developments in Turkey as unjust, identified strongly with the Çapulcus [Turkish for looters] as a social group, and perceived this group to be efficient in changing social injustice in the country.
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Petrovic, Jelisaveta, and Dalibor Petrovic. "Connective action as the new pattern of protest activism." Sociologija 59, no. 4 (2017): 405–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/soc1704405p.
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The aim of this paper is to examine the organizational background of the protests ?Against dictatorship? that took place in several Serbian towns, in the spring of 2017. The absence of the official organizers and the role social networking sites played in terms of communication, organization and coordination of the protest events, raises the following question: Could the protest ?Against dictatorship? be considered as an example of a digitally enabled ?connective? action? According to the ?connective action? approach (Bennett & Segerberg, 2012, 2013), in the information society a new ?connective? form of collective action is emerging as a result of personalization of political action that occurs within new sociotechnological environment. Connective action is enabled by innovative technological opportunities for individual participation in collective ventures and supported by the role that ICTs play as ?stitching? and organizing agents of collective action. In such circumstances, conventional social movement organizations and solid collective identities seem to become far less necessary. The analysis of the data collected in the field (N = 175) and in the online survey of the experiences and attitudes towards the protest (N=225), leads to the conclusion that the organizational background of the protest ?Against dictatorship? is closest to the ideal-type of ?self-organized network?, as one of the two basic models of connective action. In the concluding part of this paper, the authors argue that the ?connective action? model is adequate for the interpretation of the emergence of the digitally mediated protests. However, with the transformation of protests into more solid and stable forms of collective action, this model loses its explanatory power.
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Opp, Karl-Dieter. "Collective identity, rationality and collective political action." Rationality and Society 24, no. 1 (February 2012): 73–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1043463111434697.
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This paper explores the effects of collective identity on protest behavior by applying an extended version of the theory of collective action. Hypotheses are derived about the following questions that are rarely addressed in the literature: Are there situations in which collective identity diminishes protest? The standard assumption is that collective identity increases protest behavior. Does collective identity have indirect effects – via the determinants of protest – on protest behavior? Are there feedback effects of protest participation on collective identity? The hypotheses that address these questions are tested with a three-wave panel study. Three findings are of particular interest: (1) the overall direct additive effects of identity on protest behavior are statistically not significant. (2) Evidence is provided that in solidary groups identity does not raise but reduce protest. (3) The major effects of identity are indirect: identity influences the determinants of protest.
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Porta, Donatella. "Protest on Unemployment: Forms and Opportunities." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 13, no. 3 (September 1, 2008): 277–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.13.3.y71j150k654mm863.
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The "return" of poor people movements encourages reflection on the impact of changes in the social structure, the availability of organizational resources, and political and discursive opportunities for collective action. Based on a quantitative and qualitative claim analysis in six European countries, this article maps unemployment-related protest actions in three areas: (a) long-term unemployment; (b) massive dismissals; and (c) unemployment and labor policies within more general cycles of protest. The article discusses the actors, the forms and claims of the protests, and the social and political opportunities for their development. Protests on unemployment tend to assume some similar forms, each oriented to stress the "absolute injustice" of the position of the unemployed. The framing of the issues of both labor changes and the evolution of the labor market restates the importance of social dynamics for political protest. Unions as well as other social movements and political actors play an important role in the protest against unemployment.
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Mikołajczak, Gosia, and Julia C. Becker. "What is (un)fair? Political ideology and collective action." Journal of Social and Political Psychology 7, no. 2 (October 18, 2019): 810–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.5964/jspp.v7i2.1230.
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The established models predicting collective action have been developed based on liberal ideas of injustice perceptions showing that progressive collective action occurs when people perceive that the equality or need rule of fairness are violated. We argue, however, that these perceptions of injustice cannot explain the occurrence of social protests among Conservatives. The present work addresses one shortcoming in collective action research by exploring the interactive role of political ideology and injustice appraisals in predicting social protest. Specifically, we focused on injustice appraisals as a key predictor of collective action and tested whether the same or different conceptualizations of injustice instigate protest among Liberals versus Conservatives using data from two studies conducted in Germany (Study 1, N = 130) and in the US (Study 2, N = 115). Our findings indicate that injustice appraisals play an equally important role in instigating social protest both among Liberals and Conservatives. As we show, however, predicting collective action among individuals across the political spectrum requires accounting for ideological preferences for different fairness rules. Whereas Liberals are more likely to engage in protest when the equality and need rules are violated, Conservatives are more likely to protest when the merit rule is violated. We recommend that studies on collective action consider not only the strength of injustice appraisals but also their content, to assess which fairness principles guide one’s perceptions of (in)justice.
