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Journal articles on the topic 'Protest in Nigeria'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 4 February 2022

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1

Owoaje, Tolu, and Kadupe Sofola. "The Clamour for an End to Police Brutality: Satire Songs of the EndSars Protests in Nigeria." East African Journal of Arts and Social Sciences 3, no. 1 (2021): 70–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.37284/eajass.3.1.315.

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The EndSars protests, which occurred in Nigeria in October 2020 employed a great deal of music, which include solidarity songs, popular music, and satirical songs. This article investigates the use of satirical songs in the EndSars protests. The protest, which recorded a massive turnout of protesters in October 2020 across major cities in Nigeria started several months on the social media, most especially Twitter, a microblogging website before it was finally taken to the streets. Anchored on the concept of social movement, it employs the use of participant observation and the social media pla

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2

Orji, Nkwachukwu. "Responses to Election Outcomes: The Aftermath of 2007 Elections in Nigeria and Kenya." African and Asian Studies 9, no. 4 (2010): 436–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156921010x534814.

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Abstract The aim of this article is to explain variations in losers’ behaviour after the 2007 elections in Nigeria and Kenya. It analyzes the conditions that made it possible for violent post-election protests to occur in Kenya and not in Nigeria. The main question the article addresses is why the losers in Nigeria chose to peacefully protest the 2007 election results while the losers in Kenya protested violently. This article adopts a methodology involving analysis of documents, including published literature, official documents, and media reports. It argues that violent post-election protest

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3

Akanle, Olayinka, Kudus Adebayo, and Olorunlana Adetayo. "Fuel subsidy in Nigeria: contexts of governance and social protest." International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy 34, no. 1/2 (2014): 88–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijssp-01-2013-0002.

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Purpose – Fuel subsidy removal has become a recurring issue in Nigeria. Successive governments in the country have interfaced with this issue as they attempted to reform the economy and the petroleum downstream to reduce corruption and waste and make the sector more effective. Importantly however, fuel subsidy removals have always met opposition from the citizens and civil society organisations. The remit of this article is to bring original and current perspectives into the issue and trajectories of fuel subsidy, which has become a major problem in Nigeria's development struggles. Previous wo

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Aluko, Olukemi Ajibike. "Leadership and Governance Crisis in Nigeria: The Case of the #Endsars Protest." Journal of Public Administration and Governance 11, no. 2 (2021): 246. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jpag.v11i2.18733.

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Leadership and governance are intertwined as they have also been recognised as imperatives for the attainment of development in any polity. Discourses on leadership and national development cannot be over-emphasised particularly as it relates with governance. Given its place, its impact is felt in the delivery of the objectives and citizens’ expectations in any given society or organization. Be that as it may, given the several challenges bedevilling Nigeria, the quest for quality leadership and good governance are always burning issues. Thus, the need for further research on this topical issu

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Osisanwo, Ayo, and Osas Iyoha. "‘We are not terrorist, we are freedom fighters’: Discourse representation of the pro-Biafra protest in selected Nigerian newspapers." Discourse & Society 31, no. 6 (2020): 631–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0957926520939687.

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The recent pro-Biafra protest across Nigeria has become an important topic in the news media where it has been constructed in different ways. Existing studies on media construction of protest have examined framing, speech acts and rhetorical strategies. However, adequate attention has not been given to the discursive representation of the 2015 and 2016 pro-Biafra protest. This study therefore examined the discourse strategies and the ideological inclinations of news reports on the 2015 and 2016 Biafra protest. Van Leeuwen’s representation of social actors and Halliday’s systemic functional lin

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6

Akinbobola, Yemisi. "Bid to end subsidy stirs protest in Nigeria." Africa Renewal 26, no. 1 (2012): 8–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.18356/73106bbc-en.

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Mazrui, Ali M. "Shariacracy and Federal Models in the Era of Globalization." American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 26, no. 3 (2009): 41–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajiss.v26i3.383.