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Opp, Karl-Dieter. "Postmaterialism, Collective Action, and Political Protest." American Journal of Political Science 34, no. 1 (February 1990): 212. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2111516.
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Gil Zapirain, Oier. "Simulación de la protesta sociopolítica." AUSART 4, no. 1 (July 12, 2016): 175–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1387/ausart.16698.
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Este artículo plantea un análisis de Protest-$1 como proyecto artístico-tecnológico multiusuario, interactivo y relacional que permite al usuario un acercamiento cognitivo a la protesta sociopolítica, siendo parte de una manifestación simulada en contra de los bombardeos de Israel sobre Palestina. La instalación se compone de una proyección frontal, dos altavoces y tres dispositivos compuestos de un megáfono y un smartphone, cada uno. El interactor elige las acciones que desea hacer acontecer en el evento de protesta pulsando los botones de la pantalla táctil del teléfono móvil y posteriormente, agita el megáfono con el fin de materializar en la manifestación, mediante el esfuerzo, la acción escogida. A su vez, Protesta-$1 permite a los usuarios luchar para evitar que otro usuario consiga sacar adelante la acción de protesta elegida creando un marco en el que el querer de la mayoría somete siempre a la minoría. Los altavoces emiten la voz de los medios de comunicación que relatan la protesta en forma de noticiario y a tiempo real, permitiendo a los interactores articular la protesta siendo conscientes de la imagen global que se está emitiendo.Palabras clave: INTERACCIÓN MULTIUSUARIO; ARTICULACIÓN; PROTESTA SOCIOPOLÍTICA; MEDIOS DE COMUNICACIÓN; CONECTIVIDAD Simulating socio-political protestAbstractThis paper presents an analysis of Protest-$1: an artistic-technological, multi-user, interactive, relational project that provides the user with a cognitive approach to the socio-political protest by being part of a simulated demonstration against the Israeli bombing of Palestine. The installation comprises a front projection screen, two loudspeakers and three devices each consisting of a megaphone and a smartphone. The person who is interacting selects the actions that he/she wants to make happen during the protest event by pressing the buttons on the touch screen of a mobile phone and then shaking a megaphone so that, through this effort, the chosen action can be implemented in the demonstration. Likewise, by creating a framework in which the wishes of the majority always prevail over those of the minority, Protest-$1 allows the users to fight and thus prevent another user from managing to implement their own chosen protest action. The loudspeakers broadcast the voice of the mass media reporting on the protest in the form of a news bulletin and in real time, thus allowing those interacting to articulate the protest while remaining aware of the global image that is being broadcast.Keywords: INTERACTION; MULTI-USER; ARTICULATION; SOCIO-POLITICAL PROTEST; MASS MEDIA; CONNECTIVITY
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Celestino, Mauricio Rivera, and Kristian Skrede Gleditsch. "Fresh carnations or all thorn, no rose? Nonviolent campaigns and transitions in autocracies." Journal of Peace Research 50, no. 3 (May 2013): 385–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343312469979.
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Whereas optimists see the so-called Arab Spring as similar to the revolutions of 1989, and likely to bring about democratic rule, skeptics fear that protest bringing down dictators may simply give way to new dictatorships, as in the Iranian revolution. Existing research on transitions has largely neglected the role of protest and direct action in destabilizing autocracies and promoting democracy. We argue that protest and direct action can promote transitions in autocracies, and that the mode of direct action, that is, whether violent or nonviolent, has a major impact on the prospects for autocratic survival and democracy. We present empirical results supporting our claim that nonviolent protests substantially increase the likelihood of transitions to democracy, especially under favorable international environments, while violent direct action is less effective in undermining autocracies overall, and makes transitions to new autocracies relatively more likely.
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Zhang, Han, and Jennifer Pan. "CASM: A Deep-Learning Approach for Identifying Collective Action Events with Text and Image Data from Social Media." Sociological Methodology 49, no. 1 (July 19, 2019): 1–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0081175019860244.
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Protest event analysis is an important method for the study of collective action and social movements and typically draws on traditional media reports as the data source. We introduce collective action from social media (CASM)—a system that uses convolutional neural networks on image data and recurrent neural networks with long short-term memory on text data in a two-stage classifier to identify social media posts about offline collective action. We implement CASM on Chinese social media data and identify more than 100,000 collective action events from 2010 to 2017 (CASM-China). We evaluate the performance of CASM through cross-validation, out-of-sample validation, and comparisons with other protest data sets. We assess the effect of online censorship and find it does not substantially limit our identification of events. Compared to other protest data sets, CASM-China identifies relatively more rural, land-related protests and relatively few collective action events related to ethnic and religious conflict.
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Bédoyan, Isabelle, Peter Aelst, and Stefaan Walgrave. "Limitations and Possibilities of Transnational Mobilization: The Case of Eu Summit Protesters in Brussels, 2001." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 9, no. 1 (February 1, 2004): 39–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.9.1.d599r28j75356jp1.
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Although transnational political institutions have been around for decades, it is only recently that the wave of protest against neoliberal globalization has successfully mobilized on a transnational scale. Nevertheless, barriers to transnational participation in protests are especially difficult to overcome. By means of a survey conducted with protesters from all over Europe during the 2001 anti-neoliberal globalization demonstrations at the EU summit in Brussels, we explore the specific impediments to transnational mobilization in the European context. How do anti-neoliberal globalization movement organizations manage to overcome obstacles while other movements are only able to coordinate collective action on a national level? Special attention is given to the impact these difficulties have on the motivation and profile of foreign versus local protesters. Are foreign protesters more radical in their actions than the local participants? Do they take a stronger stance towards their protest actions against globalization? We close by speculating on the future of this movement and on transnational collective action in general.
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Vanderman, Yaaser. "The Right to Protest and Direct Action." Judicial Review 22, no. 4 (October 2, 2017): 338–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10854681.2017.1403041.
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WILLIAMS, RHYS H. "Collective Action, Everyday Protest, and Lived Religion." Social Movement Studies 5, no. 1 (May 2006): 83–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14742830600630465.
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Moog, Sandra. "Taking Stock of Joint Action: Transnational Protest." International Studies Review 7, no. 2 (June 2005): 275–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2486.2005.00484.x.
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Kaplan, Edward. "Heschel on Vietnam Protest & Political Action." Tikkun 22, no. 5 (January 1, 2007): 15–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/08879982-2007-5006.
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Brodovskaya, E., E. Nikulin, and M. Davydova. "Mass political protests in the Republic of Belarus in summer-autumn 2020: causes, social base, digital infrastructure." Journal of Political Research 5, no. 1 (March 26, 2021): 23–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/2587-6295-2021-5-1-23-35.
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The article presents the results of a study of the causes, social base and digital infrastructures of mass political protest in the Republic of Belarus in the summer-autumn of 2020. When implementing the study, the authors relied on two key methods: automated social and media analysis and cognitive mapping. Internet content was uploaded via the IQBuzz automated social media monitoring service. As a result, a dataset was compiled, including 700 thousand messages from 30 major social media. Within the framework of the study, a social and media analysis was carried out in three areas: the pro-government agenda, the opposition agenda – elections and the opposition agenda. In the case under consideration, the growth of interest and the inclusion of a female audience in information flows on protest topics in social media is recorded. This can be directly linked to the inclusion in the list of triggers of mass protest: victimhood, violence, and women's participation, which elicits an emotional response based on feelings of solidarity and empathy. In addition, the authors note that mass protests in the Republic of Belarus are characterized by an adult social-media and offline audience. The experience of Belarus has demonstrated the transit in the context of protest moderators: from public opinion leaders to social networks that allow not only to broadcast information about the protests, but also to form specific instructions with an action plan for the protesters. Informal opinion leaders become a tool for attracting attention, but the protest is moderated by social networks. All these trends demonstrate a change in approaches to the organization and management of protest actions, which affects their stability and the degree of manageability. Hence, this work allows us to establish a new reality of political and civil protests, which will show why traditional methods of neutralizing protest activity do not work in the current reality, which later becomes one of the reasons for revising the classic tools in leveling protest actions and the effects that they create.