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Nigeria has Africa’s largest concentration of Muslims and the world’s largest concentration of black Muslims. As the twenty first century began to unfold, more Muslim states in the Nigerian federation adopted some version of Islamic law, although the country as a whole is supposed to be secularist. The Shari`ah in northern Nigeria, which became a passionate protest against the political and economic marginalization of northern Muslims, is also sometimes a form of cultural resistance to western education and the wider forces of globalization. One systemic problem posed by shariacracy as a mode

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Mazrui, Ali M. "Shariacracy and Federal Models in the Era of Globalization." American Journal of Islam and Society 26, no. 3 (2009): 41–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v26i3.383.

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Nigeria has Africa’s largest concentration of Muslims and the world’s largest concentration of black Muslims. As the twenty first century began to unfold, more Muslim states in the Nigerian federation adopted some version of Islamic law, although the country as a whole is supposed to be secularist. The Shari`ah in northern Nigeria, which became a passionate protest against the political and economic marginalization of northern Muslims, is also sometimes a form of cultural resistance to western education and the wider forces of globalization. One systemic problem posed by shariacracy as a mode

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9

Unuabonah, Foluke O., and Oluwabunmi O. Oyebode. "‘Nigeria is fighting Covid-419’: A multimodal critical discourse analysis of political protest in Nigerian coronavirus-related internet memes." Discourse & Communication 15, no. 2 (2021): 200–219. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750481320982090.

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This paper examines political protest in 40 purposively sampled internet memes circulated among Nigerian WhatsApp users during the Covid-19 pandemic, with a view to exploring the thematic preoccupation, ideology, and the representation of participants and processes in the memes. The data, which were subjected to qualitative analysis, are examined from a multimodal critical discourse analytic approach. The analysis reveals that the memes are used to protest corruption, perceived government deceit, insecurity, hunger, and inadequate health facilities and other social amenities. These are done in

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10

Byfield, Judith A. "Gender, Justice, and the Environment: Connecting the Dots." African Studies Review 55, no. 1 (2012): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/arw.2012.0017.

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In this paper I attempt to connect several dots, specifically my research on African women's activism, environmental justice, and climate change. The book on which I am currently working is tentatively entided “‘The Great Upheaval’: Women, Taxes and Nationalist Politics in Abeokuta (Nigeria), 1945–1951.” The study examines the struggles of Nigerian women to shape the nationalist agenda and their setbacks as the country moved decisively toward independence. At its core lies an analysis of a tax revolt launched by women in Abeokuta in 1947. The Abeokuta Women's Union (AWU), under the leadership

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11

Uwalaka, Temple, Scott Rickard, and Jerry Watkins. "Mobile social networking applications and the 2012 Occupy Nigeria protest." Journal of African Media Studies 10, no. 1 (2018): 3–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jams.10.1.3_1.

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12

Sändig, Jan. "Framing Protest and Insurgency: Boko Haram and MASSOB in Nigeria." Civil Wars 17, no. 2 (2015): 141–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13698249.2015.1070450.

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13

Lubeck, Paul M. "Islamic protest under semi-industrial capitalism: 'Yan Tatsine explained." Africa 55, no. 4 (1985): 369–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1160172.

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Opening ParagraphSince 1980, with considerable regularity during the dry season which propels the rural poor into the urban centres of northern Nigeria, religious riots have erupted in or adjacent to five cities: Kano (1980), Kaduna (1982), Bulum-Ketu near Maiduguri (1982), Jimeta near Yola (1984) and Gombe (1985). In each instance the conflict was remarkably similar. When confronted by the state authorities, an Islamic sect, the 'Yan Tatsine, unleashed an armed insurrection against the Nigerian security forces and those outside the sect, resulting in widespread destruction, in thousands of de

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Apter, Andrew. "Things Fell Apart? Yoruba Responses to the 1983 Elections in Ondo State, Nigeria." Journal of Modern African Studies 25, no. 3 (1987): 489–503. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00009940.

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ON 16 August 1983, towns throughout Nigeria's Ondo State erupted into violence. The ostensible cause was popular reaction against rigged gubernational elections which favoured a National Party of Nigeria (N.P.N.) candidate in an overwhelmingly Unity Party of Nigeria (U.P.N.) State. It is easy to dismiss the violence in Undo (and in Oyo State too) as the protest of a frustrated plebiscite – as indeed it was. But western accounts of ‘the breakdown of democracy’ in Africa, so often associated with primordialism, tribalism, and class conflict in plural societies, seldom grasp experiences of the br

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Chiluwa, Innocent. "A nation divided against itself: Biafra and the conflicting online protest discourses." Discourse & Communication 12, no. 4 (2018): 357–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750481318757778.