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Bernburg, Jón Gunnar. "Economic Crisis and Popular Protest in Iceland, January 2009: The Role of Perceived Economic Loss and Political Attitudes in Protest Participation and Support*." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 20, no. 2 (June 1, 2015): 231–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-20-2-231.
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The recent wave of protest associated with the global financial crisis provides opportunity to examine the link between economic crisis and collective action in the context of affluent democratic society. I study the mobilization of individual citizens in one of the first of these protests occurring in Iceland in January 2009. Using a survey representing the adult population of the Reykjavík area (N = 610), I examine the role of perceived economic loss and political attitudes in protest behavior (controlling for biographical availability). I find that perceived financial loss predicts both protest participation and support, but only if individuals believe their losses to be greater than the losses of others. Moreover, political attitudes congruent with the political opportunities emerging in the crisis (and the resulting collective action framing)—that is, having a left-wing political attitude and belief in extensive corruption— predict protest participation and support.
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Jost, John T., Julia Becker, Danny Osborne, and Vivienne Badaan. "Missing in (Collective) Action." Current Directions in Psychological Science 26, no. 2 (April 2017): 99–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0963721417690633.
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Social-psychological models of collective action emphasize three antecedents of protest: (a) anger at perceived injustice, (b) social identification, and (c) beliefs about group efficacy. These models are extremely useful but have rarely incorporated ideological factors—despite the fact that protests occur in societal contexts in which some people are motivated to defend and bolster the status quo whereas others are motivated to challenge and oppose it. We adopt a system-justification perspective to specify when individuals and groups will—and will not—experience moral outrage and whether such outrage will be directed at defenders versus critics of the status quo. We describe evidence that epistemic, existential, and relational needs for certainty, security, and affiliation undermine support for system-challenging protests by increasing system-defensive motivation. We also discuss system-based emotions and backlash against protestors and propose an integrated model of collective action that paves the way for more comprehensive research on the psychological antecedents of social change.
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Abdool Karim, Safura, and Catherine Kruyer. "Rhodes University v Student Representative Council of Rhodes University: The constitutionality of interdicting non-violent disruptive protest." South African Crime Quarterly, no. 62 (December 13, 2017): 93–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/2413-3108/2017/v0n62a3020.
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Section 17 of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996 enshrines the right to assemble, peacefully and unarmed, and the Regulation of Gatherings Act 205 of 1993 enables the exercise of this right peacefully and with due regard to the rights of others. The recent student protests across South Africa have occasioned litigation seeking to interdict protest action, which the universities claim is unlawful. Overly broad interdicts, which interdict lawful protest action, violate the constitutional right to assembly and have a chilling effect on protests. In a decision of the High Court of South Africa, Eastern Cape Division, Grahamstown, a final interdict was granted interdicting two individuals from, among other things, disrupting lectures and tutorials at Rhodes University and from inciting such disruption. In this note, the constitutionality of interdicting non-violent disruptive protest is discussed and analysed, using Rhodes University v Student Representative Council of Rhodes University and Others (1937/2016) [2016] ZAECGHC 141.
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SHADMEHR, MEHDI, and DAN BERNHARDT. "Collective Action with Uncertain Payoffs: Coordination, Public Signals, and Punishment Dilemmas." American Political Science Review 105, no. 4 (November 2011): 829–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055411000359.
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How can one analyze collective action in protests or revolutions when individuals are uncertain about the relative payoffs of the status quo and revolution? We model a “calculus of protest” of individuals who must either submit to the status quo or support revolt based only on personal information about their payoffs. In deciding whether to revolt, the citizen must infer both the benefit of successful revolution and the likely actions of other citizens. We characterize conditions under which payoff uncertainty overturns conventional wisdom: (a) when a citizen is too willing to revolt, he reduces the incentives of others to revolt; (b) less accurate information about the value of revolution can make revolt more likely; (c) public signals from other citizens can reduce the likelihood of revolt; (d) harsher punishment can increase the incidence of punishment; and (e) the incidence of protest can be positively correlated with that of repression.
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Bell, Sam R., and Svitlana Chernykh. "Human Rights Violations and Post-election Protest." Political Research Quarterly 72, no. 2 (August 24, 2018): 460–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1065912918793153.
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How do human rights violations affect post-election protest? Until recently, post-election protests have been explained primarily by election-related factors such as the level of manipulation and the quality of electoral institutions. We argue that there are three dimensions along which human rights violations influence post-election protest: (1) the physical cost to protesters, (2) the ability to connect the violation to an election outcome, and (3) the ability to connect the repressive action to the government. Using this framework, we identify political imprisonment as the physical integrity right violation most likely to increase the probability of post-election protest. We test our hypotheses empirically with data on all national-level elections in the world between 1982 and 2012. We find that political imprisonment, a violation easily connected to government action and election outcomes, and less costly physically than other physical integrity rights violations, increases the probability of post-election protest.
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Otjes, Simon, Katherine Stroebe, and Tom Postmes. "When Voting Becomes Protest: Mapping Determinants of Collective Action Onto Voting Behavior." Social Psychological and Personality Science 11, no. 4 (October 10, 2019): 513–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1948550619872482.
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Do people signal protest by bringing out a protest vote when they feel they have been collectively disadvantaged? Political scientists have been interested in “protest voting” yet theoretical understanding is limited. Social psychologists have studied other forms of collective protest extensively. The present study integrates insights from the political science approach to protest voting and the social psychological approach to protest behavior to study how a context of perceived collective disadvantage influences voting for protest parties. We conducted a field study with a quasi-experimental design. This allowed us to study effects of a plausibly exogenous variable—the presence versus absence of societal disadvantage (the experience of man-made earthquakes)—on both determinants of and on subsequent protest voting. Results reveal that the presence of earthquakes affects levels of protest voting via (national) trust, regional identification, and perceptions of efficacy.
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Koopmans, Ruud, and Paul Statham. "Political Claims Analysis: Integrating Protest Event and Political Discourse Approaches." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 4, no. 2 (September 1, 1999): 203–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.4.2.d7593370607l6756.
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Starting from a critique of protest event and political discourse analysis, we propose an extended methodological approach that has the quantitative rigor of event analysis but also retrieves the qualitative discursive elements of claims. Our political claims approach extends the sample of contentious actions beyond protest event analysis by coding institutional and civil society actors, and conventional and discursive action forms, in addition to protests by movement actors, This redefines the research object to acts of political claims making in a multi-organizational field. We use examples from a research project on mobilization about migration and ethnic relations in Britain and Germany to demonstrate the analytic gains that are possible with our approach. By situating protest and social movements, not just theoretically but also methodologically, in a wider context of political claims making, we are in a better position to follow the recent calls for more integrated approaches, which place protest within multi-organizational fields, link it to political opportunities and outcomes, and are sensitive to discursive messages.
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Ignatyeva, Evgeniya. "Women’s Peasant Protest in Siberia in the First Half of 1930: The Phenomenon of a Radical Response to the Policy of Violent Etatization." Ideas and Ideals 13, no. 1-2 (March 19, 2021): 457–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.17212/2075-0862-2021-13.1.2-457-475.
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The paper deals with the problem of the phenomenon of women’s protest during the process of “total collectivization” of the agricultural sector. The author investigates the phenomenon as social action within the framework of the structural-functional approach (M. Weber, R. Merton), which allows to eliminate ideological cliches and analyze women’s protest not as an affective social action (“Bab’i bunt” - women’s revolt), but as a complex social action in which the role of goal setting can be dominant. This approach makes it possible to establish the main characteristics of women's protest, its effect, and impact on the culture of peasant protest. It provides an opportunity to consider the processes of interaction between “authority – society” in the extraordinary conditions of “the Great socialist transformation”. Main sources are archival documents of the OGPU authorized representative in the Siberian region (krai); minor sources include archival documents of local party committees and Soviet organisations and also regional press. The author analyzes protest actions recorded by the OGPU officers with the participation of women in the first half of the 1930s, identifying the main characteristics of women’s protest, its forms, causes and motives, as well as the impact on peasant society and state policy. The author also reveals that this social action in the absence of a legal opportunity to influence the agrarian/peasant policy of the party was quite an adequate means to achieve certain goals of the protesters. “Bab’i bunt” was a marker of the extreme social life of early Soviet society during the “Great Break”, which demonstrated the radicalization of relations between the peasant society and authorities during a violent etatization of the village. The conclusion is that the women’s protest, as part of the general peasant protest at the first stage of “complete collectivization”, forced the authorities to adjust their policies and even seek some compromises.