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This research analyses media and online discourses produced by the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB), a Nigerian separatist/secessionist group that seeks a referendum for the independence of the Igbo ethnic group of Nigeria. The research examines discourse structures, such as language use that clearly or implicitly produces propositions of conflict and war, tribalism and hate-speech. Discursive strategies such as labelling, exaggeration, metaphor and contradiction applied by the group to produce ideological discourses of outrage are also analysed. Moreover, conflicting discourses produced by

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16

Uwalaka, Temple, and Jerry Watkins. "Social Media as the Fifth Estate in Nigeria: An Analysis of the 2012 Occupy Nigeria Protest." African Journalism Studies 39, no. 4 (2018): 22–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23743670.2018.1473274.

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17

Olukotun, Ayo. "Traditional protest media and anti‐military struggle in Nigeria 1988–1999." African Affairs 101, no. 403 (2002): 193–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/afraf/101.403.193.

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18

Nweke, Kenneth, and Eunice Etido-Inyang. "Issues of National Security and Human Rights in Nigeria: A Case Study of Islamic Movement of Nigeria." Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal 5, no. 11 (2020): 653–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.511.8171.

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This paper examined issues of national security and human rights in Nigeria with emphasis on the conflicts between the federal government and the Islamic Movement of Nigeria (IMN). The objectives of the paper included to determine the nature of national security and human rights in Nigeria vis-à-vis the Islamic Movement of Nigeria; identity the contentious issues that triggered the conflicts and undermined national security and human rights between the federal government and the Islamic Movement of Nigeria; determine the implications of continued crackdown of IMN members and detention of their

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19

Otuonye, Chinonye. "The Fight for Language: An Exploration of the Nigerian State’s Response to Protest Groups in Southeastern Nigeria." Genocide Studies and Prevention 13, no. 2 (2019): 106–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.5038/1911-9933.13.2.1699.

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20

Umezurike, Uchechukwu Peter. "Land of cemetery: funereal images in the poetry of Musa Idris Okpanachi." Tydskrif vir Letterkunde 55, no. 2 (2018): 134–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/2309-9070/tvl.v.55i2.1325.

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This paper focuses on Musa Idris Okpanachi’s poetry: The Eaters of the Living (2007), From the Margins of Paradise (2012), and Music of the Dead (2016). Nigeria, even after the military had relinquished power over a decade ago, is still faced with the issues that provoked the trope of protest in much of the poetry published between the mid-eighties and late nineties. Okpanachi’s poetry revisits these issues, demonstrating that democracy has been no less horrifying than military despotism. Dark, haunting images of blood, corpses, and cemetery recur in all three collections, depicting the regula

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21

Oyewale, Oluwaseun Peter, and William Abiodun Duyile. "Political Parties, Violent and Culture of Electioneering Protest in South-Western Nigeria: The 1983 Experience." European Journal of Development Studies 1, no. 2 (2021): 22–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.24018/ejdevelop.2021.1.2.27.

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This paper is an examination of the political parties and culture of violent during the electioneering process in southwest Nigeria. It focuses majorly on the circumstances that led to the 1983 political crisis in Nigeria most especially how it affected southwest. The papar also focuses of the activities of the two dominant political parties i.e UPN and NPN and how their activities have created tautness in southwest Nigeria. It explains the main reasons why violence engulfed the street of Oyo and Ondo; this is ranging from the slow and ineffective way the courts dealt with political matters an

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22

Christelow, Allan. "Religious protest and dissent in Northern Nigeria: from Mahdism to Qur'anic integralism." Institute of Muslim Minority Affairs. Journal 6, no. 2 (1985): 375–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13602008508715949.

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23

Mason, Michael. "The History of Mr. Johnson: Progress and Protest in Northern Nigeria, 1900-1921." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne des Études Africaines 27, no. 2 (1993): 196. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/486059.

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24

Mason, Michael. "The History of Mr. Johnson: Progress and Protest in Northern Nigeria, 1900–1921." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue canadienne des études africaines 27, no. 2 (1993): 196–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00083968.1993.10804317.