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Schritt, Jannik. "Urban Protest in Oil-age Niger: Towards a Notion of ‘Contentious Assemblages’." Urbaner Protest im globalen Süden 69, no. 1 (January 1, 2019): 19–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.3790/soc.69.1.19.
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Abstract The opening of the first oil refinery in Niger at the end of November 2011 spurred protests and violent clashes between youths and police. These protests turned into urban riots in the days following. In this extended case study, I analyse the processual, performative and affective dimensions of the protests and discuss urban protest and contentious politics in Niger against the backdrop of political machines, a hybrid civil society, the dynamics of intersectionality, and the role of ordering technologies. I argue that influential theories of social movements tend to overlook the heterogeneity, contingency and relational processuality of protest movements, and that taken together, these elements are rather best understood using the holistic notion of ‘contentious assemblages’. Keywords: Collective action, social movements, contentious politics, protest, assemblage, affect, oil, Niger
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Jordan, Tim. "Time to Protest: The Environment and Direct Action." Time & Society 10, no. 1 (March 2001): 135–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0961463x01010001008.
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Pleshkov, Yevgenii S., and Elena V. Kharchenko. "ENGLISH SONG NAMES: PROTEST OR CALL FOR ACTION?" Theoretical and Applied Linguistics, no. 2 (2019): 139–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.22250/24107190_2019_5_2_139_149.
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The article focuses upon some aspects of the impact of English song names resulting from secondary nomination from the names of narcotic substances on young subjects. A large number and variety of song names of different genres encouraged us to introduce a special term «songonyms». As the research material, the name of the song LSD (performed by the rock band Hawkwind) has been chosen. It is difficult to clearly assume what effect song names have on the listener: whether they call for any actions, or, on the contrary, cause a protest and rejection. Therefore, in this study, it seemed important to verbalize the image of the LSD song name in the linguistic consciousness of young people and to reveal what implications this name carries - calling for actions or protest. By means of free associative experiment, according to the authors, individual meanings inserted by an individual into the song name are "revealed". The experiment has been conducted among 2-4-year students in one of the universities of Chelyabinsk. Through the making up of associative fields, it has been revealed that the song name LSD is perceived by young people not as calling for any actions, but as a protest element of rejection.
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Jo, Jung-In, and Hyun Jin Choi. "Enigmas of grievances about inequality: Effects of attitudes toward inequality and government redistribution on protest participation." International Area Studies Review 22, no. 4 (March 13, 2019): 348–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2233865919833973.
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This study explores the multifaceted calculus behind engagement in protests using data from 45 countries in the World Values Survey Wave 6 (2010–2014), employing a hierarchical linear model. It expands the current scholarship on protest politics by investigating how individual subjective assessment and evaluation of income inequality, and redistributive preferences influence participation in protests. We found that protest is a powerful outlet used by highly educated citizens with strong grievances about economic inequality, and labor union networks, especially in advanced industrialized countries. The empirical analysis further reveals that the salience of redistributive preferences may effectively filter individual responses and become channeled into action in protests in a broader sample. Moreover, we show that the impact of grievances about inequality on protest becomes significant when government social spending is increased and the level of inequality is high. Conversely, conventional macro-level indicators on their own, such as the Gini coefficient of income disparity and social spending, did not explain variance in protest participation. Findings suggest that more systematic research is necessary to detect the precise mechanisms at play that link grievances about inequality and the exponential expansion of protest politics.
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Finkel, Steven E., Edward N. Muller, and Karl-Dieter Opp. "Personal Influence, Collective Rationality, and Mass Political Action." American Political Science Review 83, no. 3 (September 1989): 885–903. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1962065.
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We propose two models to explain why individuals participate in collective political action—a personal influence model and a collective rationality model. Each model overcomes the free-rider problem posed by conventional rational choice theory and left unresolved in previous research. The models are tested for legal and illegal protest behaviors, using data from a national sample and two samples of protest-prone communities in the Federal Republic of Germany. The personal influence model is supported for both forms of participation, while the collective rationality model is supported for legal protest. We discuss implications of the results for grievance and rational choice theories of collective political action.
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Dahlum, Sirianne, and Tore Wig. "Chaos on Campus: Universities and Mass Political Protest." Comparative Political Studies 54, no. 1 (May 10, 2020): 3–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414020919902.