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25

Adams, W. M. "Rural protest, land policy and the planning process on the Bakolori Project, Nigeria." Africa 58, no. 3 (1988): 315–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1159803.

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Opening ParagraphIn the literature and accumulated folk wisdom of development in rural Africa there are numerous instances of government projects which are expensive, ineffective and unpopular. These include now classic failures of the past, such as the Tanganyika Groundnuts Scheme (Wood, 1950; Frankel, 1953), which are still cited as cautionary tales demonstrating the need for proper project appraisal. There are also numerous more recent examples, for the phenomenon of failure has persisted and governments and international agencies continue to implement schemes ‘little better planned than th

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26

Thurston, Alexander. "The Politics of Technocracy in Fourth Republic Nigeria." African Studies Review 61, no. 1 (2018): 215–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asr.2017.99.

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Abstract:The technocrat, a supposedly apolitical figure who joins government on the basis of technical expertise, looms large in discussions of governance. The empowerment of technocrats has sometimes been taken as a barometer for Africa’s economic and democratic progress. Rejecting this conventional wisdom, this article argues that technocrats are inevitably trapped in a web of politics—politicians leverage the apolitical image of technocrats for political gain, and public debates implicate technocrats as targets of protest. This article pursues this argument through a case study of Nigeria,

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27

Daxecker, Ursula, Jessica Di Salvatore, and Andrea Ruggeri. "Fraud Is What People Make of It: Election Fraud, Perceived Fraud, and Protesting in Nigeria." Journal of Conflict Resolution 63, no. 9 (2019): 2098–127. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002718824636.

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Why do fraudulent elections encourage protesting? Scholars suggest that information about fraud shapes individuals’ beliefs and propensity to protest. Yet these accounts neglect the complexity of opinion formation and have not been tested at the individual level. We distinguish between the mobilizing effects of actual incidents of election fraud and individuals’ subjective perceptions of fraud. While rational updating models would imply that both measures similarly affect mobilization, we argue that subjective fraud perceptions are more consistent predictors of protesting, also being shaped by

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Rishante, SP. "Objectivity in Television News Reportage: An Evalution of “Occupy Nigeria Movement” (Oil Subsidy Protest)." AFRREV IJAH: An International Journal of Arts and Humanities 3, no. 2 (2014): 84. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/ijah.v3i2.6.

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Akingbe, Niyi. "Subverting Nationalism." Matatu 49, no. 1 (2017): 28–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18757421-04901003.

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The thematics of Femi Fatoba’s They Said I Abused the Government (2001) and Wole Soyinka’s Samarkand and Other Markets I Have Known (2002) demonstrate the potential of art to bear witness to the bizarre, depressing anomie bedevilling Nigeria between 1993 and 1998. This anomie was ruinously orchestrated by the power-hungry military, who annulled the free and fair presidential election won by Chief M.K.O. Abiola. This military incursion into Nigeria’s political sphere was facilitated by a nebulous nationhood plagued by contending differences among its federating units. The notorious brutality of

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Stapleton, Timothy J. "Martial Identities in Colonial Nigeria (c. 1900–1960)." Journal of African Military History 3, no. 1 (2019): 1–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24680966-00301003.

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Abstract In British colonial Nigeria, the military was more heterogeneous than previously thought and British ideas about “martial races” changed depending on local reactions to recruiting. In the early twentieth century British officers saw the northern Hausa and southwestern Yoruba, who dominated the ranks, as civilized “martial races.” The Yoruba stopped enlisting given new prospects and protest, and southeasterners like the Igbo rejected recruiting given language difficulties and resistance. The British then perceived all southern Nigerians as lacking martial qualities. Although Hausa enli

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Ikelegbe, Augustine. "Engendering civil society: oil, women groups and resource conflicts in the Niger Delta region of Nigeria." Journal of Modern African Studies 43, no. 2 (2005): 241–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x05000820.

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Civil society has been an active mobilisational and agitational force in the resource conflicts of the Niger Delta region in Nigeria. The paper examines the gender segment of civil society and its character, forms and roles in these conflicts. The central argument is that marginality can be a basis of gendered movements and their engagement in struggles for justice, accommodation and fair access to benefits. Utilising secondary data and primary data elicited from oral interviews, the study identifies and categorises women groupings and identifies their roles and engagements in the oil economy.