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History suggests universities are hotbeds of political protest. However, the generality and causal nature of this relationship has never been quantified. This article investigates whether universities give rise to political protest, drawing on geocoded information on the location and characteristics of universities and protest events in the 1991–2016 period, at the subnational level in 62 countries in Africa and Central America. Our analysis indicates that university establishments increase protest. We use a difference-in-differences and fixed-effect framework leveraging the temporal variation in universities within subnational grid-cells to estimate the effect of universities on protest. Our analysis indicates that localities with increases in number of universities experience more protest. We suggest a causal interpretation, after performing different tests to evaluate whether this reflects confounding trends specific to locations that establish universities, finding no support for this. We also provide descriptive evidence on the nature of university-related protests, showing that they are more likely to emerge in dictatorships and that protests in university locations are more likely to concern democracy and human rights. These findings yield important general insights into universities’ role as drivers of contentious collective action.
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Klein, Graig R., and Patrick M. Regan. "Dynamics of Political Protests." International Organization 72, no. 2 (2018): 485–521. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818318000061.
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AbstractThe links between protests and state responses have taken on increased visibility in light of the Arab Spring movements. But we still have unanswered questions about the relationship between protest behaviors and responses by the state. We frame this in terms of concession and disruption costs. Costs are typically defined as government behaviors that impede dissidents’ capacity for collective action. We change this causal arrow and hypothesize how dissidents can generate costs that structure the government's response to a protest. By disaggregating costs along dimensions of concession and disruption we extend our understanding of protest behaviors and the conditions under which they are more (or less) effective. Utilizing a new cross-national protest-event data set, we test our theoretical expectations against protests from 1990 to 2014 and find that when protesters generate high concession costs, the state responds in a coercive manner. Conversely, high disruption costs encourage the state to accommodate demands. Our research provides substantial insights and inferences about the dynamics of government response to protest.
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Xue, Ming, Huizhang Shen, and Jidi Zhao. "Risk factors influencing environmental protest severity in China." International Journal of Conflict Management 29, no. 2 (April 9, 2018): 189–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijcma-06-2017-0060.
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Purpose Using protest event analysis, this study aims to investigate which risk factors influence the severity of environmental protests in China, thus filling a gap in China-related environmental protest literature. Design/methodology/approach Using a database derived from media coverage of 129 environmental protests in China from 2009 to 2015, this empirical study identifies underlying risk factors influencing environmental protest severity, quantifies these protest cases and verifies the associations between risk factors and severity using ordered logistic regression. Findings The results show that higher environmental health threat, economic loss, distrust of local government, lack of local governmental response, improper local government action and higher population density are likely to increase environmental protest severity; however, contrary to expectations, environmental information disclosure has no significant effect. These findings illuminate the vital and variational role of local government throughout all stages of the evolutionary process in environmental protests. Moreover, public distrust of local government is the principal cause of these protests. Originality/value This study enhances the understanding of how Chinese environmental protests arise from the identified risk factors and contributes to quantitative multi-case research in this area. Furthermore, the findings may help local governments in China, as well as in other countries, to enact positive measures to prevent serious environmental protests and improve their ability to address the environmental problems that cause protests. More effective governance can decrease the number and severity of environmental protests and thus promote social stability.
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Yoon, Young-Hae, and Sherwin Jones. "Ecology, Dharma and Direct Action: A Brief Survey of Contemporary Eco-Buddhist Activism in Korea." Buddhist Studies Review 31, no. 2 (January 15, 2015): 293–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/bsrv.v31i2.293.
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Over the last few decades there has emerged a small, yet influential eco-Buddhism movement in South Korea which, since the turn of the millennium, has seen several S?n (J. Zen) Buddhist clerics engage in high-profile protests and activism campaigns opposing massive development projects which threatened widespread ecological destruction. This article will survey the issues and events surrounding three such protests; the 2003 samboilbae, or ‘threesteps- one-bow’, march led by Venerable Suky?ng against the Saemangeum Reclamation Project, Venerable Jiyul’s Anti-Mt. Ch?ns?ng tunnel hunger-strike campaign between 2002 and 2006, and lastly Venerable Munsu’s self-immolation protesting the Four Rivers Project in 2010. This article will additionally analyze the attempts by these clerics to deploy innovative and distinctively Buddhist forms of protest, the effects of these protests, and how these protests have altered public perceptions of the role of Buddhist clergy in Korean society. This study will additionally highlight issues relevant to the broader discourse regarding the intersection of Buddhism and social activism, such as the appropriation of traditional Buddhist practices as protest tactics and the potential for conflict between social engagement and the pursuit of Buddhist soteriological goals.