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32

Amaefula, Rowland Chukwuemeka. "Gendered Performance, Fluid Identities and Protest in Tess Onwueme’s Then She Said It." Journal of Language and Cultural Education 7, no. 1 (2019): 118–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/jolace-2019-0008.

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Abstract This study examines the social constructions of gender as the encapsulation of reiterated human conducts within varying sites of performance. Contrary to the notion that gender roles are fixed by socio-cultural forces, this paper focuses on the fluidity of human dispositions in differing circumstances. Adopting Judith Butler’s theory of gender performativity, the researcher analyses Tess Onwueme’s Then She Said It. This protest play attests to the variability of gender performance. The characters in the drama, especially the protagonists and antagonists, exhibit considerable alteratio

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Latham, A. J. H., and Susan M. Martin. "Palm Oil and Protest: An Economic History of the Ngwa Region, Southern Nigeria, 1800-1980." International Journal of African Historical Studies 22, no. 2 (1989): 349. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/220065.

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34

Ibrahim, Nura. "Intermediality of images: A semiotic analysis of the ‘Occupy Nigeria Protest’ images on social media." Journal of African Media Studies 9, no. 1 (2017): 33–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jams.9.1.33_1.

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35

Titus, Olusegun Stephen. "From Social Media Space to Sound Space: Protest Songs during Occupy Nigeria Fuel Subsidy Removal." Muziki 14, no. 2 (2017): 109–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/18125980.2016.1249163.

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Ekoh, Prince Chiagozie, and Elizabeth Onyedikachi George. "The Role of Digital Technology in the EndSars Protest in Nigeria During COVID-19 Pandemic." Journal of Human Rights and Social Work 6, no. 2 (2021): 161–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s41134-021-00161-5.

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37

AJAYI, Temitope Michael, Oluwatosin AJAYI, and Rahidat Temitope FASHINA. "NIGERIA: FACE ACTS IN ALTERNATIVE DISPUTE RESOLUTION TELEVISION PROGRAM. THE CASE OF IGBIMO IPETU." Conflict Studies Quarterly 36 (July 5, 2021): 3–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/csq.36.1.

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The concept of alternative dispute resolution (ADR) has largely been under explored from the linguistic lens, particularly in the Nigerian context. This study thus provides a scholarly intervention in this regard. Drawing insights from Brown and Levinson’s face theory, four randomly sampled recordings of Ìgbìmo Ìpètù, an alternative dispute resolution television programme on the Ekiti State Television (EKTV) in southwestern Nigeria was analysed in this study. Focus was placed on the face acts as well as their pragmatic functions in the programme. Findings revealed that bald on-record face-thre

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Ekung, Samuel B., E. Okonkwo, and I. Odesola. "Factors Influencing Construction Stakeholders’ Engagement Outcome in Nigeria." International Letters of Natural Sciences 20 (July 2014): 101–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.18052/www.scipress.com/ilns.20.101.

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As a result of an increasing cases of community protest and opposition to construction projects in the Niger Delta during the construction stages, the present study investigated factors influencing construction stakeholders‟ engagement outcome. The aim was to determine the severity of factors influencing construction stakeholders‟ engagement in the research environment. Due to the pluralist usage of the term stakeholder, the study examined community stakeholders. Qualitative and quantitative data were collected using semi-structured interview and questionnaire survey administered on 186 respon

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Ekechi, F. K., and Susan M. Martin. "Palm Oil and Protest: An Economic History of the Ngwa Region, South-Eastern Nigeria, 1800-1980." American Historical Review 95, no. 1 (1990): 225. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2163093.

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Northrup, David, and M. Susan Martin. "Palm Oil and Protest: An Economic History of the Ngwa Region, South-Eastern Nigeria, 1800-1980." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne des Études Africaines 25, no. 1 (1991): 148. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/485576.

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Davies, P. N., and Susan M. Martin. "Palm Oil and Protest: An Economic History of the Ngwa Region, South-Eastern Nigeria, 1800-1980." Economic History Review 42, no. 3 (1989): 434. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2596472.

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GUYER, JANE I. "Palm Oil and Protest. An economic history of the Ngwa Region, South-Eastern Nigeria, 1800–1980." African Affairs 88, no. 350 (1989): 124. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.afraf.a098127.

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Akingbe, Niyi, and Paul Ayodele Onanuga. "‘Voicing Protest’: Performing Cross-Cultural Revolt in Gambino's ‘This is America’ and Falz's ‘This is Nigeria’." Contemporary Music Review 39, no. 1 (2020): 6–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07494467.2020.1753473.

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Brown, Carolyn A. "Locals and Migrants in the Coalmining Town of Enugu (Nigeria): Worker Protest and Urban Identity, 1915–1929." International Review of Social History 60, S1 (2015): 63–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859015000486.

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AbstractThis article focuses on the varied workforce in and around the Enugu Government Colliery, located in south-eastern Nigeria and owned by the British colonial state. Opened in 1915 at Udi and in 1917 at Iva Valley and Obwetti, the mines were in a region with a long history of slave raids, population shifts, colonization, and ensuing changes in local forms of political organization. The mines brought together an eclectic mixture of forced and voluntary unskilled labor, prisoners, unskilled contract workers, and voluntary clerical workers and artisans. Moreover, the men were from different

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Agbedo, Chris Uchenna. "Placards as a Language of Civil Protest in Nigeria: A SystemicFunctional Analysis of the Fuel Subsidy Crisis." IOSR Journal of Humanities and Social Science 6, no. 2 (2012): 17–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.9790/0837-0621726.

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Maaji, Nura Iro. "Front Politics and Internal Democracy in National Protest Movement: A Study of the January 2012 Mass Action against Fuel Subsidy Removal in Kano, Nigeria." Journal of Social and Development Sciences 7, no. 4(S) (2017): 15–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.22610/jsds.v7i4(s).1500.

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Abstract: The paper examined front politics and internal democracy in national protest movement with emphasis on the January, 2012 mass action against fuel subsidy removal in Kano. In doing so, it utilizes survey research techniques - specialize interview, questionnaire, and participant observation, to find out the reason why people participate in the protest, the bases that led to the formation of united fronts, how the front was managed, and also how it impacted on the allied members. The paper found that, anticipated economic hardships that may follow removal of subsidy from Premium Motor S

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Jike, V. T. "Environmental Degradation and the Resurgence of Non-violent Protest by Women in the Warri Metropolis of Southern Nigeria." Journal of Social Sciences 23, no. 3 (2010): 207–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09718923.2010.11892830.

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48

Amiriheobu, Frank, Victor Ordua, Ekperi Watts, and George Owunari. "“END-SARS”AGITATION IN NIGERIA: A CORRELATIVE DISCOURSE OF UZO NWAMARA’S DANCE OF THE DELTA." International Journal of Innovative Research in Arts, Education and Technology 2, no. 1 (2021): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.48028/iiprds/ijiraet.v2.i1.01.

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Until recent time, the Nigerian space is besieged with issues emanating from “End-SARS” agitation, masterminded by some aggrieved youths who publicly protest to seek redress in fundamental issues that are affecting the Nigerian front in the 21st century. These issues include police brutalities, corrupt governance, hardship, weak political system, incessant killings, poverty, tribalism, divide, and rule system, and suffering. Their means of agitation include public demonstrations, blockade of governmental establishments, and disruption of governmental and non-governmental economic and social ac

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Eze, Victor Chinedu. "Examining Selected Newspapers’ Framing of the Renewed Biafran Agitation in Nigeria (2016 – 2017)." Interações: Sociedade e as novas modernidades, no. 37 (December 30, 2019): 11–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.31211/interacoes.n37.2019.a1.

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Abstract:

   The renewed Biafran agitation headed by Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) has been in the news since 2016. This is surprising when one considers that the Nigerian-Biafran war was fought over 50 years ago with no victor and no vanquished stance. This research examines how selected newspapers framed the Biafran agitation from January, 2016 to December, 2017 – a period which recorded a spike in the activities of Biafran agitators who called for a referendum to carve out the Republic of Biafra. Framing theory is employed as the theoretical frame work for this research. Four h

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Ukeje *, Charles. "From Aba to Ugborodo: gender identity and alternative discourse of social protest among women in the oil delta of Nigeria." Oxford Development Studies 32, no. 4 (2004): 605–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1360081042000293362.

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