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Hui, Elaine Sio-ieng, and Chris King-chi Chan. "From production to reproduction: Pension strikes and changing characteristics of workers’ collective action in China." Journal of Industrial Relations 64, no. 1 (December 6, 2021): 3–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00221856211052070.
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Workers in the global South are becoming increasingly sensitive to their pension rights. In recent years, rural migrant workers in China have staged a series of protests to fight for pension protection. Drawing from two in-depth case studies conducted in the Pearl River Delta, we explain why workers staged pension strikes, what these protests looked like, how the employers and the government responded, and how these protests differed from previous strikes. Building upon insights from the sociology of collective action and labour process theory, we formulate a new framework for examining labour protests. In addition to seeing workers’ collective action as defensive or offensive, this framework helps us interpret these actions in relation to the spheres of production and reproduction. It classifies pension strikes in China as defensive actions located in the sphere of reproduction, which are distinct from previous strikes that were either defensive or offensive actions situated in the sphere of production. This synthesised framework assists us in theorising that workers’ protest activities, especially in the global South, are not restricted to the traditional production sphere but can also be found in the reproduction sphere.
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Adam-Troian, Jais, Eric Bonetto, and Thomas Arciszewski. "“We Shall Overcome”: First-Person Plural Pronouns From Search Volume Data Predict Protest Mobilization Across the United States." Social Psychological and Personality Science 12, no. 8 (February 17, 2021): 1476–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1948550620987672.
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Collective action is a key driver of social and political change within societies. So far, the main factor mobilizing individuals into collective action remains the extent to which they feel identified with a protesting group (i.e., social identification). Although the link between social identification and collective action is well-established, current evidence relies mostly on self-report data. To tackle this issue, we combined real-life protest counts in the United States (2017–2020) with online search data (Google Trends) for pronouns indicating a “group” mind-set (first-person plural pronouns; e.g., “we,” “us”). Time series analyses indicated that weekly fluctuations in searches ( N = 164) predict both protest and protester counts over time. Confirmatory mixed models then showed that a 1% increase in pronoun searches was linked with +13.67% protests (95% CI [4.02, 23.32]) and +47.45% protesters (95% CI [26.54, 68.36]) the following week. These original results have important implications for the ecological study and quantification of collective action dynamics in psychology.
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Liu, Jun. "Mobile phones, social ties and collective action mobilization in China." Acta Sociologica 60, no. 3 (July 24, 2016): 213–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0001699316660596.
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To provide a better understanding of mobile phones as a recruitment tool in collective actions, this study explores the use of mobile phones for mobilizing protest in China. Using in-depth interviews and investigating four cases in which Chinese people employed mobile devices to recruit participants for protests, this study observes that mobile communication in China embodies guanxi, the indigenous social tie in Chinese society that introduces reciprocity as an influential facilitator of collective actions. The embedment of reciprocity facilitates the proliferation of mobilizing calls, legitimizes mobilizing appeals, generates obligations and consolidates solidarity for collective actions. The study concludes with a consideration of the relevance of mobile phones for the embedment of reciprocity in social ties in the mobilization of collective action in authoritarian regimes such as China.
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Shukan, Ioulia. "3R: Embarking on the routes of revolution: why and how ordinary Ukrainian citizens joined their forces on the Maidan (winter 2013–2014)." Wrocławski Rocznik Historii Mówionej 7 (December 29, 2017): 185–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.26774/wrhm.172.
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On the basis of three typical stories of ordinary citizens’ commitment to Maidan protests, this article sheds light on the representations and endured experiences which motivated them and many other Ukrainians, to join the marching revolution. It also depicts the modalities of those citizens’ common protest action, in particular, within their mini-groupings (AutoMaidan, “Hell barrel”, “Hromads’kyï Sector”), as well as the politicization process that they have experienced at the protest place and that turned them into revolutionaries who were determined to resist.